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University  of  California  •  Berkeley 


CHARLES    B.  TURRILL  COLLECTION 


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HISTORY 


OF    THE 


CONQUEST    OF  PERU 

*       -4 

VOL.   II. 


BIR©    BIS    ILA  (&A§  €  A, 


fROM  THE    PORTHAIT    IN   THE     SACRISTY  OF  THE   SANTA  MARIA  MAGDALEN^ 


HISTORY 


OF    THE 


CONQUEST   OF   PERU, 


WITH  A  PRELIMINARY  VIEW 


CIVILIZATION   OF  THE   INCAS. 


BY 

WILLIAM   H.  PRESCOTT, 

CORRESPONDING   MEMBER  OP  THE  FRENCH  INSTITUTE;   OP  THE  ROYAL  ACADEMY 
OP  HISTORY  AT  MADRID.  ETC. 


"  Congestse  cumulantur  opes,  orbisque  rapinas 
Accipit." 

CLAUDIAN,  In  Ruf.,  lib.  i.,  v.  194. 

"So  color  de  religion 
Van  a  buscar  plata  y  oro 
Del  encubierto  tesoro." 

LOPE  DE  VEGA,  El  Nuevo  Mundo,  Jorn.  I. 


IN    TWO    VOLUMES. 

VOLUME    II. 


NEW  YORK: 
HARPER  AND  BROTHERS,  82  CLIFF  STREET 

M  DCCC  XL  VIZI. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1847,  bj 

WILLIAM  H.  PRESCOTT, 
ia  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


V.  2- 


CONTENTS 


VOLUME    SECOND 


BOOK    III. 

CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  —  CONTINUED. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Pa»a 

NEW  INCA  CHOWNED.  —  MUNICIPAL  REGULATIONS.  —  TERRIBLE 
MARCH  OF  ALVARADO.  —  INTERVIEW  WITH  PIZARRO.  — 
FOUNDATION  OF  LIMA.  —  HERNANDO  PIZARRO  REACHES 
SPAIN.  —  SENSATION  AT  COURT.  —  FEUDS  OF  ALMAGRO  AND 

THE   PlZARROS      •*.'«•' ' 

Inca  Manco  crowned    ........  4 

Spanish  Government  in  Cuzco          ......  5 

Christian  Churches  founded 7 

Labors  of  the  Missionaries       .         .         .        •  •  v::.w-.v*> -'./*; "H  8 

Sharp  Encounters  with  the  Natives       .         .     -,  ,    ^:.^f  ,'^ti  ».  9 

Landing  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado         .        .    .;  <1.      •        *    '     .  10 

His  March  to  Quito      .        .        .        .    .    *•   '  >  „?;  *        .  11 

Terrible  Passage  of  the  Puertos  Nevados     i/s  *->;,';*;  c  -;*s=:':     •  12 

Sufferings  from  Cold  and  Starvation     .       ;.tv  or.,:  :i>.         .  13 

Eruption  of  Cotopaxi      .         .......  14 

Alvarado  reaches  the  Table-land  .         .         .         .         .         .  15 

Benalcazar's  Expedition  .        ......     :;;>u;,        .  16 

Almagro's  Pursuit        .         .  .  -: 17 

Agreement  between  Alvarado  and  Almagro     ....  18 

Pizarro  at  Xauxa          ...         .         .        .* ';.;-ov  w.;-» ;••;•  20 

His  Meeting  with  Alvarado      .         .         .        *v      *  v- V«  ;;>    .  21 

Site  for  a  new  Capital           .        .       -,,i      *    ;    *  1  ^r*^-?^!^  23 
Foundation  of  Lima        .         .         ....        .         .         .24 

Almagro  goes  to  Cuzco         .         .        .    :^*^^.?-:;U.l^iv-t^b:  25 

Hernando  Pizarro  sent  to  Spain        ......  26 


vi  CONTENTS. 

Page 

Admitted  to  an  Audience  by  the  Emperor     ....  27 
Royal  Grants  to  the  Conquerors       ....                 .28 

Sensation  produced  by  his  Accounts 29 

Returns  with  a  large  Armament 30 

His  Sufferings  at  Nombre  de  Dios 31 

Elation  of  Almagro .32 

Difficulty  between  him  and  Pizarro       .        .        .        .        .  33 

Reconciliation  effected 34 

Singular  Compact        ........  35 

Almagro's  Expedition  to  Chili 36 

Pizarro  embellishes  his  Capital     .         .        .         .         .         .  37 

His  tranquil  Occupations          .......  38 

CHAPTER  X. 

ESCAPE    OF   THE    INCA.  —  RETURN   OF    HERNANDO    PIZARRO.  T- 

RlSING  OF  THE  PERUVIANS. SlEGE  AND  BURNING  OF  CuZ- 

co.  —  DISTRESSES  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  —  STORMING  OF  THE 
FORTRESS.  —  PIZARRO'S  DISMAY.  —  THE  INCA  RAISES  THE 

SIEGE 39 

Condition  of  the  conquered  Country     .        .        ...  40 

Inca  Manco ".    ,  ' '„       :.#-.>        .  41 

Conspiracy  of  the  Peruvians         .      --.    - J  v  -^'^  •'  -  «;^^  »  42 

Escape  and  Recapture  of  the  Inca 43 

Kindly  treated  by  Hernando  Pizarro     .         .         .         .        .  44 

The  Inca's  final  Escape 45 

Hotly  pursued  by  Juan  Pizarro     ......  46 

Defeated  on  the  Yucay 47 

Juan  Pizarro  entangled  in  the  Mountains       .^  *-.         .         .  48 

Summoned  back  to  Cuzco 48 

The  Indians  besiege  it •;  49 

Anxiety  of  the  Spaniards         .        .         .         .        .         .         .50 

Firing  of  the  City        . 51 

Terrible  Conflagration      .         .        .        .         .         .         .         .52 

Perilous  Condition  of  the  Spaniards    ^        .         .         .         . .  53 

Desperate  Combats          .         .    ,^.  lr  rt    .    .      -  .         .         .  55 

Distress  of  the  Besieged       .    ,  f^pl  *«-'     .  -L  ^vf  ^  :•    .  55 

Their  resolute  Determination   .        .        .        .  ;    :f  .  '  ^       .  58 

Furious  Sally •    .    *  59 

Discipline  of  the  Natives         .        .        .        ...         .  60 

Terrible  Slaughter  of  them      k    .  ti^'r.  61 


•*• 


CONTENTS.  vitt 

Page 

The  Spaniards  storm  the  Citadel 63 

Death  of  Juan  Pizarro          .         .        .,;< '.  \  ••'•'  '.      .#        .  64 

Heroism  of  an  Inca  Noble       .     ; ',  -  '^  , T  V-A  »^         .        .  65 

The  Fortress  taken 66 

Scarcity  of  Provisions     •         •         •        •        .       .*       '•        .  67 

Reinforcements  cut  off 68 

Consternation  of  the  Spaniards        •         •    -.  v^"'.:"-,        .        .  69 

Pizarro  seeks  Supplies  from  the  North          .         .        ..;.'(.?-  70 
The  Inca  withdraws  his  Forces        •         .         .         .         "•        .71 

Chivalrous  Encounters      '/;«A"yfl.  ^!  .  ;f  :Vi  v::W:M«4        .  72 

Attempt  to  seize  the  Inca         •.     "VP .£'•'.  . -L  .\s  '1j:.*'jf    .        .  73 

Attack  on  his  Quarters  at  Tambo      <r.'I   U/fi  w      .        .  74 

The  Spaniards  compelled  to  retreat  •         •      •'••.  V  oW  •         •  75 

Biographical  Notice  of  Pedro  Pizarro  .         .         .       _._.-.    ^  76 

Notice  of  Montesinos      .         .  78 


BOOK    IV. 

CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS. 

CHAPTER   I. 

ALMAGRO'S  MARCH  TO  CHILI.  —  SUFFERINGS  OF  THE  TROOPS. 

—  HE  RETURNS  AND  SEIZES  CuZCO. ACTION  OF  ABANCAY. 

—  GASPAR  DE  ESPINOSA. — ALMAGRO  LEAVES  Cuzco.  —  NE- 
GOTIATIONS WITH  PIZARRO      4_  .,f. 83 

Almagro  sets  out  for  Chili   .        ...        .        .        .  83 

Wild  Scenery  of  the  Andes 84 

Numbers  perish  of  Cold  and  Famine 84 

Horrible  Sufferings  of  his  Army      .  ••*;>"*"  -'•:    ....  85 

Cruelty  towards  his  Indian  Allies      ^v.:-w:j  ?  «p  :l;..^i  U«-;.-  .-.  •!>:-  86 

Overtaken  by  Rodrigo  de  Orgonez    .         .         •  *p^?x  t.f»  i!> '•  87 

Receives  bad  Tidings  from  the  South   .      s?*y>^8B|j$^  L   »>,••:  88 
Returns  by  the  Desert  of  Atacama  .        .        .        .        .        .89 

Many  perish  among  the  Sands      .         .    •-•»*»ii  ;A»*«.^.^«;v '.'••.*•.-:'  89 

Arrives  near  Cuzco         -.. '"'•  ^••^•r*;» -^ .-.;.-:•' /•'•-«-:.-- '•«'<.'i-i.'»v; :  .:    .  90 

Battle  with  the  Inca's  Troops    ">V  ^V*  - '"' :"  fc. '  ^-v    -V ,? -^J-. •'  -'  9I 
Claims  Jurisdiction  over  Cuzco        '..      '•*        .         .         .         .92 

Takes  Possession  of  the  Place    «•  '  vi.       ^i  ^  »*«  vlf^fli  93 


riii  CONTENTS. 

Page 

Captures  Hernando  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro  .        •        •  .94 

Orgoiiez  advises  their  Death         ......  95 

Marches  against  Alonso  de  Alvarado 95 

Battle  of  Abancay i«v;r..i«  96 

Almago  defeats  and  takes  him  Prisoner 97 

Returns  to  Cuzco 97 

Pizarro  greatly  alarmed  .        «         •        •        •  «•     •    '••  •'  •         •  98 

Sends  Espinosa  to  negotiate 99 

Death  of  his  Emissary 100 

Critical  Situation  of  the  Brothers  Pizarro      •        •         •         •  102 

Almagro  leaves  Cuzco  for  the  Coast 103 

Stormy  Conference  with  Francis  Pizarro       ....  104 

Bitter  Feelings  of  Almagro 105 

Politic  Concessions  of  Pizarro 106 

Treaty  concluded  between  them       •        •        •        •        .        .106 

Hernando  set  at  Liberty •        .  107 

CHAPTER  II. 

FIRST  CIVIL  WAR. — ALMAGRO  RETREATS  TO  Cuzco.  —  BATTLE 
OF    LAS    SALINAS.  —  CRUELTY    OF    THE    CONQUERORS.  — 

TRIAL  AND  EXECUTION  OF  ALMAGRO.  —  His  CHARACTER  .  108 

Pizarro  prepares  for  War      .         •        .         .         .        .         .  108 

Perfidiously  breaks  the  Treaty          .         .         • .       •         •         -109 

Ahnagro  disabled  by  Illness          >.        .         .         .         .    s8p  110 

He  retreats  to  Cuzco        .         .         .         .         .         .         ...  1 10 

Orgoiiez  takes  Command  of  the  Forces         .         .         .         .  Ill 

Hernando  Pizarro  marches  against  him     .         .        .         .         •  112 

Composition  of  the  Army 113 

His  Order  of  Battle         .        .        * 114 

Attacks  Orgonez 115 

Bloody  Battle  of  Las  Salinas 116 

Heroism  and  Death  of  Orgonez 117 

Rout  of  the  Army 118 

Almagro  taken  Prisoner       .         .        ., 119 

Assassination  of  Pedro  de  Lerma     .         .         ....         .  120 

Hernando  occupies  Cuzco     .       . . 'V.  j,        .         .       -i.In.v-  121 

Illness  and  Distress  of  Almagro       •         .         .     • ..  s* '•*.  *  *&   .  122 

He  is  brought  to  Trial 123 

Sentenced  to  Death         ,                                                             .  |g4 

Earnestly  sues  for  Life         .        .        .        .        .        .        .'  125 


CONTENTS.  k 

Page 

Appoints  his  Son  his  Successor        •  jfr  •  -      •        ••  d**'-  ••'  •  126 

Is  strangled  in  Prison   •         •        «  :^|^V. '"«•". s'   «,  7,   >»       .  127 

His  Character  •       •        •         .-      .  VJ+;     ->«   -:,i't    .        .  128 

His  free  and  liberal  Temper      ^'•i^-     •        »       •*' ;•;.*>;•];'>. *i  129 

Unfortunate  Connection  with  Pizarro 130 

CHAPTER  III. 

PIZARRO   REVISITS  Cuzco.  —  HERNANDO   RETURNS   TO   CASTILE. 

—  His    LONG    IMPRISONMENT.  —  COMMISSIONER    SENT    TO 
PERU.  —  HOSTILITIES  WITH  THE  INCA.  —  PIZARRO'S  ACTIVE 
ADMINISTRATION. — GONZALO  PIZARRO       .     .';.•:,.         .     132 

Pizarro  marches  towards  Cuzco  .         .         .'-  -4*    -V        i  132 

Learns  Almagro's  Death         .         .         .         .         .         .  .133 

His  own  Agency  in  it          .......  134 

His  arrogant  Conduct V  v     '  ..  .     135 

Gross  Partiality  to  his  Family     .         .         .       ^7:1;,,^  '-  .•;  136 

Hernando  returns  with  much  Gold  to  Spain     .         .         .  .137 

His  Warning  to  his  Brother 138 

Coldly  received  at  Court         .         .         .         .         .         .  .139 

Is  thrown  into  Prison 140 

Detained  there  for  many  Years        .         .         .         .         .  .141 

His  Character 142 

Disorderly  State  of  Peru         .         .         .         .         .         .  .143 

Commissioner  sent  out  by  the  Crown  .         .        J%>. .         .  144 

Vaca  de  Castro  arrives  in  Peru        .         .         .         .         .  .     145 

War  with  the  Inca  Manco  .......  146 

Cruelty  of  Pizarro  to  one  of  his  Wives  .         .         .         .  .     147 

Pizarro  establishes  Settlements  in  Peru        .         .         .         .  148 

His  Journey  to  Lima :    .  '  .     149 

His  efficient  Administration 150 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  sent  to  Quito          .         .      ..^s'i ':l  »         .  .151 

Character  of  that  Chief       .         .         .       :.•   /I,^  -        .  152 

CHAPTER    IV. 

GONZALO  PIZARRO'S  EXPEDITION. — PASSAGE  ACROSS  THE  MOUN- 
TAINS. —  DISCOVERS  THE  NAPO.  —  INCREDIBLE  SUFFERINGS. 

—  ORELLANA  SAILS  DOWN  THE  AMAZON.  —  DESPAIR  OF  THE 
SPANIARDS. — THE  SURVIVORS  RETURN  TO  QUITO      .         .     153 

Expedition  to  the  Land  of  Cinnamon  ,         .  .     ,5*^.    «.'.      153 

VOL.    II.  B 


CONTENTS. 

Page 

Gonzalo  leads  it     .        . 154 

Tempestuous  Weather  on  the  March  .         .         .         .  155 

Forests  of  enormous  Growth  ...         .         .         .  156 

Miseries  and  Sufferings  of  the  Spaniards     .         .         .         .         157 

They  arrive  on  the  Borders  of  the  Napo          ....     1,58 

Stupendous  Cataract 158 

Perilous  Passage  of  the  River 159 

They  construct  a  Brigantine 160 

Orellana  takes  Command  of  it 161 

They  reach  the  Banks  of  the  Amazon          ....         162 
Orellana's  wonderful  Voyage  ......     164 

His  subsequent  Fate 165 

Dismal  Situation  of  the  Spaniards  .         .         .         .         .166 

Courageous  Spirit  of  Gonzalo 167 

Their  Return  through  the  Wilderness 168 

Frightful  Mortality 169 

Survivors  refinter  Quito          .         .         .        .         .         .         .170 

CHAPTER    V. 

THE    ALMAGRO    FACTION.  —  THEIR    DESPERATE    CONDITION.  — 
CONSPIRACY  AGAINST  FRANCISCO  PIZARRO.  —  ASSASSINATION 
OF   PIZARRO.  —  ACTS   OF  THE    CONSPIRATORS. — PIZARRO'S 

CHARACTER        .........  171 

Pizarro's  Policy  towards  the  Men  of  Chili  +    -*'*   .   - .  .  ,  ..  172 

Their  destitute  Condition        '.         .         .         »'.>*.•         •         •  173 

Pizarro's  contemptuous  Treatment  of  them         * .    v   .         .  174 
Their  Disaffection          .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .175 

Conspiracy  against  Pizarro          .         .         .         .         .         .  176 

Betrayed  to  him    .         .         .         .         .       "".  *^BU     .       '.  178 

His  strange  Insensibility     .         .         .         .         .         .         .  179 

Assaulted  in  his  Palace           .         .         .         .                  .         .  180 

Is  deserted  by  his  Friends            .         .         .>*'*.:;       .         .  181 

His  Coolness  and  Intrepidity           ......  182 

His  desperate  Defence 183 

His  Death 184 

Proceedings  of  the  Conspirators          .         .         .         ;  •' '*  -  «-  185 

Fate  of  Pizarro's  Remains *  .  186 

His  Family        . .^V<.  188 

His  Personal  Appearance       .         .         .         .         „         .  189 

His  Liberality    .         .         .         .         .         .      v  .••.:.?  r '-*  ;v '.'•  190 


CONTENTS.  xi 

Page 
His  Want  of  Education          .         .         .         .         .         .  191 

His  Courage  and  Constancy 192 

His  inflexible  Spirit        .         .         .         .   '.,/v-l  »-v  '•:•'• '.  .  194 

Compared  with  Cortes        .  .         .         .                  .         .  195 

His  Treatment  of  the  Indians          .         .         .      \  .         .  .  197 

Want  of  Religion       .....       V.<"    f  »i -.•'•$  198 

His  Avarice  and  Ambition     .         .         .      -,  .;.* :.  •: -••.  X "*"*•*. -*  .  199 

Extenuating  Circumstances  .         .         .        :•'.•: -X"'^  •:'     .  200 

CHAPTER    VI 

MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  CONSPIRATORS.  —  ADVANCE  OF  VACA  DE 
CASTRO.  —  PROCEEDINGS  OF  ALMAGRO.  —  PROGRESS  OF  THE 
GOVERNOR.  —  THE  FORCES  APPROACH  EACH  OTHER. — BLOODY 
PLAINS  OF  CHUPAS. —  CONDUCT  OF  VACA  DE  CASTRO  .  201 

Arrival  of  Vaca  de  Castro 202 

Difficulties  of  his  Situation     .      »|v.i  /  ' 203 

He  assumes  the  Government        ......         204 

Almagro  strengthens  himself  at  Lima     .    •-i^'>    'J;:T    y      .     205 
Massacre  of  Bishop  Valverde      .         ;  *'-    .•'</>  •?.\.-'-'-*'5:"       206 

His  fanatical  Character 207 

Irresolution  of  Almagro      .......         208 

Death  of  Juan  de  Rada 209 

Almagro  occupies  Cuzco 210 

Puts  to  Death  Garcia  de  Alvarado  .         .         .'        .         .211 

His  energetic  Operations     .         .         .         .         ^V,1:.         .         212 

He  vainly  attempts  to  negotiate       .         .         .         .'        .         .213 

His  Address  to  his  Troops  .         ...         .         .         .214 

Amount  of  his  Forces    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .215 

Marches  against  Vaca  de  Castro       ,  •*>•*:<    .         .         .>•;._:.•        216 

Progress  of  the  Governor '   ;..":     .     217 

His  politic  Management     .        v?^''*  vL*#V' *}'•?*,  i». 7:       .        218 
Reaches  Lima        .      ..         .         .         .'  *  & %i&ii%  sx': -:--3-  n-- -.     219 

Musters  his  Army  at  Xauxa        .         i   "..  *v!.M  <^!'f  (riot    t.-.        220 
Declines  the  Aid  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro       .    .    ^yy^^vi*-/,.;  .     221 
Negotiates  with  Almagro   .,>^j?s>' •/•,•.'?;..'.' ;    *•.:-•''.:    i-  ..Ti-        222 
His  Terms  rejected        .      ,  .       ^»;  .,0  «>;  --<, V      *':.  >,.*•  <  T  '.'-  •     223- 
Occupies  the  Plains  of  Chupas    .  •:     ~  .>fy.r*l  'lo  si N'JL'  Mti ;>  — »-       224 
Advance  of  Almagro     .      ..     '.'.T :'-.:'.         .      .  '.  s^  .ty;1-.;.- r  "  224 
The  Governor  forms  in  Order  of  Battle        ....        225 

Addresses  the  Soldiers  226 


i  CONTENTS. 

Pago 

Dispositions  of  Almagro     .         .         .         •                  •  227 

Francisco  de  Carbajal 228 

He  leads  the  Royal  Army 229 

Bloody  Conflict .-  'fc '-,,. .'.  ;  .  230 

Bravery  of  Carbajal £t  ••-£  231 

Night  overtakes  the  Combatants     .         .         .         .    W.         .  232 

Almagro's  Army  give  way          .         .                  .         .         .  233 

His  heroic  Efforts           .         .         .      ^^-*    --';         •         .  234 

He  is  made  Prisoner 235 

Number  of  the  Slain      ......  .237 

Execution  of  Almagro         .         .         .         J         .         .  238 

His  Character        ....     i  ;*  <*  .         .         .         .  239 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  at  Cuzco    ......         .  240 

Laws  for  the  Government  of  the  Colonies        .         .        .         .241 

Wise  Conduct  of  Vaca  de  Castro        .         .         .         .         .  242 

CHAPTER   VII. 

ABUSES  BY  THE  CONQUERORS.  —  CODE  FOR  THE  COLONIES.  — 
GREAT  EXCITEMENT  IN  PERU.  —  BLASCO  NUNEZ  THE  VICE- 
ROY.—  His  SEVERE  POLICY.  —  OPPOSED  BY  GONZALO  PI- 
ZARRO   244 

Forlorn  Condition  of  the  Natives         .         .„;.'*.         .  246 

Brutal  Conduct  of  the  Conquerors           .....  247 

Their  riotous  Waste         .   .         .         .         <         .         ,         .  248 

Remonstrances  of  Government 250 

Humane  Efforts  of  Las  Casas      ......  253 

Royal  Ordinances            ........  254 

Viceroy  and  Audience  for  Peru  ......  255 

Great  Commotion  in  the  Colonies    ......  256 

Anxiety  of  Vaca  de  Castro 257 

Colonists  apply  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro        .  .  .£&••     •*&•        •         •  258 

Blasco  Nunez  Vela,  the  Viceroy          .      jp   .  .                -V-  259 

He  arrives, in  the  New  World         .        »     *  *      -i         •        •  26° 

His  high-handed  Measures      sTvJ.'i  *  •:      .         .         .        .  261 

The  Country  thrown  into  Consternation  .        #: '            -«.        .  262 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  repairs  to  Cuzco          .         .        ^y:--  .i.-v  "  •/  264 

Assumes  the  Title  of  Procurator    .        .  .•";••>.  •_ ,itf$  .v&«w.;« ••  265 

His  ambitious  Views  266 


-        . 

CONTENTS.  xiii 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

V*** 

THE  VICEROY  ARRIVES  AT  LIMA.  —  GONZALO  PIZARRO  MARCHES 
FROM  Cuzco.  —  DEATH  OF  THE  INCA  MANCO.  —  RASH  CON- 
DUCT OF  THE  VICEROY.  —  SEIZED  AND  DEPOSED  BY  THE  AU- 
DIENCE.—  GONZALO  PROCLAIMED  GOVERNOR  OF  PERU  .  267 

Blasco  Nunez,  the  Viceroy,  enters  Lima      .     '"/»'.)  U%         .  268 

His  impolitic  Behaviour i*-   •  ,;*  £69 

Discontent  of  the  Colonists          .         ,         t^u^o,)     4         .  269 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  assembles  an  Army        ......  270 

Marches  from  Cuzco  .         ...         .         «   '•'*  tri  <  <  ,  271 

Death  of  the  Inca  Manco        .         .        it      *--:      .        .         .  272 

Hesitation  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro     .     ^  fr-^.^-v^^ni)-^ .  273 

Reassured  by  popular  Favor  .         .         .        i>;-      >      ~.         .  274 

Suspicious  Temper  of  the  Viceroy      .         .    -•.;.•>. ;»•/!'  «*.;  -^ -.  275 

He  confines  Vaca  de  Castro    .         «    ...     sviiV/'!  njn  "lu.y."     .  275 

He  prepares  for  War       -)%*      .         .         .         .         S/    i*--  276 

Audience  arrive  at  Lima         .   «     »^*     .....  277 

Disapprove  the  Viceroy's  Proceedings          .         ^l-^.^-l     .  278 

Murder  of  Suarez  de  Carbajal         ......  279 

Rash  Design  of  the  Viceroy 280 

Thwarted  by  the  Audience     .        .         .        ;      '  .        .       ..281 

Made  Prisoner  in  his  Palace        .         .         .        W'    - .        .  283 

Sent  back  to  Spain 283 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  claims  the  Government       .         .         .         .  284 

Cruelties  of  Carbajal      .         .         .                  .         .         .         .  285 

Audience  grant  Pizarro's  Demands                        -4  286 

His  triumphant  Entry  into  Lima     .         .         .         * '-•-irri!;*      .  287 

Proclaimed  Governor          .         .''••.-;•»«  ;    '  »•      ',;St-x4f»  QQQ 

Rejoicings  of  the  People 288 

CHAPTER   IX. 

MEASURES  OF  GONZALO  PIZARRO.  —  ESCAPE  OF  VACA  DE  CAS- 
TRO. —  REAPPEARANCE  OF  THE  VICEROY.  —  His  DISASTROUS 
RETREAT.  —  DEFEAT  AND  DEATH  OF  THE  VICEROY.  —  GON- 
ZALO PIZARRO  LORD  OF  PERU 289 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  establishes  his  Authority     .         .         ...         290 

Vaca  de  Castro  escapes  to  Spain 291 

Is  there  thrown  into  Confinement  •         .        292 


xiv  CONTENTS. 

Page 

The  Viceroy  Blasco  Nunez  set  on  Shore          .         .         .         .293 

Musters  a  Force  at  San  Miguel  .        .        .        .         .         .  294 

Gonzalo  marches  against  him           .....  -        .  295 

Surprises  him  by  Night      ......      s  .  296 

Pursues  him  across  the  Mountains            .....  297 

Terrible  Sufferings  of  the  Armies        .....  298 

Disaffection  among  the  Viceroy's  Followers     ....  299 

He  puts  several  Cavaliers  to  Death      .....  300 

Enters  Quito          .         .   .     .   .     .        .  .        .        .301 

Driven  onward  to  Popayan           .         .         ••'%%•         •         •  ^02 
Reinforced  by  Benalcazar       .        .        .        V       .        .        .303 

Stratagem  of  Pizarro           .  .      ......  304 

Blasco  Nunez  approaches  Quito      .         .....  305 

Attempts  to  surprise  Gonzalo  Pizarro       ~X*i  »     .         .         .  306 

Determines  to  give  him  Battle    ....         .         .         .         .  307 

Addresses  his  Troops          .......  308 

r  Inferiority  of  his  Forces         .......  309 

Battle  of  Anaquito     .....         .         .         .  310 

The  Viceroy  defeated     ........  311 

Slain  on  the  Field      ........  312 

Great  Slaughter  of  his  Troops        ......  313 

Character  of  Blasco  Nunez          .         .,                .         .        .  315 

Difficulty  of  his  Position         .         .         ...         .    -^.,   .-    .  316 

Moderation  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro    .         .        .        .         .         .  317 

His  Triumphant  Progress  to  Lima          .....  318 

Undisputed  Master  of  Peru         .        .         .         .         .         .  319 

Carbajal's  Pursuit  of  Centeno          ......  320 

He  works  the  Mines  of  Potosi     ......  321 

State  assumed  by  Pizarro       .......  322 

Urged  to  shake  off  his  Allegiance       .....  323 

His  Hesitation       .........  324 

Critical  Notices  of  Herrera  and  Gomara       ....  325 

Life  and  Writings  of  Oviedo           .         .       ^        .        .        .  327 

And  of  Cieza  de  Leon        .*'   <  328 


CONTENTS.  XT 

BOOK   V. 

SETTLEMENT  OF   THE  COUNTRY. 
CHAPTER  I. 

Page 

GREAT    SENSATION   IN   SPAIN.  —  PEDRO   DE    LA   GASCA.  —  His 
EARLY    LIFE.  —  His   MISSION   TO    PERU.  —  His   POLITIC 

CONDUCT.  —  His  OFFERS  TO  PIZARRO.  —  GAINS  THE  FLEET  333 

Consternation  produced  in  Spain 334 

Embarrassments  of  the  Government     .....  335 

Conciliatory  Measure  adopted          .         .        •  «.  -V.-v,  • -  ~r~-  , .  336 

Pedro  de  la  Gasca       .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  337 

Account  of  his  early  Life       .         .         .   •••  *%•?  '•'  V-'  4>  *''-v   •  338 

Selected  for  the  Peruvian  Mission        .        v       ^  i;.-  ;     •  ^  340 

Receives  the  Injunctions  of  Government       «.•»••*•  & •''••"•'-    .         .  341 

Demands  unlimited  Powers          &&  tf  l*~?$b  ,?«^v  • "  |1     . ;  342 
Granted  by  the  Emperor         .         .         .         .         .         .         .343 

Refuses  a  Bishopric    ........  345 

Sails  from  San  Lucar 346 

State  of  Things  in  Peru 347 

Gasca  arrives  at  Nombre  de  Dios    .         .         .         .         .         .  348 

His  plain  and  unpretending  Demeanour       .         .         .           .  349 

He  gains  over  Mexia '•;.   <      .  350 

Cautious  Reception  of  him  by  Hinojosa       .         .         .         .  351 

He  distributes  Letters  through  the  Country      ....  352 

Communicates  with  Gonzalo  Pizarro    .....  353 

His  Letters  to  him  and  Cepeda       .         .         .         .    T/^U,  .  354 

He  is  detained  at  Panama 355 

Refuses  to  employ  violent  Measures        .         .'  .-.«   - ;••»*  ••••  .  356 

Secret  Anxiety  of  Pizarro           .         .         .         .     -  «  '      .  357 

He  sends  Aldana  to  Spain      ....        >»!..'.-;.  358 

Interview  of  Aldana  with  Gasca        •  .        .        *?4     .        .  361 
He  embraces  the  Royal  Cause        .         .        .        .        .         .361 

Hinojosa  surrenders  the  Fleet  to  Gasca        .       -,vlv-V        .  362 

Gasca's  temperate  Policy  succeeds      s^V7  i-v'!'-?"-1.*^-'.*  $  363 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Pag* 

GASCA  ASSEMBLES  HIS  FORCES.  —  DEFECTION  OF  GoNZALO  Pl- 
ZARRO'S  FOLLOWERS.  —  HE  MUSTERS  HIS  LEVIES. — AGITA- 
TION IN  LIMA. — HE  ABANDONS  THE  CITY.  —  GASCA  SAILS 

FROM  PANAMA.  —  BLOODY  BATTLE   OF   HUARINA         .         .  364 

Gasca  seeks  Supplies  of  Men  and  Money      ....  364 

Aldana  sent  with  a  Squadron  to  Lima       .....  365 

Influence  of  Gasca's  Proclamations       .      '^jjj^.V-       .         .-  366 

Change  of  Sentiment  in  the  Country        .   '^S~       .         .         .  366 

Letter  of  Gasca  to  Pizarro 367 

Different  Views  of  Carbajal  and  Cepeda  .....  368 

Centeno  seizes  Cuzco  for  the  Crown 369 

Gonzalo's  active  Measures        .......  370 

Splendid  Equipment  of  his  Army          .         .         .         .        ,  371 

He  becomes  suspicious  and  violent 372 

Solemn  Farce  of  Cepeda 374 

Aldaia  arrives  off  Lima 375 

Gonzalo's  Followers  desert  to  him 377 

Perplexity  of  that  Chief  .         .         .         .         .         .         .378 

He  marches  out  of  Lima      .       ...        .        .        ,:      *    .    »  379 

Tempestuous  Voyage  of  Gasca        .         .               '}  <  y .    ,.  380 

He  lands  at  Tumbez     .         .         .         .        :v       •         •         •  381 

Encamps  at  Xauxa •        •  382 

Gonzalo  resolves  to  retire  to  Chili       .  ^-      *  •,>              .         .  383 

Centeno  intercepts  him     .         .         .      *jf.-*  'r        •         •        •  384 

Pizarro  advances  to  Lake  Titicaca 385 

The  two  Armies  approach  Huarina           .....  386 

Inferiority  of  the  rebel  Army        .  ^  ^ ,,         .         .         .         .  387 

Carbajal's  Arquebusiers 388 

Battle  of  Huarina        .         .         %        •>*•-  *-        •        •         •  389 

Centeno's  Cavalry  bear  down  all  before  them   ....  390 

Critical  Situation  of  Pizarro         .         .         .         ,         .         .  39 1 

Carbajal's  Musketeers  retrieve  the  Day 392 

Decisive  Victory  of  the  Rebels     .         .        ,, ••:•.>*&• .«••-,;.*«•  394 

Great  Loss  on  both  Sides         .         .    .^j  r .^Jf.mj.  *•"**. *«i.  395 

Escape  of  Centeno      .....        .^'     ..  396 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  enters  Cuzco  in  Triumph     •-'•»fVu**  •'..        •  3s7 


CONTENTS.  XVli 


CHAPTER  III. 

Page 

DISMAY  IN  GASCA'S  CAMP.  —  His  WINTER  QUARTERS.  —  RE- 
SUMES HIS  MARCH.  —  CROSSES  THE  APURIMAC.  —  PIZARRO'S 
CONDUCT  IN  Cuzco.  —  HE  ENCAMPS  NEAR  THE  CITY.  — 

ROUT  OF  XAQUIXAGUANA 399 

Consternation  in  the  Royal  Camp         .....         399 

Energetic  Measures  of  the  President       .         .         .    :j  ..,.,.     400 
He  marches  to  Andaguaylas        .         .         .         .         .         .         401 

Joined  by  Valdivia  from  Chili      <* \;,  ,.;  *  vt;  ]*,;,. f,,,'.'  „>         •     402 
Excellent  Condition  of  Gasca's  Troops        .        ,,,ifi«  ,.-       .         403 

He  sets  out  for  Cuzco ,*.,,.     404 

Difficult  Passage  of  the  Andes     .         .      >,u- ,'yv  >  >f  ,^-*        405 
He  throws  a  Bridge  over  the  Apurimac  .     '';..*.,.      .        7  ~*     •     406 
Great  Hazard  in  crossing  the  River      .         .         .         ...         407 

Dangerous  Ascent  of  the  Sierra      .         .         .         f    ,;% ;  ,„••     408 
He  encamps  on  the  Heights         .         .  .      .         .        «.     ,    »        409 

Gonzalo  Pizarro's  careless  Indifference    .   >t  ,....,;•   .         .         .     410 

Wise  Counsel  of  Carbajal  .         .         .         -    .  '•^^0  V  *      411 
Rejected  by  his  Commander   .         .         .         .         .         .         .412 

Acosta  detached  to  guard  the  Passes 413 

Tardy  Movements  of  that  Officer    .         .         .         .         .         .414 

Valley  of  Xaquixaguana     .         .         .     "   .         .         .         .         415 

Selected  as  a  Battle-ground  by  Pizarro    .  ,7 .         .         .410 

Gonzalo  takes  up  a  Position  there 417 

Approach  of  the  Royal  Army         .         .         .         .      ;  r  *»    .     418 

Skirmish  on  the  Heights 419 

The  President  fears  a  Night  Attack    : ...;»  ,;    ,       . .        V  .     .     420 
The  Armies  drawn  up  in  Battle-array          .         .         .         .         421 

Chivalrous  Bearing  of  Gonzalo       .         .         .    .  ^ ..v  v_  \_,..t     .    422 

Desertion  of  Cepeda  .    %g.     .    . ••  >.»j«^' .-?!.;  ,t.V .-*,<-,  -  HV  v  v  *•        423 
His  Example  followed  by  others     .         .         .       :<i.-«         •     424 
A  Panic  seizes  the  rebel  Troops  .         .     ^  :«•    i  »    •••••  .••*••       425 

They  break  up  and  disperse    ....      (;.;/;,  •'     .  •     426 

Pizarro  surrenders  himself  Prisoner     .         .        .^.,r  ;f ,  %  .,.^       427 
Sternly  received  by  Gasca      .         .         .         .         .         .         .     428 

Capture  of  Carbajal    .         .    .    *V»    •':•;-:•:"    '-         •         429 
Great  Booty  of  the  Victors     .         .         .         .         .         .     -  .     430 

VOL.    II  C 


xviii  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Page 

EXECUTION    OF    CARBAJAL.  —  GONZALO    PIZARRO  BEHEADED.  — 
SPOILS  OF  VICTORY.  —  WISE  REFORMS    BY   GASCA.  —  HE 

RETURNS  TO  SPAIN. HlS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER  .        .  433 

Sentence  passed  on  the  Prisoners 433 

Indifference  of  Carbajal                *  .         .                  .         .         .  434 

His  Execution 435 

His  early  Life 436 

Atrocities  committed  by  him  in  Peru    .....  437 

His  caustic  Repartees    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  438 

His  Military  Science           439 

Execution  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro 440 

His  Conduct  on  the  Scaffold        .         .                  .         .         .  441 

Confiscation  of  his  Estates 442 

His  early  History       ........         .  443 

His  brilliant  Exterior     .         .         .         .         .         .                  .  444 

His  Want  of  Education      .         .         .         .         e         .         .  445 

Fate  of  Cepeda     .         . 446 

And  of  Gonzalo 's  Officers  .        .         .         .         .         .         .  447 

Gasca  occupies  Cuzco    .         .         *    •'  .         ....  447 

Gasca's  Difficulty  in  apportioning  Rewards  .        .  >       .        .  448 

His  Letter  to  the  Army          .         .         .         .         .         .         .  450 

Value  of  Repartimientos     .         ...         .         .         .  451 

Murmurs  of  the  Soldiery        .' 452 

The  President  goes  to  Lima         ......  453 

His  Care  for  the  Natives 455 

He  abolishes  Slavery  in  the  Colonies 456 

Introduces  wholesome  Reforms 457 

Tranquillity  restored  to  the  Country     .         .         .         .  s       .  458 

He  refuses  numerous  Presents         ......  460 

Embarks  for  Panama           .         .         .         .         .         .         .  461 

His  narrow  Escape  there        .         .         .         .         .         .         .461 

Sails  from  Nombre  de  Dios 462 

Arrives  with  his  Treasure  at  Seville 462 

Graciously  received  by  the  Emperor 463 

Made  Bishop  of  Siguenza       .         .         .         .    *.  :  •   .      f  .  463 

His  Death .— .y  ;/  464 

His  personal  Appearance 465 

Admirable  Balance  of  his  Qualities      .                                    .  466 


*"•* 


CONTENTS.                                   .  xix 

Page 

His  Common  Sense .    457 

His  Rectitude  and  Moral  Courage        .         ...         .        t  4^8 

Concluding  Reflections 470 

Critical  Notice  of  Zarate 471 

Life  and  Writings  of  Fernandez     .         .  470 


APPENDIX. 

ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS. 

Description  of  the  Inca's  Progresses        .....  477 

Account  of  the  great  Peruvian  Road    .....  478 

Policy  of  the  Incas  in  their  Conquests     .....  479 

Will  of  Mancio  Sierra  Lejesema          .         .                  .         .  482 

Interview  between  Pedrarias  and  Almagro       ....  484 

Contract  of  Pizarro  with  Almagro  and  Luque       .         .         .  486 

Capitulation  of  Pizarro  with  the  Queen    .....  490 

Accounts  of  Atahuallpa's  Seizure        .....  497 

Personal  Habits  of  Atahuallpa        ......  502 

Accounts  of  Atahuallpa's  Execution    .....  504 

Contract  between  Pizarro  and  Almagro    .....  509 

Letter  of  Almagro  the  Younger  to  the  Audience           .         .  511 

Letter  of  the  Municipality  of  Arequipa  to  Charles  the  Fifth     .  514 

Sentence  passed  on  Gonzalo  Pizarro     .....  517 


** 


J* 


* 

* 


I 


BOOK    THIRD 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


(CONTINUED.) 


VOL.    II. 


tt--! 


CONQUEST   OF  PERU. 


BOOK  III. 

CONQUEST   OF  PERU. 
(CONTINUED.) 


CHAPTER    IX. 

NEW  INCA  CROWNEU. —  MUNICIPAL  REGULATIONS.  —  TERRIBLE  MARCH 
OF  ALVARADO.  —  INTERVIEW  WITH  PIZARRO. — FOUNDATION  OF  LI- 
MA.—  HERNANDO  PIZARRO  REACHES  SPAIN.  —  SENSATION  AT  COURT. 
—  FEUDS  OF  ALMAGRO  AND  THE  PIZARROS. 

1534  —  1535. 

/' 

THE  first  care  of  the  Spanish  general,  after  the 
division  of  the  booty,  was  to  place  Manco  on  the 
throne,  and  to  obtain  for  him  the  recognition  of  his 
countrymen.  He,  accordingly,  presented  the  young 
prince  to  them  as  their  future  sovereign,  the  le- 
gitimate son  of  Huayna  Capac,  and  the  true  heir 
of  the  Peruvian  sceptre.  The  annunciation  was 
received  with  enthusiasm  by  the  people,  attached 
to  the  memory  of  his  illustrious  father,  and  pleased 
that  they  were  still  to  have  a  monarch  rule  over 
them  of  the  ancient  line  of  Cuzco. 

Every  thing  was  done  to  maintain  the  illusion 
with  the  Indian  population.  The  ceremonies  of  a 


4  CONQUEST  OF   PERU.  [BooK  III. 

coronation  were  studiously  observed.  The  young 
prince  kept  the  prescribed  fasts  and  vigils  ;  and  on 
the  appointed  day,  the  nobles  and  the  people,  with 
the  whole  Spanish  soldiery,  assembled  in  the  great 
square  of  Cuzco  to  witness  the  concluding  cere- 
mony. Mass  was  publicly  performed  by  Father 
Valverde,  and  the  Inca  Manco  received  the  fringed 
diadem  of  Peru,  not  from  the  hand  of  the  high- 
priest  of  his  nation,  but  from  his  Conqueror,  Pizarro. 
The  Indian  lords  then  tendered  their  obeisance  in 
the  customary  form ;  after  which  the  royal  notary 
read  aloud  the  instrument  asserting  the  supremacy 
of  the  Castilian  Crown,  and  requiring  the  homage 
of  all  present  to  its  authority.  This  address  was 
explained  by  an  interpreter,  and  the  ceremony  of 
homage  was  performed  by  each  one  of  the  parties 
waving  the  royal  banner  of  Castile  twice  or  thrice 
with  his  hands.  Manco  then  pledged  the  Spanish 
commander  in  a  golden  goblet  of  the  sparkling  chi- 
cha;  and,  the  latter  having  cordially  embraced  the 
new  monarch,  the  trumpets  announced  the  conclu- 
sion of  the  ceremony.1  But  it  was  riot  the  note  of 
triumph,  but  of  humiliation  ;  for  it  proclaimed  that 
the  armed  foot  of  the  stranger  was  in  the  halls  of 
the  Peruvian  Incas ;  that  the  ceremony  of  corona- 
tion was  a  miserable  pageant;  that  their  prince 
himself  was  but  a  puppet  in  the  hands  of  his  Con- 
queror;  and  that  the  glory  of  the  Children  of  the 
Sun  had  departed  for  ever  ! 

i    Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.  —  Fed.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap. 
Ramusio,  torn.  III.  fol.  407. 


CH.  IX.]  NEW    INCA   CROWNED.  5 

Yet  the  people  readily  gave  in  to  the  illusion,  and 
seemed  willing  to  accept  this  image  of  their  ancient 
independence.  The  accession  of  the  young  mon- 
arch was  greeted  by  all  the  usual  fetes  and  rejoic- 
ings. The  mummies  of  his  royal  ancestors,  with 
such  ornaments  as  were  still  left  to  them,  were 
paraded  in  the  great  square.  They  were  attended 
each  by  his  own  numerous  retinue,  who  performed 
all  the  menial  offices,  as  if  the  object  of  them  were 
alive  and  could  feel  their  import.  Each  ghostly 
form  took  its  seat  at  the  banquet-table  —  now,  alas ! 
stripped  of  the  magnificent  service  with  which  it 
was  wont  to  blaze  at  these  high  festivals  —  and  the 
guests  drank  deep  to  the  illustrious  dead.  Dancing 
succeeded  the  carousal,  and  the  festivities,  prolonged 
to  a  late  hour,  were  continued  night  after  night  by 
the  giddy  population,  as  if  their  conquerors  had  not 
been  intrenched  in  the  capital ! 2  —  What  a  contrast 
to  the  Aztecs  in  the  conquest  of  Mexico ! 

Pizarro's  next  concern  was  to  organize  a  munici- 
pal government  for  Cuzco,  like  those  in  the  cities 
of  the  parent  country.  Two  alcaldes  were  appoint- 
ed, and  eight  regidores,  among  which  last  func- 
tionaries were  his  brothers  Gonzalo  and  Juan. 
The  oaths  of  office  were  administered  with  great 


2  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  todos  por  orden  los'sacaban  de,alli 

Conq.,  MS.  y  los  trahian  a  la  ciudad,  teniendo 

"  Luego  por  la  manana  iba  al  cada  uno  su  litera,  y  hombres  con 

enterramiento  donde  estaban  cada  su  librea,  que  le  trujesen,  y  ansi 

uno  por  orden  embalsamados  como  desta  manera  todo  el  servicio  y 

es  dicho,  y  asentados  en  sus  sillas,  aderezos  como  si  estubiera  vivo." 

y  con  mucha  veneracion  y  respeto,  Relacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 


6  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [Boon  III. 

solemnity,  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  March,  1534,  in 
presence  both  of  Spaniards  and  Peruvians,  in  the 
public  square  ;  as  if  the  general  were  willing  by 
this  ceremony  to  intimate  to  the  latter,  that,  while 
they  retained  the  semblance  of  their  ancient  institu- 
tions, the  real  power  was  henceforth  vested  in  their 
conquerors.3  He  invited  Spaniards  to  settle  in  the 
place  by  liberal  grants  of  land  and  houses,  for  which 
means  were  afforded  by  the  numerous  palaces  and 
public  buildings  of  the  Incas  ;  and  many  a  cavalier, 
who  had  been  too  poor  in  his  own  country  to  find  a 
place  to  rest  in,  now  saw  himself  the  proprietor  of  a 
spacious  mansion  that  might  have  entertained  the 
retinue  of  a  prince.4  From  this  time,  says  an  old 
chronicler,  Pizarro,  who  had  hitherto  been  distin- 
guished by  his  military  title  of  "  Captain-General," 
was  addressed  by  that  of  "  Governor."5  Both  had 
been  bestowed  on  him  by  the  royal  grant. 

Nor  did  the  chief  neglect  the  interests  of  religion. 
Father  Valverde,  whose   nomination   as  Bishop  of 

3  Fed.   Sancho,  ReL,  ap.  Ra-     Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  7,  cap.  9,  et 
musio,  torn.  III.  fol.  409. — Mon-     seq. 

tesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1534.  When  a   building  was   of  im- 

—  Actto  de  la  fundacion  del  Cuzco,  mense  size,  as  happened  with  some 

MS.  of  the  temples  and  palaces,  it  was 

This  instrument,  which  belongs  assigned  to  two  or  even  three  of 

to  the  collection  of  Munoz,  records  the   Conquerors,    who   each   took 

not  only  the  names  of  the  magis-  his  share  of  it.     Garcilasso,  who 

trates,  but  of  the  vecinos  who  formed  describes  the  city  as  it  was  soon 

the  first  population  of  the  Christian  after  the  Conquest,  commemorates 

capital.  with  sufficient  prolixity  the  names 

4  Actto  de  la  fundacion  del  Cuz-  of  the  cavaliers  among  whom  the 
co,  MS.  — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  buildings  were  distributed. 

y  Conq.,  MS.  —  Garcilasso,  Com.        5  Montesinos,  Annales, ano  1534. 


CH.  IX.J  MUNICIPAL   REGULATIONS.  7 

Cuzco  not  long  afterwards  received  the  Papal  sanc- 
tion, prepared  to  enter  on  the  duties  of  his  office. 
A  place  was  selected  for  the  cathedral  of  his  dio- 
cese, facing  the  plaza.  A  spacious  monastery  subse- 
quently rose  on  the  ruins  of  the  gorgeous  House  of 
the  Sun  ;  its  walls  were  constructed  of  the  ancient 
stones ;  the  altar  was  raised  on  the  spot  where 
shone  the  bright  image  of  the  Peruvian  deity,  and 
the  cloisters  of  the  Indian  temple  were  trodden  by 
the  friars  of  St.  Dominic.6  To  make  the  meta- 
morphosis more  complete,  the  House  of  the  Virgins 
of  the  Sun  was  replaced  by  a  Roman  Catholic  nun- 
nery.7 Christian  churches  and  monasteries  gradual- 
ly supplanted  the  ancient  edifices,  and  such  of  the 
latter  as  were  suffered  to  remain,  despoiled  of  their 
heathen  insignia,  were  placed  under  the  protection 
of  the  Cross. 

The  Fathers  of  St.  Dominic,  the  Brethren  of  the 
Order  of  Mercy,  and  other  missionaries,  now  busied 
themselves  in  the  good  work  of  conversion.  We 
have  seen  that  Pizarro  was  required  by  the  Crown 
to  bring  out  a  certain  number  of  these  holy  men 
in  his  own  vessels;  and  every  succeeding  vessel 
brought  an  additional  reinforcement  of  ecclesiastics. 

6  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  tity  was  all  a  feint,"  says  Pedro 
1,  lib.  3,  cap.  20;  lib.  6,  cap.  21.  Pizarro,   "for  they  had   constant 
— Naharro,  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS.  amours  with  the  attendants  on  the 

7  Ulloa,  Voyage  to  S.  America,  temple."  (Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.) 
book  7,  ch.  12.  —  What  is  truth?  —  In  statements 

"  The  Indian  nuns,"  says  the  so   contradictory,  we  may  accept 

author  of  the  Relacion  del  Primer,  the  most  favorable  to  the  Peruvian. 

Descub.,   "lived  chastely   and  in  The  prejudices  of  the  Conqueror? 

a  holy  manner,"  —  "  Their  chas-  certainly  did  not  lie  on  that  side. 


8  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [Boos  III. 

They  were  not  all  like  the  Bishop  of  Cuzco,  with 
hearts  so  seared  by  fanaticism  as  to  be  closed 
against  sympathy  with  the  unfortunate  natives.8 
They  were,  many  of  them,  men  of  singular  humili- 
ty, who  followed  in  the  track  of  the  conqueror  to 
scatter  the  seeds  of  spiritual  truth,  and,  with  disin- 
terested zeal,  devoted  themselves  to  the  propagation 
of  the  Gospel.  Thus  did  their  pious  labors  prove 
them  the  true  soldiers  of  the  Cross,  and  showed  that 
the  object  so  ostentatiously  avowed  of  carrying  its 
banner  among  the  heathen  nations  was  not  an 
empty  vaunt. 

The  effort  to  Christianize  the  heathen  is  an  hon- 
orable characteristic  of  the  Spanish  conquests.  The 
Puritan,  with  equal  religious  zeal,  did  comparatively 
little  for  the  conversion  of  the  Indian,  content,  as  it 
would  seem,  with  having  secured  to  himself  the 
inestimable  privilege  of  worshipping  God  in  his  own 
way.  Other  adventurers  who  have  occupied  the 
New  World  have  often  had  too  little  regard  for  re- 
ligion themselves,  to  be  very  solicitous  about  spread- 
ing it  among  the  savages.  But  the  Spanish  mis- 
sionary, from  first  to  last,  has  shown  a  keen  interest 
in  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  natives.  Under  his 

8  Such,  however,  it  is  but  fair  his  countrymen.     "  JEs  persona  do 

to  Valverde  to  state,   is  not  the  mucho  exemplo  i  Doctrina  i  con 

language   applied  to  him  by  the  quien  todos  los  Espanoles   an   te- 

rude  soldiers  of  the  Conquest.    The  nido  mucho  consuelo."     (Carta  de 

municipality  of  Xauxa,  in  a  com-  la  Just,  y  Reg.  de  Xauxa,  MS.) 

munication  to  the  Court,  extol  the  And  yet  this  is  not  incompatible 

Dominican  as  an  exemplary  and  with  a  high  degree  of  insensibility 

learned  divine,   who   had  afforded  to  the  natural  rights   of  the  na- 

much    serviceable    consolation    to  tives. 


CH.  IX.]  MUNICIPAL   REGULATIONS.  9 

auspices,  churches  on  a  magnificent  scale  have  been 
erected,  schools  for  elementary  instruction  founded, 
and  every  rational  means  taken  to  spread  the  knowl- 
edge of  religious  truth,  while  he  has  carried  his 
solitary  mission  into  remote  and  almost  inacces- 
sible regions,  or  gathered  his  Indian  disciples  into 
communities,'  like  the  good  Las  Casas  in  Cuma- 
na,  or  the  Jesuits  in  California  and  Paraguay. 
At  all  times,  the  courageous  ecclesiastic  has  been 
ready  to  lift  his  voice  against  the  cruelty  of  the 
conqueror,  and  the  no  less  wasting  cupidity  of  the 
colonist ;  and  when  his  remonstrances,  as  was  too 
often  the  case,  have  proved  unavailing,  he  has  still 
followed  to  bind  up  the  broken-hearted,  to  teach  the 
poor  Indian  resignation  under  his  lot,  and  light  up  \ 
his  dark  intellect  with  the  revelation  of  a  holier  and 
happier  existence.  —  In  reviewing  the  blood-stained 
records  of  Spanish  colonial  history,  it  is  but  fair, 
and  at  the  same  time  cheering,  to  reflect,  that  the 
same  nation  which  sent  forth  the  hard-hearted  con- 
queror from  its  bosom  sent  forth  the  missionary  to 
do  the  work  of  beneficence,  and  spread  the  light 
of  Christian  civilization  over  the  farthest  regions  of 
the  New  World. 

While  the  governor,  as  we  are  henceforth  to  style 
him,  lay  at  Cuzco,  he  received  repeated  accounts 
of  a  considerable  force  in  the  neighbourhood,  under 
the  command  of  Atahuallpa's  officer,  Quizquiz.  He 
accordingly  detached  Almagro,  with  a  small  body  of 
horse  and  a  large  Indian  force  under  the  Inca  Man-- 
co,  to  disperse  the  enemy,  and,  if  possible,  to  cap- 

VOL.    II.  2 


10  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [BooK  III. 

, 

ture  their  leader.  Manco  was  the  more  ready  to 
take  part  in  the  expedition,  as  the  enemy  were  sol- 
diers of  Quito,  who,  with  their  commander,  bore  no 
good-will  to  himself. 

Almagro,  moving  with  his  characteristic  rapidity, 
was  not  long  in  coming  up  with  the  Indian  chief- 
tain. Several  sharp  encounters  followed,  as  the 
army  of  Quito  fell  back  on  Xauxa,  near  which  a 
general  engagement  decided  the  fate  of  the  war  by 
the  total  discomfiture  of  the  natives.  Quizquiz  fled 
to  the  elevated  plains  of  Quito,  where  he  still  held 
out  with  undaunted  spirit  against  a  Spanish  force  in 
that  quarter,  till  at  length  his  own  soldiers,  wearied 
by  these  long  and  ineffectual  hostilities,  massacred 
their  commander  in  cold  blood.9  Thus  fell  the  last 
of  the  two  great  officers  of  Atahuallpa,  who,  if 
their  nation  had  been  animated  by  a  spirit  equal 
to  their  own,  might  long  have  successfully  main- 
tained their  soil  against  the  invader. 

Some  time  before  this  occurrence,  the  Spanish 
governor,  while  in  Cuzco,  received  tidings  of  an 
event  much  more  alarming  to  him  than  any  Indian 
hostilities.  This  was  the  arrival  on  the  coast  of 
a  strong  Spanish  force,  under  command  of  Don 
Pedro  de  Alvarado,  the  gallant  officer  who  had 
served  under  Cortes  with  such  renown  in  the  war 
of  Mexico.  That  cavalier,  after  forming  a  bril- 


9    Pedro     Pizarro,     Descub.    y  cap.  20. — Ped.  Sancho,  Rel.,  ap. 

Conq.,  MS. —  Naharro,  Relacion  Ramusio,  torn.  III.  fol.  408.  —  Re- 

Sumaria,  MS. —  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  lacion  del  Primer.  Descub.,  MS. 
las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8, 


CH.  IX.]          TERRIBLE  MARCH  OF  ALVARADO.  H 

liant  alliance  in  Spain,  to  which  he  was  entitled  by 
his  birth  and  military  rank,  had  returned  to  his  gov- 
ernment of  Guatemala,  where  his  avarice  had  fyeen 
roused  by  the  magnificent  reports  he  daily  received 
of  Pizarro's  conquests.  These  conquests,  he  learn- 
ed, had  been  confined  to  Peru ;  while  the  northern 
kingdom  of  Quito,  the  ancient  residence  of  Atahu- 
allpa,  and,  no  doubt,  the  principal  depository  of  his 
treasures,  yet  remained  untouched.  Affecting  to 
consider  this  country  as  falling  without  the  govern- 
or's jurisdiction,  he  immediately  turned  a  large  fleet, 
which  he  had  intended  for  the  Spice  Islands,  in  the 
direction  of  South  America ;  and  in  March,  1534, 
he  landed  in  the  bay  of  Caraques,  with  five  hundred 
followers,  of  whom  half  were  mounted,  and  all  ad- 
mirably provided  with  arms  and  ammunition.  It 
was  the  best  equipped  and  most  formidable  array 
that  had  yet  appeared  in  the  southern  seas.10 

Although  manifestly  an  invasion  of  the  territory 
conceded  to  Pizarro  by  the  Crown,  the  reckless 
cavalier  determined  to  march  at  once  on  Quito. 
With  the  assistance  of  an  Indian  guide,  he  proposed 
to  take  the  direct  route  across  the  mountains,  a  pas- 
sage of  exceeding  difficulty,  even  at  the  most  favor- 
able season. 

After  crossing  the  Rio  Dable,  Alvarado's  guide1 
deserted  him,  so  that  he  was  soon  entangled  in  the 


10  The  number  is  variously  re-  force   amounted  to  500,  of  which 

ported  by  historians.     But  from  a  230  were  cavalry.  —  Informacion 

legal  investigation  made  in  Guate-  echa  en  Santiago,  Set.  15,   1536, 

mala,  it  appears  that  the  whole  MS. 


12  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [BooK  III. 

intricate  mazes  of  the  sierra :  and,  as  he  rose  higher 

77  o 

and  higher  into  the  regions  of  winter,  he  became 
surrounded  with  ice  and  snow,  for  which  his  men, 
taken  from  the  warm  countries  of  Guatemala,  were 
but  ill  prepared.  As  the  cold  grew  more  intense, 
many  of  them  were  so  benumbed,  that  it  was  with 
difficulty  they  could  proceed.  The  infantry,  com- 
pelled to  make  exertions,  fared  best.  Many  of  the 
troopers  were  frozen  stiff  in  their  saddles.  The 
Indians,  still  more  sensible  to  the  cold,  perished  by 
hundreds.  As  the  Spaniards  huddled  round  their 
wretched  bivouacs,  with  such  scanty  fuel  as  they 
could  glean,  and  almost  without  food,  they  waited 
in  gloomy  silence  the  approach  of  morning.  Yet 
the  morning  light,  which  gleamed  coldly  on  the 
cheerless  waste,  brought  no  joy  to  them.  It  only 
revealed  more  clearly  the  extent  of  their  wretched- 
ness. Still  struggling  on  through  the  winding  Pu- 
ertos  Nevados,  or  Snowy  Passes,  their  track  was 
dismally  marked  by  fragments  of  dress,  broken  har- 
ness, golden  ornaments,  and  other  valuables  plun- 
dered on  their  march, — by  the  dead  bodies  of  men, 
or  by  those  less  fortunate,  who  were  left  to  die 
alone  in  the  wilderness.  As  for  the  horses,  their 
carcasses  were  not  suffered  long  to  cumber  the 
ground,  as  they  were  quickly  seized  and  devoured 
half  raw  by  the  starving  soldiers,  who,  like  the  fam- 
ished condors,  now  hovering  in  troops  above  their 
heads,  greedily  banqueted  on  the  most  offensive 
offal  to  satisfy  the  gnawings  of  hunger. 

Alvarado,  anxious  to  secure  the  booty  which  had 


CH.  IX.]          TERRIBLE  MARCH   OF  ALVARADO.  13 

fallen  into  his  hands  at  an  earlier  part  of  his 
march,  encouraged  every  man  to  take  what  gold  he 
wanted  from  the  common  heap,  reserving  only  the 
royal  fifth.  But  they  only  answered,  with  a  ghastly 
smile  of  derision,  "  that  food  was  the  only  gold  for 
them."  Yet  in  this  extremity,  which  might  seem 
to  have  dissolved  the  very  ties  of  nature,  there  are 
some  affecting  instances  recorded  of  self-devotion ; 
of  comrades  who  lost  their  lives  in  assisting  others, 
and  of  parents  and  husbands  (for  some  of  the 
cavaliers  were  accompanied  by  their  wives)  who, 
instead  of  seeking  their  own  safety,  chose  to  re- 
main and  perish  in  the  snows  with  the  objects  of 
their  love. 

To  add  to  their  distress,  the  air  was  filled  for 
several  days  with  thick  clouds  of  earthy  particles 
and  cinders,  which  blinded  the  men,  and  made 
respiration  exceedingly  difficult.11  This  phenome- 
non, it  seems  probable,  was  caused  by  an  erup- 
tion of  the  distant  Cotopaxi,  which,  about  twelve 
leagues  southeast  of  Quito,  rears  up  its  colossal 
and  perfectly  symmetrical  cone  far  above  the  limits 
of  eternal  snow,  —  the  most  beautiful  and  the  most 
terrible  of  the  American  volcanoes.12  At  the  time 

11  "  It  began  to  rain  earthy  par-  Quito."     (Com.    Real.,   Parte  2, 
tides    from    the    heavens,"    says  lib.    2,   cap.  2.)     Cieza  de  Leon 
Oviedo,  "that  blinded  the  men  and  only  says  from  one  of  the  volca- 
horses,  so  that  the  trees  and  bushes  noes  in    that    region.      (Cronica, 
were  full  of  dirt."     Hist,  de  las  cap.  41.)     Neither  of  them  specify 
Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  the  name.     Humboldt  accepts  the 
20.  common    opinion,    that    Cotopaxi 

12  Garcilasso  says  the  shower  of  was  intended.    Researches,  I.  123. 
ashes  came  from  the  "volcano  of 


IP* 

.' 

14  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [BOOK  HI. 

of  Alvarado's  expedition,  it  was  in  a  state  of  erup- 
tion, the  earliest  instance  of  the  kind  on  record, 
though  doubtless  not  the  earliest.13  Since  that  pe- 
riod, it  has  been  in  frequent  commotion,  sending 
up  its  sheets  of  flame  to  the  height  of  half  a  mile, 
spouting  forth  cataracts  of  lava  that  have  over- 
whelmed towns  and  villages  in  their  career,  and 
shaking  the  earth  with  subterraneous  thunders,  that, 
at  the  distance  of  more  than  a  hundred  leagues, 
sounded  like  the  reports  of  artillery ! 14  Alvarado's 
followers,  unacquainted  with  the  cause  of  the  phe- 
nomenon, as  they  wandered  over  tracts  buried  in 
snow,  —  the  sight  of  which  was  strange  to  them, 
—  in  an  atmosphere  laden  with  ashes,  became  be- 
wildered by  this  confusion  of  the  elements,  which 
Nature  seemed  to  have  contrived  purposly  for  their 
destruction.  Some  of  these  men  were  the  soldiers 
of  Cortes,  steeled  by  many  a  painful  march,  and 
many  a  sharp  encounter  with  the  Aztecs.  But  this 
war  of  the  elements,  they  now  confessed,  was 
mightier  than  all. 

At  length,  Alvarado,  after  sufferings,  which  even 
the  most  hardy,  probably,  could  have  endured  but 

13  A   popular   tradition    among  M.  de  Humboldt,  (Researches,  I. 
the  natives  states,  that  a  large  frag-  118,   et  seq.,)    and  more  circum- 
ment  of  porphyry  near  the  base  of  stantially  by  Condamine.      (Voy- 
the   cone   was  thrown  out  in  ah  age    a    1'Equateur,    pp.    48-56, 
eruption,   which  occurred    at  the  156-160.)      The  latter    philoso- 
moment  of  Atahuallpa's  death. —  pher  would  have  attempted  to  scale 
But  such  tradition  will  hardly  pass  the  almost  perpendicular  walls  of 
for  history.  the  volcano,  but  no  one  was  hardy 

14  A  minute    account    of  this    enough  to  second  him. 
formidable  mountain  is  given  by 


CH.  IX.]          TERRIBLE  MARCH   OF  ALVARADO.  15 

a  few  days  longer,  emerged  from  the  Snowy  Pass, 
and  came  on  the  elevated  table-land,  which  spreads 
out,  at  the  height  of  more  than  nine  thousand  feet 
above  the  ocean,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Riobam- 
ba.  But  one  fourth  of  his  gallant  army  had  been 
left  to  feed  the  condor  in  the  wilderness,  besides 
the  greater  part,  at  least  two  thousand,  of  his 
Indian  auxiliaries.  A  great  number  of  his  horses, 
too,  had  perished  ;  and  the  men  and  horses  that 
escaped  were  all  of  them  more  or  less  injured 
by  the  cold  and  the  extremity  of  suffering.  —  Such 
was  the  terrible  passage  of  the  Puertos  Nevados, 
which  I  have  only  briefly  noticed  as  an  episode  to 
the  Peruvian  conquest,  but  the  account  of  which, 
in  all  its  details,  though  it  occupied  but  a  few 
weeks  in  duration,  would  give  one  a  better  idea 
of  the  difficulties  encountered  by  the  Spanish  cav- 
aliers, than  volumes  of  ordinary  narrative.15 

As  Alvarado,  after  halting  some  time  to  restore 
his  exhausted  troops,  began  his  march  across  the 
broad  plateau,  he  was  astonished  by  seeing  the 

*- £i  '  '     ' 

15  By  far  the  most  spirited  and  Alvarado,    in    the  letter  above 

thorough    record    of    Alvarado 's  cited,  which  is  preserved  in  the 

inarch  is  given  by  Herrera,  who  Munoz  collection,   explains  to  the 

has  borrowed   the    pen    of    Livy  Emperor  the  grounds  of  his  expe- 

describing  the    Alpine  march   of  dition,    with  no  little    effrontery. 

Hannibal.     (Hist.  General,  dec.  5,  In  this  document  he  touches  very 

lib.  6,  cap.  1,  2,  7,  8,   9.)     See  briefly  on  the  march,  being  chiefly 

also    Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y  occupied  by  the  negotiations  with 

Conq.,  MS., — Oviedo,  Hist,   de  Almagro,    and  accompanying  his 

.as  Indias,   MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  remarks  with  many  dark  sugges- 

sap.  20,  —  and  Carta  de  Pedro  de  tions  as  to  the  policy  pursued  by 

Alvarado  al  Emperador,  San  Mi-  the  Conquerors. 
*uel,  15  de  Enero,  1535,  MS. 


16  CONQUEST  OF   PERU.  [BooK  III 

prints  of  horses'  hoofs  on  the  soil.  Spaniards,  then, 
had  been  there  before  him,  and,  after  all  his  toil  and 
suffering,  others  had  forestalled  him  in  the  enter- 
prise against  Quito !  It  is  necessary  to  say  a  few 
words  in  explanation  of  this. 

When  Pizarro  quitted  Caxamalca,  being  sensible 
of  the  growing  importance  of  San  Miguel,  the  only 
port  of  entry  then  in  the  country,  he  despatched  a 
person  in  whom  he  had  great  confidence  to  take 
charge  of  it.  This  person  was  Sebastian  Benalca- 
zar,  a  cavalier  who  afterwards  placed  his  name  in 
the  first  rank  of  the  South  American  conquerors,  for 
courage,  capacity,  —  and  cruelty.  But  this  cavalier 
had  hardly  reached  his  government,  when,  like 
Alvarado,  he  received  such  accounts  of  the  riches 
of  Quito,  that  he  determined,  with  the  force  at  his 
command,  though  without  orders,  to  undertake  its 
reduction. 

At  the  head  of  about  a  hundred  and  forty  sol- 
diers, horse  and  foot,  and  a  stout  body  of  Indian 
auxiliaries,  he  marched  up  the  broad  range  of  the 
Andes,  to  where  it  spreads  out  into  the  table-land 
of  Quito,  by  a  road  safer  and  more  expeditious  than 
that  taken  by  Alvarado.  On  the  plains  of  Rio- 
bamba,  he  encountered  the  Indian  general  Rumina- 
vi.  Several  engagements  followed,  with  doubtful 
success,  when,  in  the  end,  science  prevailed  where 
courage  was  well  matched,  and  the  victorious  Ben- 
alcazar  planted  the  standard  of  Castile  on  the  an- 
cient towers  of  Atahuallpa.  The  city,  in  honor  of 
his  general,  Francis  Pizarro,  he  named  San  Fran- 


CH.  IX.]          TERRIBLE   MARCH  OF  ALVARADO.  17 

cisco  del  Quito.  But  great  was  his  mortification 
on  finding  that  either  the  stories  of  its  riches  had 

o 

been  fabricated,  or  that  these  riches  were  secreted 
by  the  natives.  The  city  was  all  that  he  gained  by 
his  victories,  —  the  shell  without  the  pearl  of  price 
which  gave  it  its  value.  While  devouring  his  cha- 
grin, as  he  best  could,  the  Spanish  captain  received 
tidings  of  the  approach  of  his  superior,  Almagro.16 

No  sooner  had  the  news  of  Alvarado's  expedition 
reached  Cuzco,  than  Almagro  left  the  place  with  a 
small  force  for  San  Miguel,  proposing  to  strengthen 
himself  by  a  reinforcement  from  that  quarter,  and 
to  march  at  once  against  the  invaders.  Greatly 
was  he  astonished,  on  his  arrival  in  that  city,  to 
learn  the  departure  of  its  commander.  Doubting 
the  loyalty  of  his  motives,  Almagro,  with  the  buoy- 
ancy of  spirit  which  belongs  to  youth,  though  in 
truth  somewhat  enfeebled  by  the  infirmities  of  age, 
did  not  hesitate  to  follow  Bfenalcazar  at  once  across 
the  mountains.  >  #£*  < 

With  his  wonted  energy,  the  intrepid .  veteran, 
overcoming  all  the  difficulties  of  his  march,  in  a 
few  weeks  placed  himself  and  his  little  company 
on  the  lofty  plains  which  spread  around  the  Ind- 
ian city  of  Riobamba ;  though  in  his  progress 
he  had  more  than  one  hot  encounter  with  the  na- 
tives, whose  courage  and  perseverance  formed  a 

16   Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y  qe  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8, 

Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hist.  Ge-  cap.    19. — Carta  de  Benalcazar, 

neral,  dec.  5,  lib.  4,  cap.  11,  18;  MS. 
lib.  6,  cap.  5,  6.  — Oviedo,  Hist. 

VOL.    II.  3 


18  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [Boos  III. 

contrast  sufficiently  striking  to  the  apathy  of  the 
Peruvians.  But  the  fire  only  slumbered  in  the 
bosom  of  the  Peruvian.  His  hour  had  not  yet 
come. 

At  Riobamba,  Almagro  was  soon  joined  by  the 
commander  of  San  Miguel,  who  disclaimed,  per- 
haps sincerely,  any  disloyal  intent  in  his  unau- 
thorized expedition.  Thus  reinforced,  the  Spanish 
captain  coolly  awaited  the  coming  of  Alvarado. 
The  forces  of  the  latter,  though  in  a  less  serviceable 
condition,  were  much  superior  in  number  and  ap- 
pointments to  those  of  his  rival.  As  they  con- 
fronted each  other  on  the  broad  plains  of  Riobamba, 
it  seemed  probable  that  a  fierce  struggle  must  im- 
mediately follow,  and  the  natives  of  the  country 
have  the  satisfaction  to  see  their  wrongs  avenged 
by  the  very  hands  that  inflicted  them.  But  it  was 
Almagro's  policy  to  avoid  such  an  issue. 

Negotiations  were  set  on  foot,  in  which  each 
party  stated  his  claims  to  the  country.  Meanwhile 
Alvarado's  men  mingled  freely  with  their  country- 
men in  the  opposite  army,  and  heard  there  such 
magnificent  reports  of  the  wealth  and  wonders  of 
Cuzco,  that  many  of  them  were  inclined  to  change 
their  present  service  for  that  of  Pizarro.  Their 
own  leader,  too,  satisfied  that  Quito  held  out  no 
recompense  worth  the  sacrifices  he  had  made,  and 
was  like  to  make,  by  insisting  on  his  claim,  became 
now  more  sensible  of  the  rashness  of  a  course  which 
must  doubtless  incur  the  censure  of  his  sovereign. 
In  this  temper,  it  was  not  difficult  for  them  to  effect 


r* 
CH.  IX.]          TERRIBLE  MARCH  OF  ALVARADO.  19 

an  adjustment  of  difficulties  ;  and  it  was  agreed,  as 
the  basis  of  it,  that  the  governor  should  pay  one 
hundred  thousand  pesos  de  oro  to  Alvarado,  in  con- 
sideration of  which  the  latter  was  to  resign  to  him 
his  fleet,  his  forces,  and  all  his  stores  and  munitions. 
His  vessels,  great  and  small,  amounted  to  twelve  in 
number,  and  the  sum  he  received,  though  large,  did 
not  cover  his  expenses.  This  treaty  being  settled* 
Alvarado  proposed,  before  leaving  the  country,  to 
have  an  interview  with  Pizarro.17 

The  governor,  meanwhile,  had  quitted  the  Peru- 
vian capital  for  the  sea-coast,  from  his  desire  to  repel 
any  invasion  that  might  be  attempted  in  that  direc- 
tion by  Alvarado,  with  whose  real  movements  he 
was  still  unacquainted.  He  left  Cuzco  in  charge 
of  his  brother  Juan,  a  cavalier  whose  manners  were 
such  as,  he  thought,  would  be  likely  to  gain  the 
good- will  of  the  native  population.  Pizarro  also  left 
ninety  of  his  troops,  as  the  garrison  of  the  capital, 

17  Conq.  i  Fob.  del  Piru,  MS.  choice  but  to  take  it,  although  it 

—  Naharro,     Relacion     Sumaria,  was  greatly  to  his  own  loss,  and, 

MS.  —  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  by  defeating  his  expedition,  as  he 

Conq.,  MS. — Herrera,  Hisf.  Ge-  modestly  intimates,  to  the  loss  of 

neral,  dec.  5,  lib.  6,  cap.  8-10.- —  the  Crown.     (Carta  de  Alvarado 

Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  al  Emperador,   MS.) — Almagro, 

Parte  3.  lib.  8,  cap.  20.  —  Carta  however,  states  that  the  sum  paid 

de  Benalcazar,  MS.  was  three  times  as  much  as  the 

The  amount  of  the  bonus  paid  to  armament  was  worth  ;    "a  sacri- 

Alvarado  is  stated  very  differently  fice,"  he  adds,    "which  he  made 

by  writers.     But  both  that  cavalier  to   preserve  peace,   never  dear  at 

and   Almagro,  in  their  letters  to  any    price."  —  Strange    sentiment 

the  Emperor,  which  have  hitherto  for  a  Castilian  conqueror !     Carta 

been  unknown  to  historians,  agree  de  Diego  de  Almagro  al  Empera- 

in  the  sum  given  in  the  text.     Al-  dor,  MS.,  Oct.  15,  1534. 
varado   complains  that  he  had  no 


20 


CONQUEST  OF   PERU. 


[BOOK    III. 


and  the  nucleus  of  his  future  colony.  Then,  tak- 
ing the  Inca  Manco  with  him,  he  proceeded  as 
far  as  Xauxa.  At  this  place  he  was  entertained 
by  the  Indian  prince  with  the  exhibition  of  a  great 
national  hunt,  —  such  as  has  been  already  described 
in  these  pages,  —  in  which  immense  numbers  of 
wild  animals  were  slaughtered,  and  the  vicunas, 
and  other  races  of  Peruvian  sheep,  which  roam  over 
the  mountains,  driven  into  inclosures  and  relieved 
of  their  delicate  fleeces.18 

The  Spanish  governor  then  proceeded  to  Pa- 
chacamac,  where  he  received  the  grateful  intelli- 
gence of  the  accommodation  with  Alvarado ;  and 


18  Carta  de  la  Just,  y  Reg.  de 
Xauja,  MS.  —  Relacion  del  Pri- 
mer. Descub.,  MS.  —  Herrera, 
Hist.  General,  dec.  5,  lib.  6,  cap. 
16. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS., 
afio  1534. 

At  this  place,  the  author  of  the 
Relacion  del  Primer  Descubrimien- 
to  del  J%ru,  the  MS.  so  often 
quoted  in  these  pages,  abruptly 
terminates  his  labors.  He  is  a 
writer  of  sense  and  observation ; 
and,  though  he  has  his  share  of  the 
national  tendency  to  exaggerate 
and  overcolor,  he  writes  like  one 
who  means  to  be  honest,  and  who 
has  seen  what  he  describes. 

At  Xauxa,  also,  the  notary  Pe- 
dro Sancho  ends  his  Relacion, 
which  embraces  a  much  shorter 
period  than  the  preceding  narra- 
tive, but  which  is  equally  authen- 
tic. Coming  from  the  secretary 
of  Pizarro,  and  countersigned  by 


that  general  himself,  this  Relation, 
indeed,  may  be  regarded  as  of  the 
very  highest  authority.  And  yet 
large  deductions  must  obviously  be 
made  for  the  source  whence  it 
springs  ;  far  it  may  be  taken  as 
Pizarro's  own  account  of  his  do- 
ings, some  of  which  stood  much 
in  need  of  apology.  It  must  be 
added,  in  justice  both  to  the  gen- 
eral and  to  his  secretary,  that  the 
Relation  does  not  differ  substan- 
tially from  other  contemporary  ac- 
counts, and  'that  the  attempt  to 
varnish  over  the  exceptionable 
passages  in  the  conduct  of  the 
Conquerors  is  not  obtrusive. 

For  the  publication  of  this  jour- 
nal, we  are  indebted  to  Ramusio, 
whose  enlightened  labors  have  pre- 
served to  us  more  than  one  con- 
temporary production  of  value, 
though  in  the  form  of  translation. 


CH    IX.J  INTERVIEW   WITH   PIZARRO.  21 

not  long  afterward  he  was  visited  by  that  cavalier 
himself,  previously  to  his  embarkation. 

The  meeting  was  conducted  with  courtesy  and  a 
show,  at  least,  of  good- will,  on  both  sides,  as  there 
was  no  longer  real  cause  for  jealousy  between  the 
parties;  and  each,  as  may  be  imagined,  looked  on 
the  other  with  no  little  interest,  as  having  achieved 
such  distinction  in  the  bold  path  of  adventure.  In 
the  comparison,  Alvarado  had  somewhat  the  advan- 
tage ;  for  Pizarro,  though  of  commanding  presence, 
had  not  the  brilliant  exterior,  the  free  and  joyous 
manner,  which,  no  less  than  his  fresh  complexion 
and  sunny  locks,  had  won  for  the  conqueror  of 
Guatemala,  in  his  campaigns  against  the  Aztecs,  the 
sobriquet  of  Tonatiuh,  or  "  Child  of  the  Sun." 

Blithe  were  the  revels  that  now  rang  through  the 
ancient  city  of  Pachacamac ;  where,  instead  of 
songs,  and  of  the  sacrifices  so  often  seen  there  in 
honor  of  the  Indian  deity,  the  walls  echoed  to  the 
noise  of  tourneys  and  Moorish  tilts  of  reeds,  with 
which  the  martial  adventurers  loved  to  recall  the 
sports  of  their  native  land.  When  these  were  con- 
cluded, Alvarado  reembarked  for  his  government 
of  Guatemala,  where  his  restless  spirit  soon  in- 
volved him  in  other  enterprises  that  cut  short  his 
adventurous  career.  His  expedition  to  Peru  was 
eminently  characteristic  of  the  man.  It  was  found- 
ed in  injustice,  conducted  with  rashness,  and  ended 
in  disaster.19 

19  Naharro,   Relacion  Sumaria,     Conq.,  MS. — Carta  de  Francisco 
MS. —  Pedro  Pizarro,  Deseub.  y    Pizarro  al  Seiior  de  Molina,  MS. 

'f    .   ,.'Jpw  .r.. 

•  ^ 


22  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [Boox  III. 

The  reduction  of  Peru  might  now  be  considered 
as,  in  a  manner,  accomplished.  Some  barbarous 
tribes  in  the  interior,  it  is  true,  still  held  out,  and 
Alonso  de  Alvarado,  a  prudent  and  able  officer,  was 
employed  to  bring  them  into  subjection.  Benal- 
cazar  was  still  at  Quito,  of  which  he  was  subse- 
quently appointed  governor  by  the  Crown.  There 
he  was  laying  deeper  the  foundation  of  the  Spanish 
power,  while  he  advanced  the  line  of  conquest  still 
higher  towards  the  north.  But  Cuzco,  the  ancient 
capital  of  the  Indian  monarchy,  had  submitted. 
The  armies  of  Atahuallpa  had  been  beaten  and 
scattered.  The  empire  of  the  Incas  was  dissolved ; 
and  the  prince  who  now  wpre  the  Peruvian  diadem 
was  but  the  shadow  of  a  king,  who  held  his  com- 
mission from  his  conqueror. 

The  first  act  of  the  governor  was  to  determine  on 
the  site  of  the  future  capital  of  this  vast  colonial 
empire.  Cuzco^,  withdrawn  among  the  mountains, 
was  altogether  too  far  removed  from  the  sea-coast 
for  a  commercial  people.  The  little  settlement  of 
San  Miguel  lay  too  far  to  the  north.  It  was  desira- 
ble to  select  some  more  central  position,  which  could 
be  easily  found  in  one  of  the  fruitful  valleys  that 
bordered  the  Pacific.  Such  was  that  of  Pachaca- 
mac,  tvhich  Pizarro  now  occupied.  But,  on  further 


Alvarado  died  in   1541,   of  an  year,  by  a  singular  coincidence, 

injury  received  from  a  horse  which  perished  his  beautiful  wife,  at  her 

rolled  down  on  him  as  he   was  own  residence  in  Guatemala,  which 

attempting  to  scale  a  precipitous  was  overwhelmed  by  a  torrent  from 

hill  in  New  Galicia.     In  the  same  the  adjacent  mountains. 


CH.  IX.]  FOUNDATION  OF  LIMA.  23 

examination,  he  preferred  the  neighbouring  valley 
of  Rimac,  which  lay  to  the  north,  and  which  took 
its  name,  signifying  in  the  Quichua  tongue  "  one 
who  speaks,"  from  a  celebrated  idol,  whose  shrine 
was  much  frequented  by  the  Indians  for  the  oracles 
it  delivered.  Through  the  valley  flowed  a  broad 
stream,  which,  like  a  great  artery,  was  made,  as 
usual  by  the  natives;  to  supply  a  thousand  finer  veins 
that  meandered  through  the  beautiful  meadows. 

On  this  •  river  Pizarro  fixed  the  site  of  his  new 
capital,  at  somewhat  less  than  two  leagues'  distance 
from  its  mouth,  which  expanded  into  a  commodious 
haven  for  the  commerce  that  the  prophetic  eye  of 
the  founder  saw  would  one  day  —  and  no  very  dis- 
tant one  —  float  on  its  waters.  The  central  situa- 
tion of  the  spot  recommended  it  as  a  suitable  resi- 
dence for  the  Peruvian  viceroy,  whence  he  might 
hold  easy  communication  with  the  different  parts  of 
the  country,  and  keep  vigilant  watch  over  his  Indian 
vassals.  The  climate  was  delightful,  and,  though 
only  twelve  degrees  south  of  the  line,  was  so  far 
tempered  by  the  cool  breezes  that  generally  blow 
from  the  Pacific,  or  from  the  opposite  quarter  down 
the  frozen  sides  of  the  Cordilleras,  that  the  heat 
was  less  than  in  corresponding  latitudes  on  the  con- 
tinent. It  never  rained  on  the  coast;  but  this  dry- 
ness  was  corrected  by  a  vaporous  cloud,  which, 
through  the  summer  months,  hung  like  a  curtain 
over  the  valley,  sheltering  it  from  the  rays  of  a  trop- 
ical sun,  and  imperceptibly  distilling  a  refreshing 
moisture,  that  clothed  the  fields  in  the  brightest 
verdure. 


24  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [BOOK  III. 

The  name  bestowed  on  the  infant  capital  was 
Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  or  City  of  the  Kings,  in  honor 
of  the  day,  being  the  sixth  of  January,  1535,  —  the 
festival  of  Epiphany,  —  when  it  was  said  to  have 
been  founded,  or  more  probably  when  its  site  was 
determined,  as  its  actual  foundation  seems  to  have 
been  twelve  days  later.20  Btit  the  Castilian  name 
ceased  to  be  used  even  within  the  first  generation, 
and  was  supplanted  by  that  of  Lima,  into  which  the 
original  Indian  name  of  Rimac  was  corrupted  by  the 
Spaniards.21 

The  city  was  laid  out  on  a  very  regular  plan. 
The  streets  were  to  be  much  wider  than  usual  in 
Spanish  towns,  and  perfectly  straight,  crossing  one 
another  at  right  angles,  and  so  far  asunder  as  to  af- 
ford ample  space  for  gardens  to  the  dwellings,  and 
for  public  squares.  It  was  arranged  in  a  triangular 
form,  having  the  river  for  its  base,  the  waters  of 
which  were  to  be  carried,  by  means  of  stone  con- 
duits, through  all  the  principal  streets,  affording 
facilities  for  irrigating  the  grounds  around  the 
houses. 

No  sooner  had  the  governor  decided  on  the  site 

90  So  says  Quintana,  who  follows  marquez  se  passo  a  Lima  y  fundo 

in  this  what  he  pronounces  a  sure  la  ciudad  de  los  rreyes  que  agora 

authority,    Father  Bemabe   Cobo,  es."     (Pedro  Pizarro,   Descub.  y 

in  his  book  entitled  Fundacion  de  Conq.,MS.)     "  Asimismo  ordena- 

Lima.     Espanoles  Celebres,  tora.  ron  que  se  pasasen  el  pueblo  que 

II.  p.  250,  nota.  tenian  en  Xauxa  poblado  a  este 

21  The  MSS.  of  the  old  Con-  Valle  de  Lima  donde  agora  es  esta 

querors  show  how,  from  the  very  ciudad    de  los  i   aqui  se  poblov* 

first,  the  name  of  Lima  superseded  Conq.  i  Fob.  del  Piru,  MS. 
the  original  Indian  title.     "  Y  el 


CH.  IX.]  FOUNDATION  OF  LIMA.  25 

and  on  the  plan  of  the  city,  than  he  commenced 
operations  with  his  characteristic  energy.  The 
Indians  were  collected  from  the  distance  of  more 
than  a  hundred  miles  to  aid  in  the  work.  The 
Spaniards  applied  themselves  with  vigor  to  the  task, 
under  the  eye  of  their  chief.  The  sword  was  ex- 
changed for  the  tool  of  the  artisan.  The  camp 
was  converted  into  a  hive  of  diligent  laborers ;  and 
the  sounds  of  war  were  succeeded  by  the  peace- 
ful hum  of  a  busy  population.  The  plaza,  which 
was  extensive,  was  to  be  surrounded  by  the  cathe- 
dral, the  palace  of  the  viceroy,  that  of  the  munici- 
pality, and  other  public  buildings  ;  and  their  foun- 
dations were  laid  on  a  scale,  and  with  a  solidity, 
which  defied  the  assaults  of  time,  and,  in  some  in- 
stances, even  the  more  formidable  shock  of  earth- 
quakes, that,  at  different  periods,  have  laid  portions 
of  the  fair  capital  in  ruins.22  . -1^-4*  i 

While  these  events  were  going  on,  Almagro, 
the  Marshal,  as  he  is  usually  termed  by  chroniclers 
of  the  time,  had  gone  to  Cuzco,  whither  he  was 
sent  by  Pizarro  to  take  command  of  that  capital* 
He  received  also  instructions  to  undertake,  either 
by  himself  or  by  his  captains,  the  conquest  of  the 
countries  towards  the  south,  forming  part  of  Chili. 
Almagro,  since  his  arrival  at  Caxamalca,  had  seemed 

22  Montesinos,   Annales,    MS.,  who  gives  the  best  account  of  Lima 

afio    1535.  —  Conq.    i    Fob.    del  to  be   found  in   any  modern  book 

Piru,  MS.  of  travels  which  I  have  consulted. 

The  remains  of  Pizarro's  palace  Residence  in  South  America,  vol. 

may  still  be  discerned  in  the  Calk-  II.  chap.  8. 
jon  de  Petateros,  says  Stevenson, 

VOL.    II.  4 


26  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [BOOK  III. 

willing  to  smother  his  ancient  feelings  of  resentment 
towards  his  associate,  or,  at  least,  to  conceal  the 
expression  of  them, '  and  had  consented  to  take 
command  under  him  in  obedience  to  the  royal  man- 
date. He  had  even,  in  his  despatches,  the  mag- 
nanimity to  make  honorable  mention  of  Pizarro, 
as  one  anxious  to  promote  the  interests  of  govern- 
ment. Yet  he  did  not  so  far  trust  his  companion, 
as  to  neglect  the  precaution  of  sending  a  confiden- 
tial agent  to  represent  his  own  services,  when  Her- 
nando Pizarro  undertook  his  mission  to  the  mother- 
country. 

That  cavalier,  after  touching  at  St.  Domingo,  had 
arrived  without  accident  at  Seville,  in  January,  1534. 
Besides  the  royal  fifth,  he  took  with  him  gold,  to 
the  value  of  half  a  million  of  pesos,  together  with  a 
large  quantity  of  silver,  the  property  of  private  ad- 
.venturers,  some  of  whom,  satisfied  with  their  gains, 
had  returned  to  Spain  in  the  same  vessel  with  him- 
self. The  custom-house  was  filled  with  solid  ingots, 
and  with  vases  of  different  forms,  imitations  of  ani- 
mals, flowers,  fountains,  and  other  objects,  executed 
with  more  or  less  skill,  and  all  of  pure  gold,  to  the 
astonishment  of  the  spectators,  who  flocked  from 
the  neighbouring  country  to  gaze  on  these  mar- 
vellous productions  of  Indian  art.23  Most  of  the 
manufactured  articles  were  the  property  of  the 
Crown ;  and  Hernando  Pizarro,  after  a  short  stay  at 
Seville,  selected  some  of  the  most  gorgeous  speci- 

23  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.     lo  que  Hernando  Pizarro  trajo  del 
5,  lib.  6,  cap.  13.  —  Lista  de  todo    Peru,  ap.  MSS.  de  Mufioz. 


CH.  IX.]     HERNANDO   PIZARRO  REACHES   SPAIN.  27 

mens,  and  crossed  the  country  to  Calatayud,  where 
the  emperor  was  holding  the  cortes  of  Aragon. 

Hernando  was  instantly  admitted  to  the  royal 
presence,  and  obtained  a  gracious  audience.  He 
was  more  conversant  with  courts  than  either  of  his 
brothers,  and  his  manners,  when  in  situations  that 
imposed  a  restraint  on  the  natural  arrogance  of  his 
temper,  were  graceful  and  even  attractive.  In  a  re- 
spectful tone,  he  now  recited  the  stirring  adventures 
of  his  brother  and  his  little  troop  of  followers,  the 
fatigues  they  had  endured,  the  difficulties  they  had 
overcome,  their  capture  of  the  Peruvian  Inca,  and 
his  magnificent  ransom.  He  had  not  to  tell  of  the 
massacre  of  the  unfortunate  prince,  for  that  tragic 
event,  which  had  occurred  since  his  departure  from 
the  country,  was  still  unknown  to  him.  The  cava- 
lier expatiated  on  the  productiveness  of  the  soil,  and 
on  the  civilization  of  the  people,  evinced  by  their 
proficiency  in  various  mechanic  arts ;  in  proof  of 
which  he  displayed  the  manufactures  of  wool  and 
cotton,  and  the  rich  ornaments  of  gold  and  silver. 
The  monarch's  eyes  sparkled  with  delight  as  he 
gazed  on  these  last.  He  was  too  sagacious  not  to 
appreciate  the  advantages  of  a  conquest  which  se- 
cured to  him  a  country  so  rich  in  agricultural  re- 
sources. But  the  returns  from  these  must  neces- 
sarily be  gradual  and  long  deferred  ;  and  he  may  be 
excused  for  listening  with  still  greater  satisfaction  to 
Pizarro's  tales  of  its  mineral  stores  ;  for  his  ambitious 
projects  had  drained  the  imperial  treasury,  and  he 
saw  in  the  golden  tide  thus  unexpectedly  poured  in 
upon  him  the  immediate  means  of  replenishing  it. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [Boos  III. 

Charles  made  no  difficulty,  therefore,  in  granting 
the  petitions  of  the  fortunate  adventurer.  All  the 
previous  grants  to  Francis  Pizarro  and  his  associ- 
ates were  confirmed  in  the  fullest  manner  ;  and  the 
boundaries  of  the  governor's  jurisdiction  were  ex 
tended  seventy  leagues  further  towards  the  south. 
Nor  did  Almagro's  services,  this  time,  go  unrequited. 
He  was  empowered  to  discover  and  occupy  the 
country  for  the  distance  of  two  hundred  leagues, 
beginning  at  the  southern  limit  of  Pizarro's  terri- 
tory.24 Charles,  in  proof,  still  further,  of  his  satis- 
faction, was  graciously  pleased  to  address  a  letter 
to  the  two  commanders,  in  which  he  complimented 
them  on  their  prowess,  arid  thanked  them  for  their 
services.  This  act  of  justice  to  Almagro  would 
have  been  highly  honorable  to  Hernando  Pizarro, 
considering  the  unfriendly  relations  in  which  they 
stood  to  each  other,  had  it  not  been  made  neces- 
sary by  the  presence  of  the  marshal's  own  agents 
at  court,  who,  as  already  noticed,  stood  ready  to 
supply  any^deficiency  in  the  statements  of  the  em- 
issary. 

In  this  display  of  the  royal  bounty,  the  envoy,  as 
will  readily  be  believed,  did  not  go  without  his  re- 
ward. He  was  lodged  as  an  attendant  of  the 
Court;  was  made  a  knight  of  Santiago,  the  most 

24  The  country  to  be  occupied  name  was  as  ineffectual  as  the  for- 

received  the  name  of  New  Toledo,  mer,  and  the  ancient  title  of  Chili 

in  the  royal  grant,  as  the  conquests  still  designates  that  narrow   strip 

of  Pizarro  had  been  designated  by  of  fruitful  land  between  the  Andes 

that  of  New  Castile.   But  the  pres-  and  the  ocean,  which  stretches  to 

ent  attempt  to  change  the  Indian  the  south  of  the  great  continent. 


CH.  IX.]  SENSATION  AT   COURT.  29 

prized  of  the  chivalric  orders  in  Spain ;  was  em- 
powered to  equip  an  armament,  and  to  take  com- 
mand of  it ;  and  the  royal  officers  at  Seville  were 
required  to  aid  him  in  his  views  and  facilitate  his 
embarkation  for  the  Indies.25 

The  arrival  of  Hernando  Pizarro  in  the  country, 
and  the  reports  spread  by  him  and  his  followers, 
created  a  sensation  among  the  Spaniards  such  as 
had  not  been  felt  since  the  first  voyage  of  Colum- 
bus. The  discovery  of  the  New  World  had  filled 
the  minds  of  men  with  indefinite  expectations  of 
wealth,  of  which  almost  every  succeeding  expedition 
had  proved  the  fallacy.  The  conquest  of  Mexico, 
though  calling  forth  general  admiration  as  a  brilliant 
and  wonderful  exploit,  had  as  yet  failed  to  produce 
those  golden  results  which  had  been  so  fondly  an- 
ticipated. The  splendid  promises  held  out  by  Fran- 
cis Pizarro  on  his  recent  visit  to  the  country  had  not 
revived  the  confidence  of  his  countrymen,  made  in- 
credulous by  repeated  disappointment.  All  that 
they  were  assured  of  was  the  difficulties  of  the  en- 
terprise ;  and  their  distrust  of  its  results  was  suffi- 
ciently shown  by  the  small  number  of  followers,  and 
those  only  of  the  most  desperate  stamp,  who  were 
willing  to  take  their  chance  in  the  adventure. 

But  now  these  promises  were  realized.  It  was 
no  longer  the  golden  reports  that  they  were  to  trust; 
but  the  gold  itself,  which  was  displayed  in  such  pro- 
fusion before  them.  All  eyes  were  now  turned 
towards  the  West.  The  broken  spendthrift  saw  in 

25  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 


30  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [BOOK  III. 

it  the  quarter  where  he  was  to  repair  his  fortunes  as 
speedily  as  he  had  ruined  them.  The  merchant, 
instead  of  seeking  the  precious  commodities  of  the 
East,  looked  in  the  opposite  direction,  and  counted 
on  far  higher  gains,  where  the  most  common  articles 
of  life  commanded  so  exorbitant  prices.  The  cava- 
lier, eager  to  win  both  gold  and  glory  at  the  point 
of  his  lance,  thought  to  find  a  fair  field  for  his  prow- 
ess on  the  mountain  plains  of  the  Andes.  Ferdi- 
nand Pizarro  found  that  his  brother  had  judged 
rightly  in  allowing  as  many  of  his  company  as 
chose  to  return  home,  confident  that  the  display  of 
their  wealth  would  draw  ten  to  his  banner  for  every 
one  that  quitted  it. 

In  a  short  time  that  cavalier  saw  himself  at  the 
head  of  one  of  the  most  numerous  and  well-appoint- 
ed armaments,  probably,,  that  had  left  the  shores  of 
Spain  since  the  great  fleet  of  Ovando,  in  the  time 
of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  It  was  scarcely  more 
fortunate  than  this.  Hardly  had  Ferdinand  put  to 
sea,  when  a  violent  tempest  fell  on  the  squadron, 
and  compelled  him  to  return  to  port  and  refit.  At 
length  he  crossed  the  ocean,  and  reached  the  little 
harbour  of  Nombre  de  Dios  in  safety.  But  no  prep- 
arations had  been  made  for  his  coming,  and,  as  he 
was  detained  here  some  time  before  he  could  pass 
the  mountains,  his  company  suffered  greatly  from 
scarcity  of  food.  In  their  extremity,  the  most  un- 
wholesome articles  were  greedily  devoured,  and 
many  a  cavalier  spent  his  little  savings  to  procure 
himself  a  miserable  subsistence.  Disease,  as  usual, 


CH.  IX.]       FEUDS  OF  ALMAGRO  AND  THE  PIZARROS.        31 

'»•  ~  -  '  ' 

trod  closely  in  the  track  of  famine,  and  numbers  of 
the  unfortunate  adventurers,  sinking  under  the  un- 
accustomed heats  of  the  climate,  perished  on  the 
very  threshold  of  discovery. 

It  was  the  tale  often  repeated  in  the  history  of 
Spanish  enterprise.  A  few,  more  lucky  than  the 
rest,  stumble  on  some  unexpected  prize,  and  hun- 
dreds, attracted  by  their  success,  press  forward  in 
the  same  path.  But  the  rich  spoil  which  lay  on  the 
surface  has  been  already  swept  away  by  the  first 
comers,  and  those  who  follow  are  to  win  their 
treasure  by  long- protracted  and  painful  exertion.  — r- 
Broken  in  spirit  and  in  fortune,  many  returned  in 
disgust  to  their  native  shores,  while  others  remained 
where  they  were,  to  die  in  despair.  They  thought 
to  dig  for  gold  ;  but  they  dug  only  their  graves. 

Yet  it  fared  not  thus  with  all  Pizarro's  company. 
Many  of  them,  crossing  the  Isthmus  with  him  to 
Panama,  came  in  time  to  Peru,  where,  in  the  despe- 
rate chances  of  its  revolutionary  struggles,  some  few 
arrived  at  posts  of  profit  and  distinction.  Among 
those  who  first  reached  the  Peruvian  shore  was  an 
emissary  sent  by  Almagro's  agents  to  inform  him  of 
the  important  grant  made  to  him  by  the  Crown. 
The  tidings  reached  him  just  as  he  was  making  his 
entry  into  Cuzco,  where  he  was  received  with  all 
respect  by  Juan  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  who,  in  obe- 
dience to  their  brother's  commands,  instantly  re- 
signed the  government  of  the  capital  into  the  mar- 
shal's hands.  But  Almagro  was  greatly  elated  on 
rinding  himself  now  placed  by  his  sovereign  in  a 


32  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [Boon  III. 

command  that  made  him  independent  of  the  man 
who  had  so  deeply  wronged  him  ;  and  he  intimated 
that  in  the  exercise  of  his  present  authority  he  ac- 
knowledged no  superior.  In  this  lordly  humor  he 
was  confirmed  by  several  of  his  followers,  who  in- 
sisted that  Cuzco  fell  to  the  south  of  the  territory 
ceded  to  Pizarro,  and  consequently  came  within  that 
now  granted  to  the  marshal.  Among  these  follow- 
ers were  several  of  Alvarado's  men,  who,  though  of 
better  condition  than  the  soldiers  of  Pizarro,  were 
under  much  worse  discipline,  and  had  acquired,  in- 
deed, a  spirit  of  unbridled  license  under  that  un- 
scrupulous chief.26  They  now  evinced  .little  concern 
for  the  native  population  of  Cuzco ;  and,  not  content 
with  the  public  edifices,  seized  on  the  dwellings  of 
individuals,  where  it  suited  their  convenience,  appro- 
priating their  contents  without  ceremony,  —  show- 
ing as  little  respect,  in  short,  for  person  or  proper- 
ty, as  if  the  place  had  been  taken  by  storm.5 


27 


96  In  point  of  discipline,  they  pre-  ha  via  de  dentro  llenas  las  casas  de 

sented  a  remarkable  contrast  to  the  mucha  ropa  i  algunas  oro  i  plata  i 

Conquerors  of  Peru,  if  we  may  take  otras  muchas  cosas,  i  las  que  no 

the  word  of  Pedro  Pizarro,  who  as-  estaban  bien  llenas  las  enchian  de 

sures  us  that  his  comrades  would  lo  que  tomaban  de  las  demas  casas 

not  have  plucked  so  much  as  an  de  la  dicha  ciudad,  sin  pensar  que 

ear  of  corn  without  leave  from  their  en  ello  hacian  ofensa  alguna  Divina 

commander.  "  Que  los  que  pasa-  ni  humana,  i  porquesta  es  una  cosa 

mos  con  el  Marquez  a  la  conquista  larga  i  casi  incomprehensible,  la 

no  ovo  hombre  que  osase  tomar  dexase  al  juicio  de  quien  mas  en- 

vnamazorca  de  mahiz  sin  licencia."  tiende  aunque  en  el  daiio  rescebido 

Descub.  yConq.,  MS.  por  parte  de  los  naturales  cerca 

27  "  Se  entraron  de  paz  en  la  deste  articulo  yo  se  harto  por  mis 

ciudad  del  Cuzco  i  los  salieron  pecados  que  no  quisiera  saber  ni 

todos  los  naturales  a  rescibir  i  les  haver  visto."  Conq.  i  Pob.  del 

tomaron  la  Ciudad  con  todo  quanto  Piru,  MS. 


CH.  IX.]      FEUDS  OF  ALMAGRO  AND  THE  PIZARROS.         33 

While  these  events  were  passing  in  the  ancient 
Peruvian  capital,  the  governor  was  still  at  Lima, 
where  he  was  greatly  disturbed  by  the  accounts  he 
received  of  the  new  honors  conferred  on  his  asso- 
ciate. He  did  not  know  that  his  own  jurisdiction 
had  been  extended,  seventy  leagues  further  to  the 
south,  and  he  entertained  the  same  suspicion  with 
Almagro,  that  the  capital  of  the  Incas  did  not  right- 
ly come  within  his  present  limits.  He  saw  all  the 
mischief  likely  to  result  from  this  opulent  city  falling 
into  the  hands  of  his  rival,  who  would  thus  have  an 
almost  indefinite  means  of  gratifying  his  own  cu- 
pidity, and  that  of  his  followers.  He  felt,  that, 
under  the  present  circumstances,  it  was  not  safe  to 
allow  Almagro  to  anticipate  the  possession  of  power, 
to  which,  as  yet,  he  had  no  legitimate  right ;  for  the 
despatches  containing  the  warrant  for  it  still  re- 
mained with  Hernando  Pizarro,  at  Panama,  and  all 
that  had  reached  Peru  was  a  copy  of  a  garbled 
extract. 

Without  loss  of  time,  therefore,  he  sent  instruc- 
tions to  Cuzco  for  his  brothers  to  resume  the  gov- 
ernment, while  he  defended  the  measure  to  Alma- 
gro on  the  ground,  that,  when  he  should  hereafter 
receive  his  credentials,  it  would  be  unbecoming  to 
be  found  already  in  possession  of  the  post.  He 
concluded  by  urging  him  to  go  forward  without 
delay  in  his  expedition  to  the  south. 

But  neither  the  marshal  nor  his  friends  were 
pleased  with  the  idea  of  so  soon  relinquishing  the 
authority  which  they  now  considered  as  his  right. 

VOL.    II.  5 


34  CONQUEST  OF   PERU.  [Boox  III. 

The  Pizarros,  on  the  other  hand,  were  pertinacious 
in  reclaiming  it.  The  dispute  grew  warmer  and 
warmer.  Each  party  had  its  supporters ;  the  city 
was  split  into  factions  ;  and  the  municipality,  the 
soldiers,  and  even  the  Indian  population,  took  sides 
in  the  struggle  for  power.  Matters  were  proceed- 
ing to  extremity,  menacing  the  capital  with  violence 
and  bloodshed,  when  Pizarro  himself  appeared 
among  them.28 

On  receiving  tidings  of  the  fatal  consequences  of 
his  mandates,  he  had  posted  in  all  haste  to  Cuzco, 
where  he  was  greeted  with  undisguised  joy  by  the 
natives,  as  well  as  by  the  more  temperate  Spaniards, 
anxious  to  avert  the  impending  storm.  The  gov- 
ernor's first  interview  was  with  Almagro,  whom  he 
embraced  with  a  seeming  cordiality  in  his  manner ; 
and,  without  any  show  of  resentment,  inquired  into 
the  cause  of  the  present  disturbances.  To  this  the 
marshal  replied,  by  throwing  the  blame  on  Pizarro's 
brothers  ;  but,  although  the  governor  reprimanded 
them  with  some  asperity  for  their  violence,  it  was 
soon  evident  that  his  sympathies  were  on  their  side, 
and  the  dangers  of  a  feud  between  the  two  asso- 
ciates seemed  greater  than  ever.  Happily,  it  was 
postponed  by  the  intervention  of  some  common 
friends,  who  showed  more  discretion  than  their 
leaders.  With  their  aid  a  reconciliation  was  at 
length  effected,  on  the  grounds  substantially  of 
their  ancient  compact. 

38    Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y    neral,   dec.  5,   lib.  7,   cap.   6. — 
Conq.,  MS.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  Ge-    Conq.  i  Fob.  del  Piru,  MS. 


CH.  IX.]      FEUDS  OF  ALMAGRO  AND  THE  PIZARROS.          35 

It  >was  agreed  that  their  friendship  should  be 
maintained  inviolate ;  and,  by  a  stipulation  that 
reflects  no  great  credit  on  the  parties,  it  was  pro- 
vided that  neither  should  malign  nor  disparage  the 
other,  especially  in  their  despatches  to  the  emperor; 
and  that  neither  should  hold  communication  with 
the  government  without  the  knowledge  of  his  con- 
federate ;  lastly,  that  both  the  expenditures  and  the 
profits  of  future  discovery  should  be  shared  equally 
by  the  associates.  The  wrath  of  Heaven  was  in- 
voked by  the  most  solemn  imprecations  on  the  head 
of  whichever  should  violate  this  compact,  and  the 
Almighty  was  implored  to.  visit  the  offender  with 
loss  of  property  and  of.  life  in  this  world,  and  with 
eternal  perdition  in  that  to  come  ! 29  The  parties 
further  bound  themselves  to  the  observance  of  this 
contract  by  a  solemn  oath  taken  on  the  sacrament, 
as  it  was  held  in  the  hands  of  Father  Bartolome  de 
Segovia,  who  concluded  the  ceremony  by  perform- 
ing mass.  The  whole  proceeding,  and  the  articles 
of  agreement,  were  carefully  recorded  by  the  notary, 
in  an  instrument  bearing  date  June  12,  1535,  and 
attested  by  a  long  list  of  witnesses.30 

Thus   did    these    two   ancient    comrades,    after 


29  "  E  suplicamos  a  su  infinita  pitulacion  entre  Pizarro  y  Almagro, 

bondad  que  a  qualquier  de  nos  que  12  de  Junio,  1535,  MS. 
fuere  en  contrario  de  lo  asi  con-        30  This    remarkable    document, 

venido,  con  todo  rigor  de  justicia  the  original  of  which  is  preserved 

permita  la  perdicion  de  su  anima,  in  the  archives  of  Simancas,  may 

fin  y  mal  acavamiento  de  su  vida,  be  found  entire  in  the  Castilian,  in 

destruicion   y  perdimientos  de  su  Appendix,  No.  11. 
familia,  honrras  y  hacienda."    Ca- 


36  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [BooK  III 

trampling  on  the  ties  of  friendship  and  honor,  hope 
to  knit  themselves  to  each  other  by  the  holy  bands 
of  religion.  That  it  should  have  been  necessary 
to  resort  to  so  extraordinary  a  measure  might  have 
furnished  them  with  the  best  proof  of  its  inefficacy. 

Not  long  after  this  accommodation  of  their  dif- 
ferences, the  marshal  raised  his  standard  for  Chili ; 
and  numbers,  won  by  his  popular  manners,  and  by 
his  liberal  largesses,  —  liberal  to  prodigality,  —  ea- 
gerly joined  in  the  enterprise,  which  they  fondly 
trusted  would  lead  even  to  greater  riches  than  they 
had  found  in  Peru.  Two  Indians,  Paullo  Topa,  a 
brother  of  the  Inca  Manco,  and  Villac  Umu,  the 
high-priest  of  the  nation,  were  sent  in  -advance, 
with  three  Spaniards,  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  little 
army.  A  detachment  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
under  an  officer  named  Saavedra,  next  followed. 
Almagro  remained  behind  to  collect  further  recruits ; 
but  before  his  levies  were  completed,  he  began  his 
march,  feeling  himself  insecure,  with  his  diminished 
strength,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Pizarro ! 31  The 
remainder  of  his  forces,  when  mustered,  were  to 
follow  him. 

Thus  relieved  of  the  presence  of  his  rival,  the 
governor  returned  without  further  delay  to  the  coast, 
to  resume  his  labors  in  the  settlement  of  the  coun- 

"  El    Adelantado    Almagro  hemos  dicho,  i  dicen  que  por  ser 

despues  que  se  vido  en  el  Cuzco  avisado  dello  tomo  la  posta  i  se  fue 

descarnado  de  su  jente  temio  al  al  pueblo  de  Paria  donde  estava  su 

Marquez  no  le  prendiese  por  las  Capitan  Saavedra."     Conq.  i  Pob. 

alteraeiones  pasadas  que  havia  te-  del  Pirn,  MS. 
nido  con  sus  hermanos  como  ya          >   • 


CH.  IX.]      FEUDS  OF  ALMAGRO  AND  THE  PIZARROS.         37 

try.  Besides  the  principal  city  of  "  The  Kings," 
he  established  others  along  the  Pacific,  destined 
to  become  hereafter  the  flourishing  marts  of  com- 
merce. The  most  important  of  these,  in  honor 
of  his  birthplace,  he  named  Truxillo,  planting  it 
on  a  site  already  indicated  by  Almagro.32  He  made 
also  numerous  repartimientos  both  of  lands  and  Ind- 
ians among  his  followers,  in  the  usual  manner  of 
the  Spanish  Conquerors;33  —  though  here  the  ig- 
norance of  the  real  resources  of  the  country  led  to 
very  different  results  from  what  he  had  intended,  as 
the  territory  smallest  in  extent,  not  unfrequently, 
from  the  hidden  treasures  in  its  bosom,  turned  out 
greatest  in  value.34 

But  nothing  claimed  so  much  of  Pizarro's  care  as 
the  rising  metropolis  of  Lima;  and,  so  eagerly  did  he 
press  forward  the  work,  and  so  well  was  he  second- 
ed by  the  multitude  of  laborers  at  his  command, 
that  he  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  his  young  capital, 

32  Carta  de  F.  Pizarro  a  Molina,  the  Indians,  equally  disastrous  to 
MS.  body  and  soul  of  both  the  master 

33  I  have  before  me  two  copies  and  the  slave."     (Conq.  i  Fob.  del 
of  grants  of  encomiendas  by  Pi-  Piru,  MS.)     This  honest  burst  of 
zarro,   the   one    dated  at  Xauxa,  indignation,  not  to  have  been  ex- 
1534,  the   other    at  Cuzco,  1539.  pected    in    the    rude    Conqueror, 
—  They  emphatically  enjoin  on  the  came  probably  from  an  ecclesiastic, 
colonist  the  religious  instruction  of  34  "  El  Marques  hizo  encomien- 
the  natives  under  his  care,  as  well  das   en  los  Espanoles,   las  quales 
as    kind    and    considerate    usage,  fueron  por  noticias  que  ni  el  sabia 
How  ineffectual  were   the  recom-  lo  que  dava  ni  nadie  lo  que  rescebia 
mendations  may  be  inferred   from  sino  a  tiento  ya  poco  mas  6  menos, 
the  lament,  of  the  anonymous  con-  y  asi  muchos  que  pensaron  que  se 
temporary  often  cited,  that  "  from  les  dava  pocos    se    hallaron   con 
this  time  forth,  the  pest  of  personal  mucho  y  al  contrario."     Ondegar- 
servitude    was  established  among  do,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 


38  CONQUEST  OF   PERU.  [BooK  III. 

with  its  stately  edifices  and  its  pomp  of  gardens, 
rapidly  advancing  towards  completion.  It  is  pleas- 
ing to  contemplate  the  softer  features  in  the  charac- 
ter of  the  rude  soldier,  as  he  was  thus  occupied  with 
healing  up  the  ravages  of  war,  and  laying  broad  the 
foundations  of  an  empire  more  civilized  than  that 
which  he  had  overthrown.  This  peaceful  occupa- 
tion formed  <a  contrast  to  the  life  of  incessant  tur 
moil  in  which  he  had  been  hitherto  engaged.  It 
seemed,  too,  better  suited  to  his  own  advancing  age, 
w7hich  naturally  invited  to  repose.  And,  if  we  may 
trust  his  chroniclers,  there  was  no  part  of  his  ca- 
reer in  which  he  took  greater  satisfaction.  It  is 
certain  there  is  no  part  which  has  been  viewed  with 
greater  satisfaction  by  posterity;  and,  amidst  the 
woe  and  desolation  which  Pizarro  and  his  followers 
brought  on  the  devoted  land  of  the  Incas,  Lima, 
the  beautiful  City  of  the  Kings,  still  survives  as  the 
most  glorious  work  of  his  creation,  the  fairest  gem 
on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific. 


CHAPTER    X. 

ESCAPE  OF  THE  INCA.  —  RETURN  OF  HERNANDO  PIZARRO.  —  RISING 
OF  THE  PERUVIANS.  —  SIEGE  AND  BURNING  OF  Cuzco.  —  DISTRESS- 
ES OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  —  STORMING  OF  THE  FORTRESS.  —  Pi- 
ZARRO'S  DISMAY.  —  THE  INCA  RAISES  THE  SIEGE. 

1535  —  1536. 

• 

WHILE  the  absence  of  his  rival  Almagro  relieved 
Pizarro  from  all  immediate  disquietude  from  that 
quarter,  his  authority  was  menaced  in  another, 
where  he  had  least  expected  it.  This  was  from 
the  native  population  of  the  country.  Hitherto  the 
Peruvians  had  shown  only  a  tame  and  submissive 
temper,  that  inspired  their  conquerors  with  too  much 
contempt  to  leave  room  for  apprehension.  They 
had  passively  acquiesced  in  the  usurpation  of  the 
invaders ;  had  seen  one  monarch  butchered,  another 
placed  on  the  vacant  throne,  their  temples  despoiled 
of  their  treasures,  their  capital  and  country  appro- 
priated and  parcelled  out  among  the  Spaniards ; 
but,  with  the  exception  of  an  occasional  skirmish 
in  the  mountain  passes,  not  a  blow  had  been  struck 
in  defence  of  their  rights.  Yet  this  was  the  warlike 
nation  which  had  spread  its  conquests  over  so  large 
a  part  of  the  continent ! 

In   his   career,    Pizarro,    though   he   scrupled   at 


40  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [BooK  III. 

nothing  to  effect  his  object,  had  not  usually  coun- 
tenanced such  superfluous  acts  of  cruelty  as  had 
too  often  stained  the  arms  of  his  countrymen  in 
other  parts  of  the  continent,  and  which,  in  the 
course  of  a  few  years,  had  exterminated  nearly  a 
whole  population  in  Hispaniola.  He  had  struck  one 
astounding  blow,  by  the  seizure  of  Atahuallpa  ;  and 
he  seemed  willing  to  rely  on  this  to  strike  terror  into 
the  natives.  He  even  affected  some  respect  for  the 
institutions  of  the  country,  and  had  replaced  the 
monarch  he  had  murdered  by  another  of  the  legiti- 
mate line.  Yet  this  was  but  a  pretext.  The  king- 
dom had  experienced  a  revolution  of  the  most  de- 
cisive kind.  Its  ancient  institutions  were  subverted. 
Its  heaven-descended  aristocracy  was  levelled  almost 
to  the  condition  of  the  peasant*  The  people  be- 
came the  serfs  of  the  Conquerors.  Their  dwellings 
in  the  capital  —  at  least,  after  the  arrival  of  Al- 
varado's  officers  —  were  seized  and  appropriated. 
The  temples  were  turned  into  stables ;  the  royal 
residences  into  barracks  for  the  troops.  The  sanc- 
tity of  the  religious  houses  was  violated.  Thou- 
sands of  matrons  and  maidens,  who,  however  erro- 
neous their  faith,  lived  in  chaste  seclusion  in  the 
conventual  establishments,  were  now  turned  abroad, 
and  became  the  prey  of  a  licentious  soldiery.1  A 

1  So  says  the  author  of  the  Con-  the  honest  indignation  he  expresses 

quista  i  Poblacion  del  Pint,  a  con-  at  the  excesses  of  the  Conquerors, 

temporary  writer,    who    describes  lead  one  to  suppose  he  may  have 

what  he  saw  himself  as  well  as  been  an  ecclesiastic,   one   of  the 

what    he    gathered    from    others,  good  men  who  attended  the  cruel 

Several    circumstances,   especially  expedition  on  an  errand  of  love  and 


CH.  X.] 


ESCAPE  OF  THE   INCA. 


41 


favorite  wife  of  the  young  Inca  was  debauched  by 
the  Castilian  officers.  The  Inca,  himself  treated 
with  contemptuous  indifference,  found  that  he  was 
a  poor  dependant,  if  not  a  tool,  in  the  hands  of  his 
conquerors.2 

Yet  the  Inca  Manco  was  a  man  of  a  lofty  spirit 
and  a  courageous  heart;  such  a  one  as  might  have 
challenged  comparison  with  the  bravest  of  his  an- 
cestors in  the  prouder  days  of  the  empire.  Stung 
to  the  quick  by  the  humiliations  to  which  he  was 
exposed,  he  repeatedly  urged  Pizarro  to  restore  him 
to  the  real  exercise  of  power,  as  well  as  to  the  show 
of  it.  But  Pizarro  evaded  a  request  so  incompatible 


mercy.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  his 
credulity  leads  him  to  exaggerate 
the  misdeeds  of  his  countrymen. 

According  to  him,  there  were 
full  six  thousand  women  of  rank, 
living  in  the  convents  of  Cuzco, 
served  each  hy  fifteen  or  twenty 
female  attendants,  most  of  whom, 
that  did  not  perish  in  the  war, 
suffered  a  more  melancholy  fate, 
as  the  victims  of  prostitution.  — 
The  passage  is  so  remarkable,  and 
the  MS.  so  rare,  that  I  will  cite 
it  in  the  original. 

' '  De  estas  senoras  del  Cuzco  es 
cierto  de  tener  grande  sentimiento 
el  que  tuviese  alguna  humanidad 
en  el  pecho,  que  en  tiempo  de  la 
prosperidad  del  Cuzco  quando  los 
Espanoles  entraron  en  el  havia 
grand  cantidad  de  senoras  que  te- 
nian  sus  casas  i  sus  asientos  mui 
quietas  i  sosegadas  i  vivian  mui 
politicamente  i  como  mui  buenas 

VOL.    II.  6 


mugeres,  cada  senora  acompafiada 
con  quince  o  veinte  mugeres  que 
tenia  de  servicio  en  su  casa  bien 
traidas  i  aderezadas,  i  no  salian 
menos  desto  i  con  grand  onestidad 
i  gravedad  i  atavio  a  su  usanza,  i 
es  a  la  cantidad  destas  senoras  prin- 

cipales  creo  yo  que  en  el 

que  avia  mas  de  seis  mil  sin  las 
de  servicio  que  creo  yo  que  eran 
mas  de  veinte  mil  mugeres  sin  las 
de  servicio  i  mamaconas  que  eran 
las  que  andavan  como  beatas  i 
dende  a  dos  ailos  casi  no  se  allava 
en  el  Cuzco  i  su  tierra  sino  cada 
qual  i  qual  porque  muchas  murie- 
ron  en  la  guerra  que  huvo  i  las 
otras  vinieron  las  mas  a  ser  malas 
mugeres.  Senor  perdone  a  quien 
fue  la  causa  desto  i  aquien  no  lo 
remedia  pudiendo."  Conq.  i  Fob. 
del  Piru,  MS. 
2  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


42  CONQUEST  OF   PERU.  [Boon  III. 

with  his  own  ambitious  schemes,  or,  indeed,  with 
the  policy  of  Spain,  and  the  young  Inca  and  his 
nobles  were  left  to  brood  over  their  injuries  in 
secret,  and  await  patiently  the  hour  of  vengeance. 

The  dissensions  among  the  Spaniards  themselves 
seemed  to  afford  a  favorable  opportunity  for  this. 
The  Peruvian  chiefs  held  many  conferences  together 
on  the  subject,  and  the  high-priest  Villac  Umu  urged 
the  necessity  of  a  rising  so  soon  as  Almagro  had 
withdrawn  his  forces  from  the  city.  It  would  then 
be  comparatively  easy,  by  assaulting  the  invaders 
on  their  several  posts,  scattered  as  they  were  over 
the  country,  to  overpower  them  by  superior  num- 
bers, and  shake  off  their  detested  yoke  before  the 
arrival  of  fresh  reinforcements  should  rivet  it  for 
ever  on  the  necks  of  his  countrymen.  A  plan  for  a 
general  rising  was  formed,  and  it  was  in  conformity 
to  it  that  the  priest  was  selected  by  the  Inca  to  bear 
Almagro  company  on  the  march,  that  he  might  se- 
cure the  cooperation  of  the  natives  in  the  country, 
and  then  secretly  return  —  as  in  fact  he  did  —  to 
take  a  part  in  the  insurrection. 

To  carry  their  plans  into  effect,  it  became  neces- 
sary that  the  Inca  Manco  should  leave  the  city  and 
present  himself  among  his  people.  He  found  no 
difficulty  in  withdrawing  from  Cuzco,  where  his 
presence  was  scarcely  heeded  by  the  Spaniards,  as 
his  nominal  power  was  held  in  little  deference  by 
the  haughty  and  confident  Conquerors.  But  in  the 
capital  there  was<i  body  of  Indian  allies  more  jealous 
of  his  movements.  These  were  from  the  tribe  of 


CH.  X.]  RETURN  OF  HERNANDO  PIZARRO.  43 

the  Canares,  a  warlike  race  of  the  north,  too  recent- 
ly reduced  by  the  Incas  to  have  much  sympathy 
with  them  or  their  institutions.  There  were  about 
a  thousand  of  this  people  in  the  place,  and,  as  they 
had  conceived  some  suspicion  of  the  Inca's  purposes, 
they  kept  an  eye  on  his  movements,  and  speedily 
reported  his  absence  to  Juan  Pizarro. 

That  cavalier,  at  the  head  of  a  small  body  of 
horse,  instantly  marched  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitive, 
whom  he  was  so  fortunate  as  to  discover  in  a  thicket 
of  reeds,  in  which  he  sought  to  conceal  himself,  at 
no  great  distance  from  the  city.  Manco  was  arrest- 
ed, brought  back  a  prisoner  to  Cuzco,  and  placed 
under  a  strong  guard  in  the  fortress.  The  conspira- 
cy seemed  now  at  an  end;  and  nothing  was  left  to 
the  unfortunate  Peruvians  but  to  bewail  their  ru- 
ined hopes,  and  to  give  utterance  to  their  disap- 
pointment in  doleful  ballads,  which  rehearsed  the 
captivity  of  their  Inca,  and  the  downfall  of  his  royal 
house.3 

While  these  things  were  in  progress,  Hernando 
Pizarro  returned  to  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  bear- 
ing with  him  the  royal  commission  for  the  exten- 
sion of  his  brother's  powers,  as  well  as  of  those 
conceded  to  Almagro.  The  envoy  also  brought  the 
royal  patent  conferring  on  Francisco  Pizarro  the 
title  of  Marques  de  los  Atavillos,  —  a  province  in 
Peru.  Thus  was  the  fortunate  adventurer  placed  in 

3  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.  i  Fob.  del  Piru,  MS. — 
Conq.,  MS.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  Ge-  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  2, 
neral,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  1,  2.  —  cap.  3. 


44  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [Boon  III. 

the  ranks  of  the  proud  aristocracy  of  Castile,  few 
of  whose  members  could  boast  —  if  they  had  the 
courage  to  boast  —  their  elevation  from  so  humble 
an  origin,  as  still  fewer  could  justify  it  by  a  show  >f 
greater  services  to  the  Crown. 

The  new  marquess  resolved  not  to  forward  the 
commission,  at  present,  to  the  marshal,  whom  he 
designed  to  engage  still  deeper  in  the  conquest  of 
Chili,  that  his  attention  might  be  diverted  from 
Cuzco,  which,  however,  his  brother  assured  him, 
now  fell,  without  doubt,  within  the  newly  extended 
limits  of  his  owrn  territory.  To  make  more  sure  of 
this  important  prize,  he  despatched  Hernando  to 
take  the  government  of  the  capital  into  his  own 
hands,  as  the  one  of  his  brothers  on  whose  talents 
and  practical  experience  he  placed  greatest  reliance. 

Hernando,  notwithstanding  his  arrogant  bearing 
towards  his  countrymen,  had  ever  manifested  a  more 
than  ordinary  sympathy  with  the  Indians.  He  had 
been  the  friend  of  Atahuallpa ;  to  such  a  degree, 
indeed,  that  it  was  said,  if  he  had  been  in  the  camp 
at  the  time,  the  fate  of  that  unhappy  monarch  would 
probably  have  been  averted.  He  now  showed  a 
similar  friendly  disposition  towards  his  successor, 
Man co.  He  caused  the  Peruvian  prince  to  be  lib- 
erated from  confinement,  and  gradually  admitted 
him  into  some  intimacy  with  himself.  The  crafty 
Indian  availed  himself  of  his  freedom  to  mature  his 
plans  for  the  rising,  but  with  so  much  caution,  that 
no  suspicion  of  them  crossed  the  mind  of  Her- 
nando. Secrecy  and  silence  are  characteristic  of 


CH.  X.]  RISING  OF  THE  PERUVIANS.  45 

the  American,  almost  as  invariably  as  the  peculiar 
color  of  his  skin.  Manco  disclosed  to  his  conqueror 
the  existence  of  several  heaps  of  treasure,  and  the 
places  where  they  had  been  secreted ;  and,  when  he 
had  thus  won  his  confidence,  he  stimulated  his  cu- 
pidity still  further  by  an  account  of  a  statue  of  pure 
gold  of  his  father  Huayna  Capae,  which  the  wily 
Peruvian  requested  leave  to  bring  from  a  secret 
cave  in  which  it  was  deposited,  among  the  neigh- 
bouring Andes.  Hernando,  blinded  by  his  avarice, 
consented  to  the  Inca's  departure. 

He  sent  with  him  two  Spanish  soldiers,  less  as 
a  guard  than  to  aid  him  in  the  object  of  his  expe- 
dition. A  week  elapsed,  and  yet  he  did  not  re- 
turn, nor  were  there  any  tidings  to  be  gathered 
of  him.  Hernando  now  saw  his  error,  especially 
as  his  own  suspicions  were  confirmed  by  the  unfa- 
vorable reports  of  his  Indian  allies.  Without  fur- 
ther delay,  he  despatched  his  brother  Juan,  at  the 
head  of  sixty  horse,  in  quest  of  the  Peruvian  prince, 
with  orders  to  bring  him  back  once  more  a  prisoner 
to  his  capital. 

That  cavalier,  with  his  well-armed  troops,  soon 
traversed  the  environs  of  Cuzco  without  discover- 
ing any  vestige  of  the  fugitive.  The  country  was 
remarkably  silent  and  deserted,  until,  as  he  ap- 
proached the  mountain  range  that  hems  in  the 
valley  of  Yucay,  about  six  leagues  from  the  city,  he 
was  met  by  the  two  Spaniards  who  had  accompa- 
nied Manco.  They  informed  Pizarro  that  it  was 
only  at  the  point  of  the  sword  he  could  recover 


46  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [Boos  III. 

the  Inca,  for  the  country  was  all  in  arms,  and  the 
Peruvian  chief  at  its  head  was  preparing  to  march 
on  the  capital.  Yet  he  had  offered  no  violence  to 
their  persons,  but  had  allowed  them  to  return  in 
safety. 

The  Spanish  captain  found  this  story  fully  con 
firmed  when  he  arrived  at  the  river  Yucay,  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  which  were  drawn  up  the  Indian 
battalions  to  the  number  of  many  thousand  men, 
who,  with  their  young  monarch  at  their  head,  pre- 
pared to  dispute  his  passage.  It  seemed  that  the'y 
could  not  feel  their  position  sufficiently  strong, 
without  placing  a  river,  as  usual,  between  them 
and  their  enemy.  The  Spaniards  were  not  checked 
by  this  obstacle.  The  stream,  though  deep,-  was 
narrow ;  and  plunging  in,  they  swam  their  horses 
boldly  across,  amidst  a  tempest  of  stones  and  arrows 
that  rattled  thick  as  hail  on  their  harness,  finding 
occasionally  some  crevice  or  vulnerable  point,  — 
although  the  wounds  thus  received  only  goaded 
them  to  more  desperate  efforts.  The  barbarians 
fell  back  as  the  cavaliers  made  good  their  landing  ; 
but,  without  allowing  the  latter  time  to  form,  they 
returned  with  a  spirit  which  they  had  hitherto  sel- 
dom displayed,  and  enveloped  them  on  all  sides 
with  their  greatly  superior  numbers.  The  fight 
now  raged  fiercely.  Many  of  the  Indians  were 
armed  with  lances  headed  with  copper  tempered 
almost  to  the  hardness  of  steel,  and  with  huge 
maces  and  battle-axes  of  the  same  metal.  Their 
defensive  armour,  also,  was  in  many  respects  excel- 


CH.  X.]  RISING  OF  THE   PERUVIANS.  47 

lent,  consisting  of  stout  doublets  of  quilted  cot- 
ton, shields  covered  with  skins,  and  casques  richly 
ornamented  with  gold  and  jewels,  or  sometimes 
made  like  those  of  the  Mexicans,  in  the  fantastic 
shape  of  the  heads  of  wild  animals,  garnished  with 
rows  of  teeth  that  grinned  horribly  above  the  vis- 
age of  the  warrior.4  The  whole  army  wore  an  as- 
pect of  martial  ferocity,  under  the  control  of  much 
higher  military  discipline  than  the  Spaniards  had 
before  seen  in  the  country. 

The  little  band  of  cavaliers,  shaken  by  the  fury 
of  the  Indian  assault,  were  thrown  at  first  into 
some  disorder,  but  at  length,  cheering  on  one  an- 
other with  the  old  war-cry  of  "  St.  Jago,"  they 
formed  in  solid  column,  and  charged  boldly  into 
the  thick  of  the  enemy.  The  latter,  incapable  of 
withstanding  the  shock,  gave  way,  or  were  trampled 
down  under  the  feet  of  the  horses,  or  pierced  by 
the  lances  of  the  riders.  Yet  their  flight  was  con- 
ducted with  some  order ;  and  they  turned  at  in- 
tervals, to  let  off  a  volley  of  arrows,  or  to  deal 
furious  blows  with  their  pole-axes  and  war-clubs. 
They  fought  as  if  conscious  that  they  were  under 
the  eye  of  their  Inca. 

4   "  Es  gente,"    says    Oviedo,  ther  Velasco  has  added  consider- 

"  muy  belicosa  e  muy  diestra  ;  sus  ably  to  this  catalogue.     According 

armas  son  picas,  e  ondas,  porras  e  to  him  they  used  copper  swords, 

Alabardas  de  Plata  e  oro  e  cobre."  poniards,  and  other  European  weap- 

(Hist.  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  ons.     (Hist,  de  Quito,  torn.  I.  pp. 

lib.  8,  cap.  17.)     Xerez  has  made  178-180.)     He  does  not  insist  on 

a  good  enumeration  of  the  native  their  knowledge'  of  fire-arms  be- 

Peruvian  arms.     (Conq.  del  Peru,  fore  the  Conquest! 
ap.  Barcia,  torn.  III.  p.  200.)    Fa- 


J 


48  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [BOOK  III. 

It  was  evening  before  they  had  entirely  quitted 
the  level  ground,  and  withdrawn  into  the  fastnesses 
of  the  lofty  range  of  hills  which  belt  round  the 
beautiful  valley  of  Yucay.  Juan  Pizarro  and  his 
little  troop  encamped  on  the  level  at  the  base  of 
the  mountains.  He  had  gained  a  victory,  as  usual, 
over  immense  odds  ;  but  he  had  never  seen  a  field 
so  well  disputed,  and  his  victory  had  cost  him  the 
lives  of  several  men  and  horses,  while  many  more 
had  been  wounded,  and  were  nearly  disabled  by 
the  fatigues  of  the  day.  But  he  trusted  the  severe 
lesson  he  had  inflicted  on  the  enemy,  whose  slaugh- 
ter was  great,  would  crush  the  spirit  of  resistance. 
He  was  deceived. 

The  following  morning,  great  was  his  dismay  to 
see  the  passes  of  the  mountains  filled  up  with  dark 
lines  of  warriors,  stretching  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
penetrate  into  the  depths  of  the  sierra,  while  dense 
masses  of  the  enemy  were  gathered  like  thunder- 
clouds along  the  slopes  and  summits,  as  if  ready  to 
pour  down  in  fury  on  the  assailants.  The  ground, 
altogether  unfavorable  to  the  manoeuvres  of  cavalry, 
gave  every  advantage  to  the  Peruvians,  who  rolled 
down  huge  rocks  from  their  elevated  position,  and 
sent  off  incessant  showers  of  missiles  on  the  heads 
of  the  Spaniards.  Juan  Pizarro  did  not  care  to 
entangle  himself  further  in  the  perilous  defile ;  and, 
though  he  repeatedly  charged  the  enemy,  and  drove 
them  back  with  considerable  loss,  the  second  night 
found  him  with  men  and  horses  wearied  and  wound- 
ed, and  as  little  advanced  in  the  object  of  his  ex- 


CH.  X.]  SIEGE  AND   BURNING  OF   CUZCO.  49 

pedition  as  on  the  preceding  evening.  From  this 
embarrassing  position,  after  a  day  or  two  more 
spent  in  unprofitable  hostilities,  he  was  surprised 
by  a  summons  from  his  brother  to  return  with  all 
expedition  to  Cuzco,  which  was  now  besieged  by 
the  enemy ! 

Without  delay,  he  began  his  retreat,  recrossed 
the  valley,  the  recent  scene  of  slaughter,  swam  the 
river  Yucay,  and,  by  a  rapid  countermarch,  closely 
followed  by  the  victorious  enemy,  who  celebrated 
their  success  with  songs  or  rather  yells  of  triumph, 
he  arrived  before  nightfall  in  sight  of  the  capital. 

But  very  different  was  the  sight  which  there  met 
his  eye  from  what  he  had  beheld  on  leaving  it  a 
few  days  before.  The  extensive  environs,  as  far  as 
the  eye  could  reach,  were  occupied  by  a  mighty 
host,  which  an  indefinite  computation  swelled  to  the 
number  of  two  hundred  thousand  warriors.5  The 
dusky  lines  of  the  Indian  battalions  stretched  out  to 
the  very  verge  of  the  mountains  ;  while,  all  around, 
the  eye  sawT  only  the  crests  and  waving  banners  of 
chieftains,  mingled  with  rich  panoplies  of  feather- 
work,  which  reminded  some  few  who  had  served 
under  Cortes  of  the  military  costume  of  the  Aztecs. 
Above  all  rose  a  forest  of  long  lances  and  battle- 
axes  edged  with  copper,  which,  tossed  to  and  fro 
in  wild  confusion,  glittered  in  the  rays  of  the  setting 


5  "  Pues  junta    toda   la    gente  indios  de  guerra  los  que  vinieron 
quel  ynga  avia  embiado  a  juntar  a  poner  este  cerco."     Pedro  Pi- 
que a  lo  que  se  entendio  y  los  in-  zarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 
dios  dixeron   fueron  dozientos  mil 

VOL.    II.  7 


50  CONQUEST  OF   PERU.  [Boox  III. 

sun,  like  light  playing  on  the  surface  of  a  dark  and 
troubled  ocean.  It  was  the  first  time  that  the 
Spaniards  had  beheld  an  Indian  army  in  all  its  ter- 
rors ;  such  an  army  as  the  Incas  led  to  battle,  when 
the  banner  of  the  Sun  was  borne  triumphant  over 
the  land. 

Yet  the  bold  hearts  of  the  cavaliers,  if  for  a  mo- 
ment dismayed  by  the  sight,  soon  gathered  courage 
as  they  closed  up  their  files,  and  'prepared  to  open  a 
way  for  themselves  through  the  beleaguering  host. 
But  the  enemy  seemed  to  shun  the  encounter ;  and, 
falling  back  at  their  approach,  left  a  free  entrance 
into  the  capital.  The  Peruvians  were,  probably, 
not  unwilling  to  draw  as  many  victims  as  they  could 
into  the  toils,  conscious  that,  the  greater  the  num- 
ber, the  sooner  they  would  become  sensible  to  the 
approaches  of  famine.6 

Hernando  Pizarro  greeted  his  brother  with  no 
little  satisfaction  ;  for  he  brought  an  important  ad- 
dition to  his  force,  which  now,  when  all  were  united, 
did  not  exceed  two  hundred,  horse  and  foot,7  be- 
sides a  thousand  Indian  auxiliaries  ;  an  insignificant 
number,  in  comparison  with  the  countless  multitudes 
that  were  swarming  at  the  gates.  That  night  was 
passed  by  the  Spaniards  with  feelings  of  the  deepest 
anxiety,  as  they  looked  forward  with  natural  appre- 


6   Pedro     Pizarro,     Descub.    y  7  "  Y  los  pocos  Espafioles  qui 

Conq.,   MS.  —  Conq.   i  Pob.   del  heramos  aim  no  dozientos  todos.' 

Piru,   MS.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  Ge-  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq., 

neral,  dec.   5,  lib.  8,  cap.  4.  —  MS. 
Gomara,  Hist.  delaslnd.,cap.  133. 


On.  X.]  SIEGE  AND   BURNING  OF   CUZCO.  51 

hension  to  the  morrow.  It  was  early  in  February, 
1536.  when  the  siege  of  Cuzco  commenced;  a 
siege  memorable  as  calling  out  the  most  heroic  dis- 
plays of  Indian  and  European  valor,  and  bringing 
the  two  races  in  deadlier  conflict  with  each  other 
than  had  yet  occurred  in  the  conquest  of  Peru. 

The  numbers  of  the  enemy  seemed  no  less  for- 
midable during  the  night  than  by  the  light  of  day ; 
far  and  wide  their  watch-fires  were  to  be  seen 
gleaming  over  valley  and  hill-top,  as  thickly  scat- 
tered, says  an  eyewitness,  as  "  the  stars  of  heaven 
in  a  cloudless  summer  night." s  Before  these  fires 
had  become  pale  in  the  light  of  the  morning,  the 
Spaniards  were  roused  by  the  hideous  clamor  of 
conch,  trumpet,  and  atabal,  mingled  with  the  fierce 
war-cries  of  the  barbarians,  as  they  let  off  volleys  of 
missiles  of  every  description,  most  of  which  fell 
harmless  within  the  city.  But  others  did  more  se- 
rious execution.  These  were  burning  arrows,  and 
red-hot  stones  wrapped  in  cotton  that  had  been 
steeped  in  some  bituminous  substance,  which,  scat- 
tering long  trains  of  light  through  the  air,  fell  on  the 
roofs  of  the  buildings,  and  speedily  set  them  on  fire.9 
These  roofs,  even  of  the  better  sort  of  edifices, 


8  "  Pues  de  noche  heran  tantos  dones  y  poniendolas  en  hondas  las 
los  fuegos  que  no  parecia  sino  vn  tiravan  a  las  cassas  donde  no  al- 
cielo  muy  sereno  lleno  deestrellas."  canzavan  a  poner  fuego  con  las 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  manos,   y  ansi  nos  quemavan  las 
MS.  cassas  sin  entendello.     Otras  veces 

9  "  Unas  piedras    rredondas  y  con  flechas  encendidas  tirandolas  a 
hechallas  en  el  fuego   y  hazellas  las  casas  que  como  heran  de  paja 
asqua  embolvianlas  en  vnos  algo-  luego  se  encendian."     Ibid.,  MS. 


52  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [BOOK  III. 

were  uniformly  of  thatch,  and  were  ignited  as 
easily  as  tinder.  In  a  moment  the  flames  burst 
forth  from  the  most  opposite  quarters  of  the  city. 
They  quickly  communicated  to  the  wood-work  in 
the  interior  of  the  buildings,  and  broad  sheets  of 
flame  mingled  with  smoke  rose  up  towards  the 
heavens,  throwing  a  fearful  glare  over  every  object. 
The  rarefied  atmosphere  heightened  the  previous 
impetuosity  of  the  wind,  which,  fanning  the  rising 
flames,  they  rapidly  spread  from  dwelling  to  dwell- 
ing, till  the  whole  fiery  mass,  swayed  to  and  fro  by 
the  tempest,  surged  and  roared  with  the  fury  of  a 
volcano.  The  heat  became  intense,  and  clouds  of 
smoke,  gathering  like  a  dark  pall  over  the  city,  pro- 
duced a  sense  of  suffocation  and  almost  blindness 
in  those  quarters  where  it  was  driven  by  the 
winds.10 

The  Spaniards  were  encamped  in  the  great 
square,  partly  under  awnings,  and  partly  in  the 
hall  of  the  Inca  Viracocha,  on  the  ground  since 
covered  by  the  cathedral.  Three  times  in  the 
course  of  that  dreadful  day,  the  roof  of  the  building 
was  on  fire ;  but,  although  no  efforts  were  made  to 
extinguish  it,  the  flames  went  out  without  doing 
much  injury.  This  miracle  was  ascribed  to  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  who  was  distinctly  seen  by  several 

'/'     .  -'    ;.     - 

10  "  I  era  tanto  el  humo  que  casi  todas  partes  les  diera  el  humo  i  el 

los  oviera  de  aogar  i  pasaron  grand  calor  siendo  tan    grande   pasaron 

travajo  por  esta  causa  i  sine  fuera  travajo,  pero  la  divina  providencia 

porque  de  la  una  parte  de  la  plaza  lo  estorvo."     Conq.    i    Fob.    del 

no  havia  casas  i  estava  desconorado  Piru,  MS. 
no  pudieran  escapar  porque  si  por 


CH.  X.]  SIEGE  AND  BURNING  OF  CUZCO.  53 

of  the  Christian  combatants,  hovering  over  the  spot 
on  which  was  to  be  raised  the  temple  dedicated  to 
her  worship.11 

Fortunately,  the  open  space  around  Hernando's 
little  company  separated  them  from  the  immediate 
scene  of  conflagration.  It  afforded  a  means  of  pres- 
ervation similar  to  that  employed  by  the  American 
hunter,  who  endeavours  to  surround  himself  with  a 
belt  of  wasted  land,  when  overtaken  by  a  conflagra- 
tion in  the  prairies.  All  day  the  fire  continued  to 
rage,  and  at  night  the  effect  was  even  more  appall- 
ing; for  by  the  lurid  flames  the  unfortunate  Span- 
iards could  read  the  consternation  depicted  in  each 
others'  ghastly  countenances,  while  in  the  suburbs, 
along  the  slopes  of  the  surrounding  hills,  might  be 
seen  the  throng  of  besiegers,  gazing  with  fiendish 
exultation  on  the  work  of  destruction.  High 
above  the  town  to  the  north,  rose  the  gray  fortress, 
which  now  showed  ruddy  in  the  glare,  looking 
grimly  down  on  the  ruins  of  the  fair  city  which  it 
was  no  longer  able  to  protect ;  and  in  the  distance 
were  to  be  discerned  the  shadowy  forms  of  the  An- 

"•  The  temple  was  dedicated  to  event,     (lib.   7,  cap.   27.)     Both 

Our  Blessed  Lady  of  the  Assump-  writers  testify  to   the   seasonable 

tion.     The   apparition  of  the  Vir-  aid  rendered  by   St.  James,  who 

gin  was  manifest  not  only  to  Chris-  with   his  buckler,   displaying   the 

iian  but  to  Indian  warriors,  many  device  of  his  Military  Order,  and 

v)f  whom  reported  it  to  Garci lasso  armed  with  his  flaming  sword,  rode 

de  la  Vega,   in  whose  hands  the  his  white  charger  into  the  thick  of 

marvellous  rarely  loses  any  of  its  the  enemy.     The  patron  Saint  of 

gloss.     (Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  Spain   might  always  be  relied  on 

2,  cap.  25.)     It  is  further  attested  when   his  presence   was   needed; 

by  Father  Acosta,  who  came  into  dignus  vindice  nodus. 
khe  country  forty  years  after  the 


54 


CONQUEST  OF   PERU. 


[BOOK  III. 


des,  soaring  up  in  solitary  grandeur  into  the  regions 
of  eternal  silence,  far  beyond  the  wild  tumult  that 
raged  so  fearfully  at  their  base. 

Such  was  the  extent  of  the  city,  that  it  was  sev- 
eral days  before  the  fury  of  the  fire  was  spent. 
Tower  and  temple,  hut,  palace,  and  hall,  went  down 
before  it.  Fortunately,  among  the  buildings  that 
escaped  were  the  magnificent  House  of  the  Sun  and 
the  neighbouring  Convent  of  the  Virgins.  Their 
insulated  position  afforded  the  means,  of  which  the 
Indians  from  motives  of  piety  were  willing  to  avail 
themselves,  for  their  preservation.12  Full  one  half 
of  the  capital,  so  long  the  chosen  seat  of  Western 


12  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,Parte 
2,  lib.  2,  cap.  24". 

Father  Valverde,  Bishop  of  Cuz- 
co,  who  took  so  signal  a  part  in 
the  seizure  of  Atahuallpa,  was  ab- 
sent from  the  country  at  this  period, 
but  returned  the  following1  year. 
In  a  letter  to  the  emperor,  he 
contrasts  the  flourishing  condition 
of  the  capital  when  he  left  it,  and 
that  in  which  he  now  found  it, 
despoiled,  as  well  as  its  beautiful 
suburbs,  of  its  ancient  glories. 
"  If  I  had  not  known  the  site  of 
the  city,"  he  says,  "  I  should  not 
have  recognized  it  as  the  same." 
The  passage  is  too  remarkable  to 
be  omitted.  The  original  letter 
exists  in  the  archives  of  Simancas. 
—  "  Certifico  a  V.  M.  que  si  no  me 
acordara  del  sitio  desta  Ciudad  yo 
no  la  conosciera,  a  lo  merios  por  los 
edificios  y  Pueblos  della;  porque 
quando  el  Gobernador  D.  Franzisco 
Pizarro  entro  aqui  y  entre  yo  con 


el  estava  este  valle  tan  hermoso  en 
edificios  y  poblazion  que  en  torno 
tenia  que  era  cosa  de  admiracion 
vello,  porque  aunque  la  Ciudad  en 
si  no  ternia  mas  de  3  o  4000  casas, 
ternia  en  torno  quasi  a  vista  19  o 
20,000;  la  fortaleza  que  estava 
sobre  la  Ciudad  parescia  desde  a 
parte  una  mui  gran  fortaleza  de  las 
de  Espana  :  agora  la  mayor  parte 
de  la  Ciudad  esta  toda  derivada  y 
quemada ;  la  fortaleza  no  tiene  quasi 
nada  enhiesso  ;  todos  los  pueblos  de 
alderredor  no  tiene  sino  las  paredes 
que  por  maravilla  ai  casa  cubierta ! 
La  cosa  que  mas  contentamiento  me 
dio  en  esta  Ciudad  fue  la  Iglesia, 
que  para  en  Indias  es  harto  buena 
cosa,  aunque  segun  la  riqueza  a 
havido  en  esta  tierra  pudiera  ser 
mas  semejante  al  Templo  de  Salo- 
mon." Carta  del  Obispo  F.  Vi- 
cente de  Valverde  al  Emperador, 
MS.,  20deMarzo,  1539. 


CH.  X.]  DISTRESSES  OF  THE   SPANIARDS.  55 

• 

civilization,  the  pride  of  the  Incas,  and  the  bright 
abode  of  their  tutelar  deity,  was  laid  in  ashes  by  the 
hands  of  his  own  children.  It  was  some  consola- 
tion for  them  to  reflect,  that  it  burned  over  the 
heads  of  its  conquerors,  —  their  trophy  and  their 
tomb! 

During  the  long  period  of  the  conflagration, 
the  Spaniards  made  no  attempt  to  extinguish  the 
flames.  Such  an  attempt  would  have  availed  noth- 
ing. Yet  they  did  not  tamely  submit  to  the  as- 
saults of  the  enemy,  and  they  sallied  forth  from 
time  to  time  to  repel  them.  But  the  fallen  timbers 
and  scattered  rubbish  of  the  houses  presented  serious 
impediments  to  the  movements  of  horse ;  and,  when 
these  were  partially  cleared  away  by  the  efforts  of 
the  infantry  and  the  Indian  allies,  the  Peruvians 
planted  stakes  and  threw  barricades  across  the  path, 
which  proved  equally  embarrassing.13  To  remove 
them  was  a  work  of  time  and  no  little  danger,  as 
the  pioneers  were  exposed  to  the  whole  brunt  of 
the  enemy's  archery,  and  the  aim  of  the  Peruvian 
was  sure.  When  at  length  the  obstacles  were 
cleared  away,  and  a  free  course  was  opened  to  the 
cavalry,  they  rushed  with  irresistible  impetuosity  on 
their  foes,  who,  falling  back  in  confusion,  were 
cut  to  pieces  by  the  riders,  or  pierced  through  with 
their  lances.  The  slaughter  on  these  occasions  was 


13  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  nando  la  calle  hivan  haciendo  una 

Conq.,  MS.  pared  para  que  los  cavallos  ni  los 

"  Los  Indies  ganaron  el  Cuzco  Espafloles  no  los  pudiesen  rom- 

casi  todo  desta  manera  que  enga-  per."  Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Pirn,  MS. 


56  CONQUEST  OF   PERU.  [Boox  III 

great ;  but  the  Indians,  nothing  disheartened,  usu- 
ally returned  with  renewed  courage  to  the  attack, 
and,  while  fresh  reinforcements  met  the  Spaniards 
in  front,  others,  lying  in  ambush  among  the  ruins, 
threw  the  troops  into  disorder  by  assailing  them  on 
the  flanks.  The  Peruvians  were  expert  both  with 
bow  and  sling ;  and  these  encounters,  notwithstand- 
ing the  superiority  of  their  arms,  cost  the  Spaniards 
more  lives  than  in  their  crippled  condition  they 
could  afford  to  spare, — a  loss  poorly  compensated 
by  that  of  tenfold  the  number  of  the  enemy.  One 
weapon,  peculiar  to  South  American  warfare,  was 
used  with  some  effect  by  the  Peruvians.  This  was 
the  lasso,  —  a  long  rope  with  a  noose  at  the  end, 
which  they  adroitly  threw  over  the  rider,  or  entan- 
gled with  it  the  legs  of  his  horse,  so  as  to  bring 
them  both  to  the  ground.  More  than  one  Span- 
iard fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  by  this  ex- 
pedient.14 

Thus  harassed,  sleeping  on  their  arms,  with  their 
horses  picketed  by  their  side,  ready  for  action  at 
any  and  every  hour,  the  Spaniards  had  no  rest  by 
night  or  by  day.  To  add  to  their  troubles,  the  for- 
tress which  overlooked  the  city,  and  completely 
commanded  the  great  square  in  which  they  were 
quartered,  had  been  so  feebly  garrisoned  in  their 
false  sense  of  security,  that,  on  the  approach  of  the 
Peruvians,  it  had  been  abandoned  without  a  blow 
in  its  defence.  It  was  now  occupied  by  a  strong 
body  of  the  enemy,  who,  from  his  elevated  position, 

14  Ibid.,  MS.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  4. 


CH.  X.]  DISTRESSES  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  57 

sent  down  showers  of  missiles,  from  time  to  time, 
which  added  greatly  to  the  annoyance  of  the  be- 
sieged. Bitterly  did  their  captain  now  repent  the 
improvident  security  which  had  led  him  to  neglect  a 
post  so  important. 

Their  distresses  were  still  further  aggravated  by 
the  rumors,  which  continually  reached  their  ears,  of 
the  state  of  the  country.  The  rising,  it  was  said, 
was  general  throughout  the  land ;  the  Spaniards  liv- 
ing on  their  insulated  plantations  had  all  been  mas- 
sacred ;  Lima  and  Truxillo  and  the  principal  cities 
were  besieged,  and  must  soon  fall  into  the  enemy's 
hands ;  the  Peruvians  were  in  possession  of  the 
passes,  and  all  communications  were  cut  off,  so  that 
no  relief  was  to  be  expected  from  their  countrymen 
on  the  coast.  Such  were  the  dismal  stories,  (which, 
however  exaggerated,  had  too  much  foundation  in 
fact,)  that  now  found  their  way  into  the  city  from 
the  camp  of  the  besiegers.  And  to  give  greater 
credit  to  the  rumors,  eight  or  ten  human  heads  were 
rolled  into  the  plaza,  in  whose  blood-stained  visages 
the  Spaniards  recognized  with  horror  the  linea- 
ments of  their  companions,  who  they  knew  had 
been  dwelling  in  solitude  on  their  estates  ! 15 

Overcome  by  these  horrors,  many  were  for  aban- 
doning the  place  at  once,  as  no  longer  tenable,  and 
for  opening  a  passage  for  themselves  to  the  coast 
with  their  own  good  swords.  There  was  a  daring 
in  the  enterprise  which  had  a  charm  for  the  adven- 

15  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  —  Conq.  i  Fob,  del  Piru,  MS. 
VOL.    II.  8 


58  CONQUEST   OF   PERU.  [BooK  III. 

turous  spirit  of  the  Castilian.  Better,  they  said,  to 
perish  in  a  manly  struggle  for  life,  than  to  die  thus 
ignominiously,  pent  up  like  foxes  in  their  holes,  to 
be  suffocated  by  the  hunter ! 

But  the  Pizarros,  De  Rojas,  and  some  other  of 
the  principal  cavaliers,  refused  to  acquiesce  in  a 
measure  which,  they  said,  must  cover  them  with 
dishonor.16  Cuzco  had  been  the  great  prize  for 
which  they  had  contended ;  it  was  the  ancient  seat 
of  empire,  and,  though  now  in  ashes,  would  again 
rise  from  its  ruins  as  glorious  as  before.  All  eyes 
would  be  turned  on  them,  as  its  defenders,  and 
their  failure,  by  giving  confidence  to  the  enemy, 
might  decide  the  fate  of  their  countrymen  through- 
out the  land.  They  were  placed  in  that  post  as 
the  post  of  honor,  and  better  would  it  be  to  die 
there  than  to  desert  it. 

There  seemed,  indeed,  no  alternative  ;  for  every 
avenue  to  escape  was  cut  off  by  an  enemy  who  had 
perfect  knowledge  of  the  country,  and  possession 
of  all  its  passes.  But  this  state  of  things  could  not 
last  long.  The  Indian  could  not,  in  the  long  run, 
contend  with  the  white  man.  The  spirit  of  insur- 
rection would  die  out  of  itself.  Their  great  army 
would  melt  away,  unaccustomed  as  the  natives  were 
to  the  privations  incident  to  a  protracted  campaign. 


16    «  pues    Hernando    Pi§arro  Pi$arro  y  sus   hermanos,  Graviel 

mmca  estuvo  en  ello  y  les  respon-  de    Rojas,  Hernan  Ponce  de  Leon, 

dia  que  todos  aviamos  de  morir  jr  el  Thesorero   Riquelme."     Pedro 

no  desamparar  el  cuzco.     Junta-  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 
vanse  a  estas  consultas  Hernando 


CH.  X.]  DISTRESSES  OF  THE   SPANIARDS.  59 

Reinforcements  would  be  daily  coming  in  from  the 
colonies ;  and,  if  the  Castilians  would  be  but  true 
to  themselves  for  a  season,  they  would  be  relieved 
by  their  own  countrymen,  who  would  never  suffer 
them  to  die  like  outcasts  among  the  mountains. 

The  cheering  words  and  courageous  bearing  of 
the  cavaliers  went  to  the*  hearts  of  their  followers ; 
for  the  soul  of  the  Spaniard  readily  responded  to 
the  call  of  honor,  if  not  of  humanity.  All  now 
agreed  to  stand  by  their  leader  to  the  last.  But, 
if  they  would  remain  longer  in  their  present  posi- 
tion, it  was  absolutely  necessary  to  dislodge  the 
enemy  from  the  fortress ;  and,  before  venturing  on 
this  dangerous  service,  Hernando  Pizarro  resolved 
to  strike  such  a  blow  as  should  intimidate  the  be- 
siegers from  further  attempt  to  molest  his  present 
quarters. 

He  communicated  his  plan  of  attack  to  his  offi- 
cers ;  and,  forming  his  little  troop  into  three  divis- 
ions, he  placed  them  under  command  of  his  brother 
Gonzalo,  of  Gabriel  de  Rojas,  an  officer  in  whom  he 
reposed  great  confidence,  and  Hernan  Ponce  de 
Leon.  The  Indian  pioneers  were  sent  forward  to 
clear  away  the  rubbish,  and  the  several  divisions 
moved  simultaneously  up  the  principal  avenues  to- 
wards the  camp  of  the  besiegers.  Such  stragglers 
as  they  met  in  their  way  were  easily  cut  to  pieces, 
and  the  three  bodies,  bursting  impetuously  on  the 
disordered  lines  of  the  Peruvians,  took  them  com- 
pletely by  surprise.  For  some  moments  there  was 
little  resistance,  and  the  slaughter  was  terrible 


60  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [Boo*  III. 

But  the  Indians  gradually  rallied,  and,  coming  into 
something  like  order,  returned  to  the  fight  with 
the  courage  of  men  who  had  long  been  familiar 
with  danger.  They  fought  hand  to  hand  with 
their  copper-headed  war-clubs  arid  pole-axes,  while 
a  storm  of  darts,  stones,  and  arrows  rained  on  the 
well-defended  bodies  of  the  Christians.  ».'• 

The  barbarians  showed  more  discipline  than  was 
to  have  been  expected ;  for  which,  it  is  said,  they 
were  indebted  to  some  Spanish  prisoners,  from 
several  of  whom,  the  Inca,  having  generously  spared 
their  lives,  took  occasional  lessons  in  the  art  of  war. 
The  Peruvians  had,  also,  learned  to  manage  with 
some  degree  of  skill  the  weapons  of  their  conquer- 
ors ;  and  they  were  seen  armed  with  bucklers,  hel- 
mets, and  swords  of  European  workmanship,  and 
even,  in  a  few  instances,  mounted  on  the  horses 
which  they  had  taken  from  the  white  men.17  The 
young  Inca,  in  particular,  accoutred  in  the  European 
fashion,  rode  a  war-horse  which  he  managed  with 
considerable  address,  and,  with  a  long  lance  in 
his  hand,  led  on  his  followers  to  the  attack.  —  This 
readiness  to  adopt  the  superior  arms  and  tactics  of 
the  Conquerors  intimates  a  higher  civilization  than 
that  which  belonged  to  the  Aztec,  who,  in  his  long 
collision  with  the  Spaniards,  was  never  so  far  di- 
vested of  his  terrors  for  the  horse  as  to  venture  to 
mount  him. 

17  Herrera  assures  us,  that  the  the  muskets  in  order,  and  manufac- 

Peruvians  even  turned  the  fire-arms  ture  powder  for  them.    Hist.  Ge- 

of  their  Conquerors  against  them,  neral,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  5,  6. 
compelling  their  prisoners  to  put 


CH.  X.]  STORMING  OF   THE  FORTRESS.  61 

But  a  few  days  or  weeks  of  training  were  not 
enough  to  give  familiarity  with  weapons,  still  less 
with  tactics,  so  unlike  those  to  which  the  Peruvians 
had  been  hitherto  accustomed.  The  fight,  on  the 
present  occasion,  though  hotly  contested,  was  not 
of  long  duration.  After  a  gallant  struggle,  in  which 
the  natives  threw  themselves  fearlessly  on  the  horse- 
men, endeavouring  to  tear  them  from  their  saddles, 
they  were  obliged  to  give  way  before  the  repeated 
shock  of  their  charges.  Many  were  trampled  under 
foot,  others  cut  down  by  the  Spanish  broadswords, 
while  the  arquebusiers,  supporting  the  cavalry,  kept 
up  a  running  fire  that  did  terrible  execution  on  the 
flanks  and  rear  of  the  fugitives.  At  length,  sated 
with  slaughter,  and  trusting  that  the  chastisement 
he  had  inflicted  on  the  enemy  would  secure  him 
from  further  annoyance  for  the  present,  the  Cas- 
tilian  general  drew  back  his  forces  to  their  quarters 
in  the  capital.18 

His  next  step  was  the  recovery  of  the  citadel. 
It  was  an  enterprise  of  danger.  The  fortress, 
which  overlooked  the  northern  section  of  the  city, 
stood  high  on  a  rocky  eminence,  so  steep  as  to  be 
inaccessible  on  this  quarter,  where  it  was  defended 
only  by  a  single  wall.  Towards  the  open  coun- 
try, it  was  more  easy  of  approach ;  but  there  it 
was  protected  by  two  semicircular  walls,  each  about 
twelve  hundred  feet  in  length,  and  of  great  thick-  j 
ness.  They  were  built  of  massive  stones,  or  rather 

18    Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y     Piru,  MS. —  Herrera,  Hist.    Ge- 
Conq.,    MS.  — Conq.  i   Pob.    del    neral,.dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  4,  5. 


62  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [BooK  III. 

rocks,  put  together  without  cement,  so  as  to  form  a 
kind  of  rustic-work.  The  level  of  the  ground  be- 
tween these  lines  of  defence  was  raised  up  so  as  to 
enable  the  garrison  to  discharge  its  arrows  at  the 
assailants,  while  their  own  persons  were  protected 
by  the  parapet.  Within  the  interior  wall  was  the 
fortress,  consisting  of  three  strong  towers,  one  of 
great  height,  which,  with  a  smaller  one,  was  now 
held  by  the  enemy,  under  the  command  of  an  Inca 
noble,  a  warrior  of  well-tried  valor,  prepared  to  de- 
fend it  to  the  last  extremity. 

The  perilous  enterprise  was  intrusted  by  Hernan- 
do  Pizarro  to  his  brother  Juan,  a  cavalier  in  whose 
bosom  burned  the  adventurous  spirit  of  a  knight- 
errant  of  romance.  As  the  fortress  was  to  be  ap- 
proached through  the  mountain  passes,  it  became 
necessary  to  divert  the  enemy's  attention  to  another 
quarter.  A  little  while  before  sunset  Juan  Pizarro 
left  the  city  with  a  picked  corps  of  horsemen,  and 
took  a  direction  opposite  to  that  of  the  fortress,  that 
the  besieging  army  rnight  suppose  the  object  was  a 
foraging  expedition.  But  secretly  countermarching 
in  the  night,  he  fortunately. found  the  passes  unpro- 
tected, and  arrived  before  the  outer  wall  of  the  for- 
tress, without  giving  the  alarm  to  the  garrison.19 

The  entrance  was  through  a  narrow  opening  in 
the  centre  of  the  rampart ;  but  this  was  now  closed 
up  with  heavy  stones,  that  seemed  to  form  one  solid 
work  with  the  rest  of  the  masonry.  It  was  an  affair 
of  time  to  dislodge  these  huge  masses,  in  such  a 

19  Conq.  i  Fob.  del  Pirn,  MS. 


CH.  X.]  STORMING  OF  THE  FORTRESS.  63 

manner  as  not  to  rouse  the  garrison.  The  Indian 
nations,  who  rarely  attacked  in  the  night,  were  not 
sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  art  of  war  even  to 
provide  against  surprise  by  posting  sentinels.  When 
the  task  was  accomplished,  Juan  Pizarro  and  his 
gallant  troop  rode  through  the  gateway,  and  ad- 
vanced towards  the  second  parapet. 

But  their  movements  had  not  been  conducted  so 
secretly  as  to  escape  notice,  and  they  now  found 
the  interior  court  swarming  with  warriors,  who,  as 
the  Spaniards  drew  near,  let  off  clouds  of  missiles 
that  compelled  them  to  come  to  a  halt.  Juan  Pi- 
zarro, aware  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost,  ordered 
one  half  of  his  corps  to  dismount,  and,  putting  him- 
self at  their  head,  prepared  to  make  a  breach  as 
before  in  the  fortifications.  He  had  been  wounded 
some  days  previously  in  the  jaw,  so  that,  finding  his 
helmet  caused  him  pain,  he  rashly  dispensed  with 
it,  and  trusted  for  protection  to  his  buckler.20  Lead- 
ing on  his  men,  he  encouraged  them  in  the  work  of 
demolition,  in  the  face  of  such  a  storm  of  stones, 
javelins,  and  arrows,  as  might  have  made  the  stout- 
est heart  shrink  from  encountering  it.  The  good 
mail  of  the  Spaniards  did  not  always  protect  them  ; 
but  others  took  the  place  of  such  as  fell,  until  a 
breach  was  made,  and  the  cavalry,  pouring  in,  rode 
down  all  who  opposed  them. 

The  parapet  was  now  abandoned,  and  the  enemy, 
hurrying  with  disorderly  flight  across  the  inclosure, 

20  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS 


64  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [BOOK  III. 

rook  refuge  on  a  kind  of  platform  or  terrace,  com- 
manded by  the  principal  tower.  Here  rallying, 
they  shot  off  fresh  volleys  of  missiles  against  the 
Spaniards,  while  the  garrison  in  the  fortress  hurled 
down  fragments  of  rock  and  timber  on  their  heads. 
Juan  Pizarro,  still  among  the  foremost,  sprang  for- 
ward on  the  terrace,  cheering  on  his  men  by  his 
voice  and  example ;  but  at  this  moment  he  was 
struck  by  a  large  stone  on  the  head,  not  then  pro- 
tected 'by  his  buckler,  and  was  stretched  on  the 
ground.  The  dauntless  chief  still  continued  to  ani- 
mate his  followers  by  his  voice,  till  the  terrace  was 
carried,  and  its  miserable  defenders  were  put  to  the 
sword.  His  sufferings  were  then  too  much  for  him, 
and  he  was  removed  to  the  town  below,  where, 
notwithstanding  every  exertion  to  save  him,  he 
survived  the  injury  but  a  fortnight,  and  died  in 
great  agony.21  —  To  say  that  he  was  a  Pizarro  is 
enough  to  attest  his  claim  to  valor.  But  it  is  his 
praise,  that  his  valor  was  tempered  by  courtesy. 
His  own  nature  appeared  mild  by  contrast  with 
the  haughty  temper  of  his  brothers,  and  his  man- 
ners made  him  a  favorite  of  the  army.  He  had 
served  in  the  conquest  of  Peru  from  the  first,  and 
no  name  on  the  roll  of  its  conquerors  is  less  tar- 

21  "  Y  estando  batallando  con  quince   dias  murio  desta  herida  y 

ellos  para   echallos  de    alii  Joan  ansi  herido  estuvo  forcejando  con 

Pi$arro  se  descuido  descubrirse  la  los  yndios  y  espanoles  hasta  que 

cabe§a  con   la  adarga  y  con  las  se  gano  este  terrado  y  ganado  le 

much  as  pedradas  que    tiravan   le  abaxaron   al   Cuzco."     Pedro  Pi- 

acertaron  vna  en  la  cavega  que  le  zarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 
quebraron  los  cascos    y  dende  & 


CH.  X.]  STORMING  OF  THE  FORTRESS.  65 

nished  bj  the  reproach  of  cruelty,  or  stands  higher 
in  all  the  attributes  of  a  true  and  valiant  knight.22 
Though  deeply  sensible  to  his  brother's  disaster, 
Hernando  Pizarro  saw  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost  in 
profiting  by  the  advantages  already  gained.  Com- 
mitting the  charge  of  the  town  to  Gonzalo,  he  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  assailants,  and  laid  vigor- 
ous siege  to  the  fortresses.  One  surrendered  after  a 
short  resistance.  The  other  and  more  formidable 
of  the  two  still  held  out  under  the  brave  Inca  noble 
who  commanded  it.  He  was  a  man  of  an  athletic 
frame,  and  might  be  seen  striding  along  the  battle- 
ments, armed  with  a  Spanish  buckler  and  cuirass, 
and  in  his  hand  wielding  a  formidable  mace,  gar- 
nished with  points  or  knobs  of  copper.  With  this 
terrible  weapon  he  struck  down  all  who  attempted 
to  force  a  passage  into  the  fortress.  Some  of  his 
own  followers  who  proposed  a  surrender  he  is  said 
to  have  slain  with  his  own  hand.  Hernando  pre- 
pared to  carry  the  place  by  escalade.  Ladders  were 
planted  against  the  walls,  but  no  sooner  did  a  Span- 
iard gain  the  topmost  round,  than  he  was  hurled  to 
tjie  ground  by  the  strong  arm  of  the  Indian  warrior. 
His  activity  was  equal  to  his  strength;  and  he 
seemed  to  be  at  every  point  the  moment  that  his 
presence  was  needed. 

22  "  Hera  valiente,"  says  Pedro  Tierra,   porque  era  Juan  Pi£arro 

Pizarro,  "  y  muy  animoso,  gentil  mui  valiente,  i  experimentado  en 

hombre,    magnanimo    y    afable."  las  Guerras  de  los  Indios,  i  biea 

(Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.)     Zarate  quisto,  i  amado  detodos."     Conq. 

dismisses  him  with  this  brief  pane-  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  3. 
gyric  :  —  "  Fue  gran  perdida  en  la 

VOL.    II.  9 


66  CONQUEST   OF  PERU.  [Boo*  III, 

The  Spanish  commander  was  filled  with  admira- 
tion at  this  display  of  valor ;  for  he  could  admire 
valor  even  in  an  enemy.  He  gave  orders  that  the 
chief  should  not  be  injured,  but  be  taken  alive,  if 
possible.23  This  was  not  easy.  At  length,  numer- 
ous ladders  having  been  planted  against  the  tower, 
<-,  the  Spaniards  scaled  it  on  several  quarters  at  the 
same  time,  and,  leaping  into  the  place, 'overpowered 
the  few  combatants  who  still  made  a  show  of  re- 
sistance. But  the  Inca  chieftain  was  not  to  be 
taken ;  and,  finding  further  resistance  ineffectual,  he 
sprang  to  the  edge  of  the  battlements,  and,  casting 
away  his  war-club,  wrapped  his  mantle  around  him 
and  threw  himself  headlong  from  the  summit.24 
He  died  like  an  ancient  Roman.  He  had  struck  his 
last  stroke  for  the  freedom  of  his  country,  and  he 
scorned  to  survive  her  dishonor.  —  The  Castilian 
commander  left  a  small  force  in  garrison  to  secure 
his  conquest,  and  returned  in  triumph  to  his  quarters. 

Week  after  week  rolled  away,  and  no  relief  came 
to  the  beleaguered  Spaniards.  They  had  long  since 
begun  to  feel  the  approaches  of  famine.  Fortunate- 
ly, they  were  provided  with  water  from  the  streams 
which  flowed  through  the  city.  But,  though  they 


23  «Y  mando  hernando  pi§arro  le   avian  tornado   por  dos  6   tres 
a  los  Espanoles  que  subian  que  no  partes  el  fuerte,  arrojando  las  armas 
matasen  a  este  yndio  sino  que  se  se  tapo  la  caveca  y  el  rrostro  con 
lo  tomasen  a  vida,  jurando  de  no  la  manta  y  se  arrojo  del  cubo  abajo 
matalle  si  lo   avia  bivo.'.'     Pedro  mas  de  cien  estados,  y  ansi  se  hizo 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.  pedazos.     A  hernando  Picarro  le 

24  "  Visto  este  orejon  que  se  lo  peso  mucho  por  no  tomalle  a  vida." 
avian  ganado  y  le  avian  ganado  y  Ibid.,  MS. 


CH.X.]  PIZARRO'S   DISMAY.  67 

had  well  husbanded  their  resources,  their  provisions 
were  exhausted,  and  they  had  for  some  time  de- 
pended on  such  scanty  supplies  of  grain  as  they 
could  gather  from  the  ruined  magazines  and  dwell- 
ings, mostly  consumed  by  the  fire,  or  from  the 
produce  of  some  successful  foray.25  This  latter  re- 
source was  attended  with  no  little  difficulty;  for 
every  expedition  led  to  a  fierce  encounter  with  the 
enemy,  which  usually  cost  the  lives  of  several  Span- 
iards, and  inflicted  a  much  heavier  injury  on  the 
Indian  allies.  Yet  it  was  at  least  one  good  result 
of  such  loss,  that  it  left  fewer  to  provide  for.  But 
the  whole  number  of  the  besieged  was  so  small,  that 
any  loss  greatly  increased  the  difficulties  of  defence 
by  the  remainder. 

As  months  passed  away  without  bringing  any 
tidings  of  their  countrymen,  their  minds  were  haunt- 
ed with  still  gloomier  apprehensions  as  to  their  fate. 
They  well  knew  that  the  governor  would  make 
every  effort  to  rescue  them  from  their  desperate 
condition.  That  he  had  not  -succeeded  in  this  made 
it  probable,  that  his  own  situation  was  no  better 
than  theirs,  or,  perhaps,  he  and  his  followers  had 
already  fallen  victims  to  the  fury  of  the  insurgents. 
It  was  a  dismal  thought,  that  they  alone  were  left 
in  the  land,  far  from  all  human  succour,  to  perish 
miserably  by  the  hands  of  the  barbarians  among 
the  mountains. 

Yet  the  actual  state  of  things,  though  gloomy  in 

25  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  24. 


68  CONQUEST  OF   PERU.  [BOOK  III 

the  extreme,  ,was  not  quite  so  desperate  as  their  im- 
aginations had  painted  it.  The  insurrection,  it  is 
true,  had  been  general  throughout  the  country,  at 
least  that  portion  of  it  occupied  by  the  Spaniards. 
It  had  been  so  well  concerted,  that  it  broke  out 
almost  simultaneously,  and  the  Conquerors,  who 
were  living  in  careless  security  on  their  estates,  had 
been  massacred  to  the  number  of  several  hundreds. 
An  Indian  force  had  sat  down  before  Xauxa,  and  a 
considerable  army  had  occupied  the  valley  of  Rimac 
and  laid  siege  to  Lima.  But  the  country  around 
that  capital  was  of  an  open,  level  character,  very 
favorable  to  the  action  of  cavalry.  Pizarro  no  soon- 
er saw  himself  menaced  by  the  hostile  array,  than 
he  sent  such  a  force  against  the  Peruvians  as  speed- 
ily put  them  to  flight ;  and,  following  up  his  advan- 
tage, he  inflicted  on  them  such  a  severe  chastise- 
ment, that,  although  they  still  continued  to  hover  in 
the  distance  'and  cut  off  his  communications  with 
the  interior,  they  did  not  care  to  trust  themselves 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Rimac. 

The  accounts  that  the  Spanish  commander  now 
received  of  the  state  of  the  country  filled  him  with 
the  most  serious  alarm.  He  was  particularly  so- 
licitous for  the  fate  of  the  garrison  at  Cuzco,  and 
he  made  repeated  efforts  to  relieve  that  capital. 
.  Four  several  detachments,  amounting  to  more  than 
four  hundred  men  in  all,  half  of  them  cavalry,  were 
sent  by  him  at  different  times,  under  some  of  his 
bravest  officers.  But  none  of  them  reached  their 
place  of  destination.  The  wily  natives  permitted 


CH.  X.]  PIZARRO'S   DISMAY.  69 

them  to  march  into  the  interior  of  the  country,  until 
they  were  fairly  entangled  in  the  passes  of  the  Cor- 
dilleras. They  then  enveloped  them  with  greatly 
superior  numbers,  and,  occupying  the  heights,  showr- 
ered  down  their  fatal  missiles  on  the  heads  of  the 
Spaniards,  or  crushed  them  under  the  weight  of 
fragments  of  rock  which  they  rolled  on  them  from 
the  mountains.  In  some  instances,  the  whole  de- 
tachment was  cut  off  to  a  man.  In  others,  a  few 
stragglers  only  survived  to  return  and  tell  the  bloody 
tale  to  their  countrymen  at  Lima.26 

Pizarro  was  now  filled  with  consternation.  He 
had  the  most  dismal  forebodings  of  the  fate  of  the 
Spaniards  dispersed  throughout  the  country,  and 
even  doubted  the  possibility  of  maintaining  his  own 
foothold  in  it  without  assistance  from  abroad.  He 
despatched  a  vessel  to  the  neighbouring  colony  at 
Truxillo,  urging  them  to  abandon  the  place,  with  all 
their  effects,  and  to  repair  to  him  at  Lima.  The 
measure  was,  fortunately,  not  adopted.  Many  of 
his  men  were  for  availing  themselves  of  the  vessels 
which  rode  at  anchor  in  the  port  to  make l  their  es- 
cape from  the  country  at  once,  and  take  refuge  in 


26  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  putes  the  whole  number  of  Chris- 

4,  cap.  5.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  Ge-  tians  who  perished  , in  this  insur- 

neral,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap  5.  —  rection  at  seven  hundred,  many  of 

Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  them,  he  adds,  under  circumstances 

lib.  2,  cap.  28.  of  great  cruelty.  (Cronica,  cap. 

According- to  the  historian  of  the  82.)  _The  estimate,  considering 

Incas,  there  fell  in  these  expedi-  the  spread  and  spirit  of  the  insur- 

tions  four  hundred  and  seventy  rection,  does  not  seem  extravagant. 

Spaniards.  Cieza  de  Leon  com-  * 


70  CONQUEST  OF   P£RU.  [BOOK  III. 

Panama.  Pizarro  would  not  hearken  to  so  dastard- 
ly a  counsel,  which  involved  the  desertion  of  the 
brave  men  in  the  interior  who  still  looked  to  him  for 
protection.  He  cut  off  the  hopes  of  these  timid 
spirits  by  despatching  all  the  vessels  then  in  port  on 
a  very  different  mission.  He  sent  letters  by  them 
to  the  governors  of  Panama,  Nicaragua,  Guatemala, 
and  Mexico,  representing  the  gloomy  state  of  his 
affairs,  and  invoking  their  aid.  His  epistle  to  Al- 
varado,  then  established  at  Guatemala,  is  preserved. 
He  conjures  him  by  every  sentiment  of  honor  and 
patriotism  to  come  to  his  assistance,  and  this  before 
it  was  too  late.  Without  assistance,  the  Spaniards 
could  no  longer  maintain  their  footing  in  Peru,  and 
that  great  empire  would  be  lost  to  the  Castilian 
Crown.  He  finally  engages  to  share  .with  him  such 
conquests  as  they  may  make  with  their  united 
arms.27 —  Such  concessions,  to  the  very  man  whose 
absence  from  the  country,  but  a  few  months  before, 
Pizarro  would  have  been  willing  to  secure  at  al- 
most any  price,  are  sufficient  evidence  of  the  extrem- 
ity of  his  distress.  The  succours /thus  earnestly  so- 
licited arrived  in  time,  not  to  quell  the  Indian  insur- 
rection, but  to  aid  him  in  a  struggle  quite  as  formi- 
dable with  his  own  countrymen. 

It  was  now  August.     More  than  five  months  had 

27  "  E  crea  V.  Sa  sino  somos  mos  pocas   armas,    e    los    Indies 

socorridos  se  perderar  el    Cusco,  estan  atrevidos."     Carta  de  Fran- 

ques  la  cosa  mas  senalada  e  de  cisco  Pizarro  a  D.  Pedro  de  Alva- 

mas  importancia  que  se  puede  de-  rado,  desde  la  Ciudad  le  los  Reyes, 

scubrir,   e   luego    nos  perderemos  29  de  Julio,  1536,  MS. 
todos  ;  porque  somos  pocos  6  tene- 


CH.  X.]  THE  INCA  RAISES  THE  SIEGE.  71 

elapsed  since  the  commencement  of  the  siege  of 
Cuzco,  yet  the  Peruvian,  legions  still  lay  encamped 
around  the  city.  The  siege  had  been  protracted 
much  beyond  what  was  usual  in  Indian  warfare, 
and  showed  the  resolution  of  the  natives  to  exter- 
minate the  white  men.  But  the  Peruvians  them- 
selves had  for  some  time  been  straitened  by  the 
want  of  provisions.  It  was  no  easy  matter  to  feed 
so  numerous  a  host ;  and  the  obvious  resource  of 
the  magazines  of  grain,  so  providently  prepared  by 
the  Incas,  did  them  but  little  service,  since  their 
contents  had  been  most  prodigally  used,  and  even 
dissipated,  by  the  Spaniards,  on  their  first  occupa- 
tion of  the  country.28  The  season  for  planting  had 
now  arrived,  and  the  Inca  well  knew,  that,  if  his 
followers  were  to  neglect  it,  they  would  be  visited 
by  a  scourge  even  more  formidable  than  their  in- 
vaders. Disbanding  the  greater  part  of  his  forces, 
therefore,  he  ordered  them  to  withdraw  to  their 
homes,  and,  after  the  labors  of  the  field  were  over, 
to  return  and  resume  the  blockade  of  the  capital. 
The  Inca  reserved  a  considerable  force  to  attend  on 
his  own  person,  with  which  he  retired  to  Tambo,  a 
strongly  fortified  place  south  of  the  valley  of  Yucay, 
the  favorite  residence  of  his  ancestors.  He  also 
posted  a  large  body  as  a  corps  of  observation  in  the 
environs  of  Cuzco,  to  watch  the  movements  of  the 
enemy,  and  to  intercept  supplies. 

The  Spaniards  beheld  with  joy  the  mighty  host, 

28  Qndegardo,  Rel.  Prim,  y  Seg.,  MS. 

.    ' 


72  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  [BOOK  III. 

which  had  so  long  encompassed  the  city,  now  melt- 
ing away.  They  were  not  slow  in  profiting  by  the 
circumstance,  and  Hernando  Pizarro  took  advantage 
of  the  temporary  absence  to  send  out  foraging  par- 
ties to  scour  the  country,  and  bring  back  supplies  to 
his  famishing  soldiers.  In  this  he  was  so  successful 
that  on  one  occasion  no  less  than  two  thousand 
head  of  cattle  —  the  Peruvian  sheep  —  were  swept 
away  from  the  Indian  plantations  and  brought  safely 
to  Cuzco.29  This  placed  the  army  above  all  appre- 
hensions on  the  score  of  want  for  the  present. 

Yet  these  forays  were  made  at  the  point  of  the 
lance,  and  many  a  desperate  contest  ensued,  in 
which  the  best  blood  of  the  Spanish  chivalry  was 
shed.  The  contests,  indeed,  were  not  confined  to 
large  bodies  of  troops,  but  skirmishes  took  place 
between  smaller  parties,  which  sometimes  took  the 
form  of  personal  combats.  Nor  were  the  parties  so 
unequally  matched  as  might  have  been  supposed  in 
these  single  rencontres;  and  the  Peruvian  warrior, 
with  his  sling,  his  bow,  and  his  lasso,  proved  no  con- 
temptible antagonist  for  the  mailed  horseman,  whom 
he  sometimes  even  ventured  to  encounter,  hand  to 
hand,  with  his  formidable  battle-axe.  The  ground 
around  Cuzco  became  a  battle-field,  like  the  vega 
of  Granada,  in  which  Christian  and  Pagan  displayed 
the  characteristics  of  their  peculiar  warfare ;  and 
many  a  deed  of  heroism  was  performed,  which 
wanted  only  the  song  of  the  minstrel  to  shed  around 

29  "  Recoximos  hasta  dos  mil  eavezas  de  ganado."     Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  yConq.,  MS. 


CH.  X.]  THE  INCA   RAISES  THE  SIEGE.  73 

it  a  glory  like  that  which  rested  on  the  last  days  of 
the  Moslem  of  Spain.30 

Bat  Hernando  Pizarro  was  not  content  to  act 
wholly  on  the  defensive  ;  and  he  meditated  a  bold 
stroke,  by  which  at  once  to  put  an  end  to  the  war. 
This  was  the  capture  of  the  Inca  Manco,  whom  he 
hoped  to  surprise  in  his  quarters  at  Tambo. 

For  this  service  he  selected  about  eighty  of  his 
best-mounted  cavalry,  with  a  small  body  of  foot  ; 
and,  making  a  large  detour  through  the  less  fre- 
quented mountain  defiles,  he  arrived  before  Tambo 
without  alarm  to  the  enemy.  He  found  the  place 
more  strongly  fortified  than  he  had  imagined.  The 
palace,  or  rather  fortress,  of  the  Incas  stood  on  a 
lofty  eminence,  the  steep  sides  of  which,  on  the 
quarter  where  the  Spaniards  approached,  were 
cut  into  terraces,  defended  by  strong  walls  of 
stone  and  sunburnt  brick.31  The  place  was  impreg- 
nable on  this  side.  On  the  opposite,  it  looked 
towards  the  Yucay,  and  the  ground  descended  by  a 
gradual  declivity  towards  the  plain  through  which 

K;iJ  .'VJf^  ^'  '••'"'   &;-'*';' •  - '  .•%• 

30  Pedro  Pizarro  recounts  several  MS.)      Such    atrocities    are    not 

of  these  deeds  of  arms,  in  some  of  often  noticed  by  the  chroniclers ; 

which  his  own  prowess  is  made  and  we  may  hope  they  were  ex- 

quite    apparent.      One     piece    of  ceptions  to  the  general   policy  of 

cruelty  recorded  by  him  is  little  to  the  Conquerors  in  this  invasion, 
the  credit  of  his  commander,  Her-        3l  "  Tambo  tan  fortalescido.que 

nando  Pizarro,  who,  he  says,  after  hera  cosa  de  grhna,  porquel  assien- 

a  desperate  rencontre,  caused  the  to  donde  Tambo  esta  es  muy  fuerte, 

right  hands  of  his  prisoners  to  be  de  andenes  muy  altos   y  de  muy 

struck  off,  and  sent  them  in   this  gran  canterias  fortalescidos."     Pe- 

mutilated  condition  back  to  their  dro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y    Conq.. 

countrymen!     (Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 

VOL.    II.  10 


74  CONQUEST  OF   PERU.  [BOOK  III. 

rolled  its  deep  but  narrow  current.32  This  was  the 
quarter  on  which  to  make  the  assault. 

Crossing  the  stream  without  much  difficulty,  the 
Spanish  commander  advanced  up  the  smooth  glacis 
with  as  little  noise  as  possible.  The  morning  light 
had  hardly  broken  on  the  mountains ;  and  Pizarro, 
as  he  drew  near  the  outer  defences,  which,  as  in  the 
fortress  of  Cuzco,  consisted  of  a  stone  parapet  of 
great  strength  drawn  round  the  inclosure,  moved 
quickly  forward,  confident  that  the  garrison  were 
still  buried  in  sleep.  But  thousands  of  eyes  were 
upon  him ;  and  as  the  Spaniards  came  within  bow- 
shot, a  multitude  of  dark  forms  suddenly  rose  above 
the  rampart,  while  the  Inca,  with  his  lance  in  hand, 
was  seen  on  horseback  in  the  inclosure,  directing 

7  O 

the  operations  of  his  troops.33  At  the  same  moment 
the  air  was  darkened  with  innumerable  missiles, 
stones,  javelins,  and  arrows,  which  fell  like  a  hurri- 
cane on  the  troops,  and  the  mountains  rang  to  the 
wild  war-whoop  of  the  enemy.  The  Spaniards, 
taken  by  surprise,  and  many  of  them  sorely  wound- 
ed, were  staggered ;  and,  though  they  quickly  ral- 
lied, and  made  two  attempts  to  renew  the  assault, 
they  were  at  length  obliged  to  fall  back,  unable 
to  endure  the  violence  of  the  storm.  To  add  to 
their  confusion,  the  lower  level  in  their  rear  was 
flooded  by  the  watery,  which  the  natives,  by  open- 


^  "  El  no  de  yucay  ques  grande  enlre  su  gente,  con  su  lane,  a  en  la 

por  aquella  parte  va  muy  angosto  y  mano."  Herrera,  Hist.  General, 

hondo."  Ibid.,  MS.  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  7. 

33  "  Parecia  el  Inga  a  caballo 


CH.  X.]  THE   INCA   RAISES  THE   SIEGE.  75 

ing  the  sluices,  had  diverted  from  the  bed  of  the 
river,  so  that  their  position  was  no  longer  tena- 
ble.34 A  council  of  war  was  then  held,  and  it  was 
decided  to  abandon  the  attack  as  desperate,  and  to 
retreat  in  as  good  order  as  possible. 

The  day  had  been  consumed  in  these  ineffectual 
operations ;  and  Hernando,  under  cover  of  the  friend- 
ly darkness,  sent  forward  his  infantry  and  baggage, 
taking  command  of  the  centre  himself,  and  trusting 
the  rear  to  his  brother  Gonzalo.  The  river  was 
happily  recrossed  without  accident,  although  the 
enemy,  now  confident  in  their  strength,  rushed  out 
of  their  defences,  and  followed  up  the  retreating 
Spaniards,  whom  they  annoyed  with  repeated  dis- 
charges of  arrows.  More  than  once  they  pressed 
so  closely  on  the  fugitives,  that  Gonzalo  and  his 
chivalry  were  compelled  to  turn  and  make  one  of 
those  desperate  charges  that  effectually  punished 
their  audacity,  and  stayed  the  tide  of  pursuit.  Yet 
the  victorious  foe  still  hung  on  the  rear  of  the  dis- 
comfited cavaliers,  till  they  had  emerged  from  the 
mountain  passes,  and  come  within  sight  of  the 
blackened  walls  of  the  capital.  It  was  the  last 
triumph  of  the  Inca.35 

34  "  Pues    hechos    dos    6    tres  van  el  rrio  en  el  llano  donde  esta- 

acometimientos  a  tomar  este  pueblo  vamos,  y  aguardar  mas  peresciera- 

tantas  vezes    nos    hizieron  bolver  mos  aqui  todos."     Pedro  Pizarro, 

dando  de  manos.     Ansi  estuvimos  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 

todo  este  dia  hasta  puesta  de  sol;  35  Ibid.,  MS.  —  Herrera,   Hist. 

los  indios  sin  entendello  nos  hecha-  General,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  7. 


76  PEDRO  PIZARRO.  [BooK  III. 


Among  the  manuscripts  for  which  1  am  indebted  to  the  liberality  of 
that  illustrious  Spanish  scholar,  the  lamented  Navarrete,  the  most  re- 
markable, in  connection  with  this  history,  is  the  work  of  Pedro  Pi- 
zarro ;  Relaciones  del  Descubrimiento  y  Conquista  de  los  Reynos  del  Peru. 
But  a  single  copy  of  this  important  document  appears  to  have  been 
preserved,  the  existence  of  which  was  but  little  known  till  it  came  into 
the  hands  of  Senor  de  Navarrete  ;  though  it  did  not  escape  the  inde- 
fatigable researches  of  Herrera,  as  is  evident  from  the  mention  of 
several  incidents,  some  of  them  having  personal  relation  to  Pedro 
Pizarro  himself,  which  the  historian  of  the  Indies  could  have  derived 
through  no  other  channel.  The  manuscript  has  lately  been  given  to 
the  public  as  part  of  the  inestimable  collection  of  historical  documents 
now  in  process  of  publi cation  at  Madrid,  under  auspices  which,  we  may 
trust,  will  insure  its  success.  As  the  printed  work  did  not  reach  me 
till  my  present  labors  were  far  advanced,  I  have  preferred  to  rely  on  the 
manuscript  copy  for  the  brief  remainder  of  my  narrative,  as  I  had  been 
compelled  to  do  for  the  previous  portion  of  it. 

Nothing,  that  I  am  aware  of,  is  known  respecting  the  author,  but 
what  is  to  be  gleaned  from  incidental  notices  of  himself  in  his  own  history. 
He  was  born  at  Toledo  in  Estremadura,  the  fruitful  province  of  adventur- 
ers to  the  New  World,  whence  the  family  of  Francis  Pizarro,  to  which 
Pedro  was  allied,  also  emigrated.  When  that  chief  came  over  to 
undertake  the  conquest  of  Peru,  after  receiving  his  commission  from  the 
emperor  in  1529,  Pedro  Pizarro,  then  only  fifteen  years  of  age,  ac 
companied  him  in  quality  of  page.  For  three  years  he  remained  at- 
tached to  the  household  of  his  commander,  and  afterwards  continued  to 
follow  his  banner  as  a  soldier  of  fortune.  He  was  present  at  most  of 
the  memorable  events  of  the  Conquest,  and  seems  to  have  possessed  in 
a  great  degree  the  confidence  of  his  leader,  who  employed  him  on  some 
difficult  missions,  in  which  he  displayed  coolness  and  gallantry.  It  is 
true,  we  must  take  the  author's  own  word  for  all  this.  But  he  tells  his 
exploits  with  an  air  of  honesty,  and  without  any  extraordinary  effort 
to  set  them  off  in  undue  relief.  He  speaks  of  himself  in  the  third  per- 
son, and,  as  his  manuscript  was  not  intended  solely  for  posterity,  he 
would  hardly  have  ventured  on  great  misrepresentation,  where  fraud 
could  so  easily  have  been  exposed. 

After  the  Conquest,  our  author  still  remained  attached  to  the  for- 
tunes of  his  commander,  and  stood  by  him  through  all  the  troubles 
which  ensued ;  and  on  the  assassination  of  that  chief,  he  withdrew  to 
Arequipa,  to  enjoy  in  quiet  the  repartimiento  of  lands  and  Indians,  which 
had  been  bestowed  on  him  as  the  recompense  of  his  services.  He  was 
there  on  the  breaking  out  of  the  great  rebellion  under  Gonzalo  Pizarro. 


CH.  X.]  PEDRO  PIZARRO.  77 

But  he  was  true  to  his  allegiance,  and  chose  rather,  as  he  tells  us,  to 
be  false  to  his  name  and  his  lineage  than  to  his  loyalty.  Gonzalo,  in 
retaliation,  seized  his  estates,  and  would  have  proceeded  to  still  further 
extremities  against  him,  when  Pedro  Pizarro  had  fallen  into  his  hands 
at  Lima,  but  for  the  interposition  of  his  lieutenant,  the  famous  Fran- 
cisco de  Carbajal,  to  whom  the  chronicler  had  once  the  good  fortune 
to  render  an  important  service.  This,  Carbajal  requited  by  sparing 
his  life  on  two  occasions,  —  but  on  the  second  coolly  remarked,  "  No 
man  has  a  right  to  a  brace  of  lives  ;  and  if  you  fall  into  my  hands  a 
third  time,  God  only  can  grant  you  another."  Happily,  Pizarro  did 
not  find  occasion  to  put  this  menace  to  the  test.  After  the  pacification 
of  the  country,  he  again  retired  to  Arequipa ;  but,  from  the  querulous 
tone  of  his  remarks,  it  would  seem  he  was  not  fully  reinstated  in  the 
possessions  he  had  sacrificed  by  his  loyal  devotion  to  government. 
The  last  we  hear  of  him  is  in  1571,  the  date  which  he  assigns  as  that 
of  the  completion  of  his  history. 

Pedro  Pizarro's  narrative  covers  the  whole  ground  of  the  Conquest, 
from  the  date  of  the  first  expedition  that  sallied  out  from  Panama,  to  the 
troubles  that  ensued  on  the  departure  of  President  Gasca.  The  first  part 
of  the  work  was  gathered  from  the  testimony  of  others,  and,  of  course, 
cannot  claim  the  distinction  of  rising  to  the  highest  class  of  evidence. 
But  all  that  follows  the  return  of  Francis  Pizarro  from  Castile,  all,  in 
short,  which  constitutes  the  conquest  of  the  country,  may  be  said  to 
be  reported  on  his  own  observation,  as  an  eyewitness  and  an  actor. 
This  gives  to  his  narrative  a  value  to  which  it  could  have  no  pretensions 
on  the  score  of  its  literary  execution.  Pizarro  was  a  soldier,  with  as 
little  education,  probably,  as  usually  falls  to  those  who  have  been 
trained  from  youth  in  this  rough  school-,  —  the  most  unpropitious  in  the 
world  to  both  mental  and  moral  progress.  He  had  the  good  sense,  more- 
over, not  to  aspire  to  an  excellence  which  he  could  not  reach.  There 
is  no  ambition  of  fine  writing  in  his  chronicle  ;  there  are  none  of  those 
affectations  of  ornament  which  only  make  more  glaring  the  beggarly 
condition  of  him  who  assumes  them.  His  object  was  simply  to  tell  the 
story  of  the  Conquest,  as  he  had  seen  it.  He  was  to  deal  with  facts, 
riot  with  words,  which  he  wisely  left  to  those  who  came  into  the  field 
after  the  laborers  had  quitted  it,  to  garner  up  what  they  could  at  second 
hand. 

Pizarro's  situation  may  be  thought  to  have  necessarily  exposed  him 
to  party  influences,  and  thus  given  an  undue  bias  to  his  narrative.  It 
is  not  difficult,  indeed,  to  determine  under  whose  banner  he  had  en- 
listed. He  writes  like  a  partisan,  and  yet  like  an  honest  one,  "who  is 
no  further  warped  from  a  correct  judgment  of  passing  affairs  than,  must 
necessarily  come  from  preconceived  opinions.  There  is  no  management 


78  MONTESINOS.  [BOOK  III. 

to  work  a  conviction  in  his  reader  on  this  side  or  the  other,  still  less  any 
obvious  perversion  of  fact.  He  evidently  believes  what  he  says,  and 
this  is  the  great  point  to  be  desired.  We  can  make  allowance  for  the 
natural  influences  of  his  position.  Were  he  more  impartial  than  this, 
the  critic  of  the  present  day,  by  making  allowance  for  a  greater  amount 
of  prejudice  and  partiality,  might  only  be  led  into  error. 

Pizarro  is  not  only  independent,  but  occasionally  caustic  in  his  con- 
demnation of  those  under  whom  he  acted.  This  is  particularly  the 
case  where  their  measures  bear  too  unfavorably  on  his  own  interests,  or 
those  of  the  army.  As  to  the  unfortunate  natives,  he  no  more  regards 
their  sufferings  than  the  Jews  of  old  did  those  of  the  Philistines,  whom 
they  considered  as  delivered  up  to  their  swords,  and  whose  lands  they 
regarded  as  their  lawful  heritage.  There  is  no  mercy  shown  by  the 
hard  Conqueror  in  his  treatment  of  the  infidel. 

Pizarro  was  the  representative  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  Yet 
it  is  too  much  to  cast  such  obloquy  on  the  age.  He  represented  more 
truly  the  spirit  of  the  fierce  warriors  who  overturned  the  dynasty  of  the 
Incas.  He  was  not  merely  a  crusader,  fighting  to  extend  the  empire 
of  the  Cross  over  the  darkened  heathen.  Gold  was  his  great  object ; 
the  estimate  by  which  he  judged  of  the  value  of  the  Conquest ;  the 
recompense  that  he  asked  for  a  life  of  toil  and  danger.  It  was  with 
these  golden  visions,  far  more  than  with  visions  of  glory,  above  all,  of 
celestial  glory,  that  the  Peruvian  adventurer  fed  his  gross  and  worldly 
imagination.  Pizarro  did  not  rise  above  his  caste.  Neither  did  he  rise 
above  it  in  a  mental  view,  any  more  than  in  a  moral.  His  history  dis- 
plays no  great  penetration,  or  vigor  and  comprehension  of  thought. 
It  is  the  work  of  a  soldier,  telling  simply  his  tale  of  blood.  Its  value 
is,  that  it  is  told  by  him  who  acted  it.  And  this,  to  the  modern  com- 
piler, renders  it  of  higher  worth  than  far  abler  productions  at  second 
hand.  It  is  the  rude  ore,  which,  submitted  to  the  regular  process  of 
purification  and  refinement,  may  receive  the  current  stamp  that  fits  it 
for  general  circulation. 

Another  authority,  to  whom  I  have  occasionally  referred,  and  whose 
writings  still  slumber  in  manuscript,  is  the  Licentiate  Fernando  Mon- 
tesinos.  He  is,  in  every  respect,  the  opposite  of  the  military  chroni- 
cler who  has  just  come  under  our  notice.  He  flourished  about  a  cen- 
tury after  the  Conquest.  Of  course,  the  value  of  his  writings  as  an 
authority  for  historical  facts  must  depend  on  his  superior  opportunities 
for  consulting  original  documents.  For  this  his  advantages  were  great. 
He  was  twice  sent  in  an  official  capacity  to  Peru,  which  required  him 
to  visit  the  different  parts  of  the  country.  These  two  missions  occupied 
fifteen  years  ;  so  that,  while  his  position  gave  him  access  to  the  colonial 
archives  and  literary  repositories,  he  was  enabled  to  verify  his  re- 
searches, to  some  extent,  by  actual  observation  of  the  country. 


CH.  X.]  MONTESINOS.  79 

The  result  was  his  two  historical  works,  Memorias  Antiguas  Histo- 
riales  del  Peru,  and  his  Annales,  sometimes  cited  in  these  pages.  The 
former  is  taken  up  with  the  early  history  of  the  country,  —very  early, 
it  must  be  admitted,  since  if  goes  back  to  the  deluge.  The  first  part 
of  this  treatise  is  chiefly  occupied  with  an  argument  to  show  the  iden- 
tity of  Peru  with  the  golden  Ophir  of  Solomon's  time!  This  hy- 
pothesis, by  no  means  original  with  the  author,  may  give  no  unfair 
notion  of  the  character  of  his  mind.  In  the  progress  of  his  work  he 
follows  down  the  line  of  Inca  princes,  whose  exploits,  and  names  even, 
by  no  means  coincide  with  Garcilasso's  catalogue  ;  a  circumstance, 
however,  far  from  establishing  their  inaccuracy.  But  one  will  have 
little  doubt  of  the  writer's  title  to  this  reproach,  that  reads  the  absurd 
legends  told  in  the  grave  tone  of  reliance  by  Montesinos,  who  shared 
largely  in  the  credulity  and  the  love  of  the  marvellous  which  belong  to 
an  earlier  and  less  enlightened  age. 

These  same  traits  are  visible  in  his  Annals,  which  are  devoted  ex- 
clusively to  the  Conquest.  Here,  indeed,  the  author,  after  his  cloudy 
flight,  has  descended  on  firm  ground,  where  gross  violations  of  truth, 
or,  at  least,  of  probability,  are  not  to  be  expected.  But  any  one  who 
has  occasion  to  compare  his  narrative  with  that  of  contemporary  writers 
will  find  frequent  cause  to  distrust  it.  Yet  Montesinos  has  one  merit. 
In  his  extensive  researches,  he  became  acquainted  with  original  instru- 
ments, which  he  has  occasionally  transferred  to  his,  own  pages,  and 
which  it  would  be  now  difficult  to  meet  elsewhere. 

His  writings  have  been  commended  by  some  of  his  learned  country- 
men, as  showing  diligent  research  and  information.  My  own  expe- 
rience would  not  assign  them  a  high  rank  as  historical  vouchers.  They 
seem  to  me  entitled  to  little  praise,  either  for  the  accuracy  of  their 
statements,  or  the  sagacity  of  their  reflections.  The  spirit  of  cold 
indifference  which  they  manifest  to  the  sufferings  of  the  natives  is  an 
odious  feature,  for  which  there  is  less  apology  in  a  writer  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  than  in  one  of  the  primitive  Conquerors,  whose  passions 
had  been  inflamed  by  long-protracted  hostility.  M.  Ternaux-Compans 
has  translated  the  Memorias  Antiguas  with  his  usual  elegance  and 
precision,  for  his  collection  of  original  documents  relating  to  the  New 
World.  He  speaks  in  the  Preface  of  doing  the  same  kind  office  to  the 
Annales,  at  a  future  time.  1  am  not  aware  that  he  has  done  this  ;  and 
J  cannot,  but  think  that  the  excellent  translator  may  find  a  better  subject 
for  his  labors  in  some  of  the  rich  collection  of  the  Munoz  manuscripts  in 
his  possession. 


BOOK    FOURTH. 


CIVIL    WARS    OF    THE    CONQUERORS. 


VOL.    II.  11 


* 


BOOK   IV. 

CIVIL  WARS  OF   THE   CONQUERORS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

ALMAGRO'S  MARCH  TO  CHILI.  —  SUFFERING  OF  THE  TROOPS. — HE 

RETURNS   AND   SEIZES   CuZCO.  ACTION   OF   ABANCAY.  GASPAR 

DE  ESPINOSA.  —  ALMAGRO  LEAVES  Cuzco.  —  NEGOTIATIONS   WITH 

PlZARRO. 

1535—1537. 

WHILE  the  events  recorded  in  the  preceding 
chapter  were  passing,  the  Marshal  Almagro  was  en- 
gaged in  his  memorable  expedition  to  Chili.  He 
had  set  out,  as  we  have  seen,  with  only  part  of  his 
forces,  leaving  his  lieutenant  to  follow  him  with  the 
remainder.  During  the  first  part  of  the  way,  he 
profited  by  the  great  military  road  of  the  Incas, 
which  stretched  across  the  table-land  far  towards 
the  south.  But  as  he  drew  near  to  Chili,  the  Span- 
ish commander  became  entangled  in  the  defiles  of 
the  mountains,  where  no  vestige  of  a  road  was  to 
be  discerned.  Here  his  progress  was  impeded  by 
all  the  obstacles  which  belong  to  the  wild  scenery 
of  the  Cordilleras ;  deep  and  ragged  ravines,  round 


84  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS       [Boon  IV. 

whose  sides  a  slender  sheep-path  wound  up  to  a 
dizzy  height  over  the  precipices  below  ;  rivers  rush- 
ing in  fury  down  the  slopes  of  the  mountains,  and 
throwing  themselves  in  stupendous  cataracts  into 
the  yawning  abyss ;  dark  forests  of  pine  that  seemed 
to  have  no  end,  and  then  again  long  reaches  of 
desolate  table-land,  without  so  much  as  a  bush  or 
shrub  to  shelter  the  shivering  traveller  from  the  blast 
that  swept  down  from  the  frozen  summits  of  the 
sierra. 

The  cold  was  so  intense,  that  many  lost  the  nails 
of  their  fingers,  their  fingers  themselves,  and  some- 
times their  limbs.  Others  were  blinded  by  the 
dazzling  waste  of  snow,  reflecting  the  rays  of  a  sun 
made  intolerably  brilliant  in  the  thin  atmosphere  of 
these  elevated  regions.  Hunger  came,  as  usual,  in 
the  train  of  woes ;  for  in  these  dismal  solitudes  no 
vegetation  that  would  suffice  for  the  food  of  man 
was  visible,  and  no  living  thing,  except  only  the 
great  bird  of  the  Andes,  hovering  over  their  heads 
in  expectation  of  his  banquet.  This  was  too  fre- 
quently afforded  by  the  number  of  wretched  Indians, 
who,  unable,  from  the  scantiness  of  their  clothing, 
to  encounter  the  severity  of  the  climate,  perished  by 
the  way.  Such  was  the  pressure  of  hunger,  that 
the  miserable  survivors  fed  on  the  dead  bodies  of 
their  countrymen,  and  the  Spaniards  forced  a  similar 
sustenance  from  the  carcasses  of  their  horses,  literal- 
ly frozen  to  death  in  the  mountain  passes.1  —  Such 

1  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.    5,  lib.    10,  cap.    1-3. —  Oviedo, 


CH.  r.]  ALMAGRO'S   MARCH   TO   CHILI.  $5 

were  the  terrible  penalties  which  Nature  imposed 
on  those  who  rashly  intruded  on  these  her  solitary 
and  most  savage  haunts. 

Yet  their  own  sufferings  do  not  seem  to  4iave 
touched  the  hearts  of  the  Spaniards  with  any  feel- 
ing of  compassion  for  the  weaker  natives.  Their 
path  was  everywhere  marked  by  burnt  and  deso- 
lated hamlets,  the  inhabitants  of  which  were  com- 
pelled to  do  them  service  as  beasts  of  burden. 
They  were  chained  together  in  gangs  of  ten  or 
twelve,  and  no  infirmity  or  feebleness  of  body  ex- 
cused the  unfortunate  captive  from  his  full  share  of 
the  common  toil,  till  he  sometimes  dropped  dead, 
in  his  very  chains,  from  mere  exhaustion  ! 2  Alva- 
rado's  company  are  accused  of  having  been  more 
cruel  than  Pizarro's ;  and  many  of  Almagro's  men, 
it  may  be  remembered,  were  recruited  from  that 
source.  The  commander  looked  with  displeasure, 
it  is  said,  on  these  enormities,  and  did  what  he 
could  to  repress  them.  Yet  he  did  not  set  a  good 
example  in  his  own  conduct,  if  it  be  true  that  he 


Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  buen  hombre  i  en  grand  reputacion 

lib.  9,  cap.  4. —  Conq.  i  Fob.  del  i  el  que  era  inclinado  a  hacer  bien 

Pirn,  MS.  i  a  hacer  buenos  tratamientos  a  los 

2  Conq.  i  Fob.  del  Pirn,  MS.  naturales  i  los  favorecia    no   era 

The  writer  must  have  made  one  tenido  en  tan  buena    estima,    he 

on  this  expedition,   as  he  speaks  apuntado  esto  que  vi  con  mis  ojos  i 

from  personal   observation.      The  en  que  por  mis  pecados  andwoe  por- 

poor  natives  had  at  least  one  friend  que  entiendan  los  que  esto  leyeren 
in  the  Christian  camp.     "  I  si  en^_que  de  la  manera  que  aqui  digo  i 

el  Real  havia  algun  Espanol  que  con  mayores  crueldades  harto  se 

era  buen  rancheador  i  cruel  i  ma-  hizo  esta  Jornada  i  descubrimiento 

tava  muchos  Indies   tenianle  por  de  Chile." 


86  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

caused  no  less  than  thirty  Indian  chiefs  to  be  burnt 
alive,  for  the  massacre  of  three  of  his  followers!3 
The  heart  sickens  at  the  recital  of  such  atrocities 
perpetrated  on  an  unoffending  people,  or,  at  least, 
guilty  of  no  other  crime  than  that  of  defending 
their  own  soil  too  well. 

There  is  something  in  the  possession  of  superior 
strength  most  dangerous,  in  a  moral  view,  to  its  pos- 
sessor. Brought  in  contact  with  semi-civilized  man, 
the  European,  with  his  endowments  and  effective 
force  so  immeasurably  superior,  holds  him  as  little 
higher  than  the  brute,  and  as  born  equally  for  his 
service.  He  feels  that  he  has  a  natural  right,  as  it 
were,  to  his  obedience,  and  that  this  obedience  is  to 
be  measured,  not  by  the  powers  of  the  barbarian,  but 
by  the  will  of  his  conqueror.  Resistance  becomes  a 
crime  to  be  washed  out  only  in  the  Hood  of  the  vic- 
tim. The  tale  of  such  atrocities  is  not  confined  to 
the  Spaniard.  Wherever  the  civilized  man  and  the 
savage  have  come  in  contact,  in  the  East  or  in  the 
West,  the  story  has  been  too  often  written  in  blood. 

From  the  wild  chaos  of  mountain  scenery  the 
Spaniards  emerged  on  the  green  vale  of  Coquimbo, 

3  "I    para    castigarlos    por    la  Piru,  MS.)     Oviedo,  who  always 

muerte  destos  tres  Espanoles  jun-  shows  the  hard  feeling  of  the  colo- 

tolos  en  un  aposento  donde  estava  nist,  excuses  this  on  the  old  plea 

aposentado   i    mando    cavalgar  la  of  necessity,  —fue  necesario  este 

jente  de  cavallo  i  la  de  apie  que  castigo,  —  and  adds,  that  after  this 

guardasen  las  puertas  i  todos  estu-  a  Spaniard  might  send  a  messen- 

viesen  apercividos  i  los  prendio  i  ger  from  one  end  of  the  country  to 

en  conclusion  hizo  quemar  mas  de  the  other,  without  fear  of  injury. 

30  senores  vivos  atados  cada  uno  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3, 

a  su   palo  "     (Conq.   i  Fob.   del  lib.  9,  cap.  4. 


CH.  I.]  ALMAGRO'S   MARCH  TO  CHILI.  87 

about  the  thirtieth  degree  of  south  latitude.  Here 
they  halted  to  refresh  themselves  in  its  abundant 
plains,  after  their  unexampled  sufferings  and  fatigues. 
Meanwhile  Almagro  despatched  an  officer  with  a 
strong  party  in  advance,  to  ascertain  the  character 
of  the  country  towards  the  south.  Not  long  after, 
he  was  cheered  by  the  arrival  of  the  remainder  of 
his  forces  under  his  lieutenant  Rodrigo  de  Orgonez. 
This  was  a  remarkable  person,  and  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  subsequent  fortunes  of  Almagro. 

He  was  a  native  of  Oropesa,  had  been  trained  in 
the  Italian  wars,  and  held  the  rank  of  ensign  in  the 
army  of  the  Constable  of  Bourbon  at  the  famous 
sack  of  Rome.  It  was  a  good  school  in  which  to 
learn  his  iron  trade,  and  to  steel  the  heart  against 
any  too  ready  sensibility  to  human  suffering.  Or- 
gonez was  an  excellent  soldier ;  true  to  his  com- 
mander, prompt,  fearless,  and  unflinching  in  the  ex- 
ecution of  his  orders.  His  services  attracted  the 
notice  of  the  Crown,  and,  shortly  after  this  period, 
he  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  Marshal  of  New  Tole- 
do. Yet  it  may  be  doubted  whether  his  character 
did  not  qualify  him  for  an  executive  and  subordinate 
station  rather  than  for  one  of  higher  responsibility. 

Almagro  received  also  the  royal  warrant,  confer- 
ring on  him  his  new  powers  and  territorial  jurisdic- 
tion. The  instrument  had  been  detained  by  the 
Pizarros  to  the  very  last  moment.  His  troops,  long 
since  disgusted  with  their  toilsome  and  unprofitable 
march,  were  now  clamorous  to  return.  Cuzco,  they 
said,  undoubtedly  fell  within  the  limits  of  his  gov- 


88  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [Boot  IV. 

eminent,  and  it  was  better  to  take  possession  of  its 
comfortable  quarters  than  to  wander  like  outcasts 
in  this  dreary  wilderness.  They  reminded  their 
commander  that  thus  only  could  he  provide  for  the 
interests  of  his  son  Diego.  This  was  an  illegit- 
imate son  of  Almagro,  on  whom  his  father  doated 
with  extravagant  fondness,  justified  more  than  usual 
by  the  promising  character  of  the  youth. 

After  an  absence  of  about  two  months,  the  offi- 
cer sent  on  the  exploring  expedition  returned,  bring- 
ing unpromising  accounts  of  the  southern  regions  of 
Chili.  The  only  land  of  promise  for  the  Castilian 
was  one  that  teemed  with  gold.4  He  had  pene- 
trated to  the  distance  of  a  hundred  leagues,  to 
the  limits,  probably,  of  the  conquests  of  the  Incas 
on  the  river  Maule.6  The  Spaniards  had  fortu- 
nately stopped  short  of  the  land  of  Arauco,  where 
the  blood  of  their  countrymen  was  soon  after  to  be 
poured  out  like  water,  and  which  still  maintains  a 
proud  independence  amidst  the  general  humiliation 
of  the  Indian  races  around  it. 

Almagro  now  yielded,  with  little  reluctance,  to  the 
renewed  importunities  of  the  soldiers,  and  turned 
his  face  towards  the  North.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
follow  his  march  in  detail.  Disheartened  by  the 


4  It  is  the  language  of  a  Span-  of  the  world  ;    cerca   del  Jin  del 
iard;  "  i  como  no  le  parecio  bien  mundo.  (Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 
la  tierra  por  no    ser  quajada  de  Parte  3,  lib.  9,  cap.  5.)     One  must 
oro."     Conq.  i  Fob.  del  Piru,  MS.  not  expect  to  meet  with  very  ac- 

5  According  to  Oviedo,  a  hun-  curate  notions  of  geography  in  the 
dred  and  fifty  leagues,  and  very  rude  soldiers  of  America. 

near,  as  they  told  hun,  to  the  end 


CH.  I.]  HE  RETURNS  AND  SEIZES   CUZCO.  89 

difficulty  of  the  mountain  passage >  he  took  the  road 
along  the  coast,  which  led  him  across  the  great  des- 
ert of  Atacama.  In  crossing  this  dreary  waste, 
which  stretches  for  nearly  a  hundred  leagues  to  the 
northern  borders  of  Chili,  with  hardly  a  green  spot 
in  its  expanse  to  relieve  the  fainting  traveller,  Al- 
magro  and  his  men  experienced  as  great  sufferings, 
though  not  of  the  same  kind,  as  those  which  they 
had  encountered  in  the  passes  of  the  Cordilleras. 
Indeed,  the  captain  would  not  easily  be  found  at 
this  day,  who  would  venture  to  lead  his  army  across 
this  dreary  region.  But  the  Spaniard  of  the  six- 
teenth century  had  a  strength  of  limb  and  a  buoy- 
ancy of  spirit  which  raised  him  to  a  contempt  of  ob- 
stacles, almost  justifying  the  boast  of  the  historian, 
that  "  he  contended  indifferently,  at  the  same  time, 
with  man,  with  the  elements,  and  with  famine  !  " 6 

After  traversing  the  terrible  desert,  Almagro 
reached  the  ancient  town  of  Arequipa,  about  sixty 
leagues  from  Cuzco.  Here  he  learned  with  aston- 
ishment the  insurrection  of  the  Peruvians,  and  fur- 
ther, that  the  young  Inca  Manco  still  lay  with  a  for- 
midable force  at  no  great  distance  from  the  capital. 
He  had  once  been  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Peru- 
vian prince,  and  he  now  resolved,  before  proceed- 
ing farther,  to  send  an  embassy  to  his  camp,  and 
arrange  an  interview  with  him  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Cuzco 

Almagro's  emissaries  were  well  received  by  the 

6  "  Peleando  en  un  tiempo  con    i  con  la  Hambre."    Herrera,  Hist 
los  Enemigos,  con  los  Elementos,     General,  dec.  5,  lib.  10,  cap.  2 
VOL.    II.  12 


90  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boox  IV. 

Inca,  who  alleged  his  grounds  of  complaint  against 
the  Pizarros,  and  named  the  vale  of  Yucay  as  the 
place  where  he  would  confer  with  the  marshal.  The 
Spanish  commander  accordingly  resumed  his  march, 
and,  taking  one  half  of  his  force,  whose  whole  num- 
ber fell  somewhat  short  of  five  hundred  men,  he 
repaired  in  person  to  the  place  of  rendezvous ; 
while  the  remainder  of  his  army  established  their 
quarters  at  Urcos,  about  six  leagues  from  the  cap- 
ital.7 

The  Spaniards  in  Cuzco,  startled  by  the  appear- 
ance of  this  fresh  body  of  troops  in  their  neigh- 
bourhood, doubted,  when  they  learned  the  quarter 
whence  they  came,  whether  it  betided  them  good  or 
evil.  Hernando  Pizarro  marched  out  of  the  city 
with  a  small  force,  and,  drawing  near  to  Urcos, 
heard  with  no  little  uneasiness  of  Almagro's  purpose 
to  insist  on  his  pretensions  to  Cuzco.  Though  much 
inferior  in  strength  to  his  rival,  he  determined  to  re- 
sist him. 

Meanwhile,  the  Peruvians,  who  had  witnessed 
the  conference  between  the  soldiers  of  the  opposite 
camps,  suspected  some  secret  understanding  be- 
tween the  parties,  which  would  compromise  the 
safety  of  the  Inca.  They  communicated  their  dis- 
trust to  Manco,  and  the  latter,  adopting  the  same 
sentiments,  or  perhaps,  from  the  first,  meditating  a 
surprise  of  the  Spaniards,  suddenly  fell  upon  the 
latter  in  the  valley  of  Yucay  with  a  body  of  fif- 

7    Pedro    Pizarro,     Descub.    y    Piru,  MS.  —  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
Conq.,  MS.  —  Conq.   i  Pob.   del    Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  9,  cap.  6. 


CH.  L]  HE   RETURNS  AND   SEIZES  CUZCO.  91 

teen  thousand  men.  But  the  veterans  of  Chili 
were  too  familiar  with  Indian  tactics  to  be  taken  by 
surprise.  And  though  a  sharp  engagement  ensued, 
which  lasted  more  than  an  hour,  in  which  Orgonez 
had  a  horse  killed  under  him,  the  natives  were  final- 
ly driven  back  with  great  slaughter,  and  the  Inca 
was  so  far  crippled  by  the  blow,  that  he  was  not 
likely  for  the  present  to  give  further  molestation.8 

Almagro,  now  joining  the  division  left  at  Urcos, 
saw  no  further  impediment  to  his  operations  on 
Cuzco.  He  sent,  at  once,  an  embassy  to  the  mu- 
nicipality of  the  place,  requiring  the  recognition  of 
him  as  its  lawful  governor,  and  presenting  at  the 
same  time  a  copy  of  his  credentials  from  the  Crown. 
But  the  question  of  jurisdiction  was  not  one  easy  to 
be  settled,  depending,  as  it  did,  on  a  knowledge  of 
the  true  parallels  of  latitude,  not  very  likely  to  be 
possessed  by  the  rude  followers  of  Pizarro.  The 
royal  grant  had  placed  under  his  jurisdiction  all  the 
country  extending  two  hundred  and  seventy  leagues 
south  of  the  river  of  Santiago,  situated  one  degree 
and  twenty  minutes  north  of  the  equator.  Two 
hundred  and  seventy  leagues  on  the  meridian,  by 
our  measurement,  would  fall  more  than  a  degree 
short  of  Cuzco,  andj  indeed,  would  barely  include 
the  city  of  Lima  itself.  But  the  Spanish  leagues, 
of  only  seventeen  and  a  half  to  a  degree,9  would 
remove  the  southern  boundary  to  nearly  half  a  de- 

8  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  9  "  Contando  diez  i  siete  leguas 
cap.  4.  —  Conq.  i  Fob.  del  Piru,  i  media  por  grado."  Herrera, 
MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  21.  Hist.  General,  dec.  C,  lib.  3,  cap.  5, 


92  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.       [Boon  IV. 

gree  beyond  the  capital  of  the  Incas,  which  would 
thus  fall  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Pizarro.10  Yet 
the  division-line  ran  so  close  to  the  disputed  ground, 
that  the  true  result  might  reasonably  be  doubted, 
where  no  careful  scientific  observations  had  been 
made  to  obtain  it;  and  each  party  was  prompt  to  as- 
sert, as  they  always  are  in  such  cases,  that  its  own 
claim  was  clear  and  unquestionable.11 

Thus  summoned  by  Almagro,  the  authorities  of 
Cuzco,  unwilling  to  give  umbrage  to  either  of  the 
contending  chiefs,  decided  that  they  must  wait  until 
they  could  take  counsel  —  which  they  promised  to 
do  at  once  —  with  certain  pilots  better  instructed 
than  themselves  in  the  position  of  the  Santiago. 
Meanwhile,  a  truce  was  arranged  between  the  par- 
ties, each  solemnly  engaging  to  abstain  from  hos- 
tile measures,  and  to  remain  quiet  in  their  present 
quarters. 

The  weather  now  set  in  cold  and  rainy.     Alma- 


10  The  government  had  endeav-  gaged  Almagro  in  his  Chili  expe- 

oured  early  to  provide  against  any  dition,  did  not  care  to  revive  the 

dispute  in  regard  to  the  limits  of  question,  and  the  Bishop  returned, 

the  respective  jurisdictions.    The  re  infecld,  to  his  diocese,  with  strong 

language  of   the    original    grants  feelings  of  disgust  towards  the  gov- 

gave  room  to  some  misunderstand-  ernor.     Ibid.,  dec.  6,  lib.  3,  cap.  1. 

ing;  and,  as  early  as  1536,  Fray  n  "All  say,"  says  Oviedo,  in 

Jomas    de    Berlanga,    Bishop  of  a  letter  to   the    emperor,    "  that 

Tierra  Firme,   had  been  sent  to  Cuzco  falls  within  the  territory  of 

Lima  with  full  powers  to  determine  Almagro."    Oviedo  was,  probably, 

the  question  of  boundary,  by  fixing  the  best-informed  man  in  the  colo- 

the  latitude  of  the  river  of  Santiago,  nies.    Yet  this  was  an  error.    Car- 

and  measuring  two  hundred  and  ta  desde  Sto.  Domingo,  MS.,  25 

seventy  leagues  south  on  the  me-  de  Oct.  1539. 
ridian.     But  Pizarro,    having  en- 


CH.  I.]  HE  RETURNS  AND  SEIZES  CUZCO.  93 

gro's  soldiers,  greatly  discontented  with  their  po- 
sition, flooded  as  it  was  by  the  waters,  were  quick 
to  discover  that  Hernando  Pizarro  was  busily  em- 
ployed in  strengthening  himself  in  the  city,  contrary 
to  agreement.  They  also  learned  with  dismay,  that 
a  large  body  of  men,  sent  by  the  governor  from 
Lima,  under  command  of  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  was 
on  the  march  to  relieve  Cuzco.  They  exclaimed 
that  they  were  betrayed,  and  that  the  truce  had  been 
only  an  artifice  to  secure  their  inactivity  until  the 
arrival  of  the  expected  succours.  In  this  state  of 
excitement,  it  was  not  very  difficult  to  persuade 
their  commander  —  too  ready  to  surrender  his  own 
judgment  to  the  rash  advisers  around  him  —  to  vio- 
late the  treaty,  and  take  possession  of  the  capital.12 

Under  cover  of  a  dark  and  stormy  night  (April 
8th,  1537),  he  entered  the  place  without  opposition, 
made  himself  master  of  the  principal  church,  estab- 
lished strong  parties  of  cavalry  at  the  head  of  the 
great  avenues  to  prevent  surprise,  and  detached  Or- 
gonez  with  a  body  of  infantry  to  force  the  dwelling 
of  Hernando  Pizarro.  That  captain  was  lodged 
with  his  brother  Gonzalo  in  one  of  the  large  halls 
built  by  the  Incas  for  public  diversions,  with  im- 
mense doors  of  entrance  that  opened  on  the  plaza. 
It  was  garrisoned  by  about  twenty  soldiers,  who,  as 
the  gates  were  burst  open,  stood  stoutly  to  the  de- 

12  According  to  Zarate,  Alma-  that    "  he    had    been    deceived." 

gro,  on  entering  the  capital,  found  (Conq.   del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  4.) 

no  appearance  of  the  designs  im-  He  was  probably  easy  of  faith  in 

puted  to  Hernando,  and  exclaimed  the  matter. 


94  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.        BOOK  IV. 

fence  of  their  leader.  A  smart  struggle  ensued,  in 
which  some  lives  were  lost,  till  at  length  Orgonez, 
provoked  by  the  obstinate  resistance,  set  fire  to  the 
combustible  roof  of  the  building.  It  was  speedily 
in  flames,  and  the  burning  rafters  falling  on  the 
heads  of  the  inmates,  they  forced  their  reluctant 
leader  to  an  unconditional  surrender.  Scarcely  had 
the  Spaniards  left  the  building,  when  the  whole  roof 
fell  in  with  a  tremendous  crash.13 

Almagro  was  now  master  of  Cuzco.  He  ordered 
the  Pizarros,  with  fifteen  or  twenty  of  the  princi- 
pal cavaliers,  to  be  secured  and  placed  in  confine- 
ment. Except  so  far  as  required  for  securing  his 
authority,  he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  guilty  of 
acts  of  violence  to  the  inhabitants,14  and  he  installed 
one  of  Pizarro's  most  able  officers,  Gabriel  de  Rojas, 
in  the  government  of  the  city.  The  municipality, 
whose  eyes  were  now  open  to  the  validity  of  Alma- 
gro's  pretensions,  made  no  further  scruple  to  recog- 
nize his  title  to  Cuzco. 

The  marshal's  first  step  was  to  send  a  message 
to  Alonso  de  Alvarado's  camp,  advising  that  officer 
of  his  occupation  of  the  city,  and  requiring  his  obe- 
dience to  him,  as  its  legitimate  master.  Alvarado 
was  lying,  with  a  body  of  five  hundred  men,  horse 


13  Carta  de  Espinall,  Tesorero  general  testimony;  yet  Pedro  Fi- 
de N.  Toledo,  15  de  Junio,  1539.  zarro,  one  of  the  opposite  faction, 
—  Conq.  i  Fob.  del  Piru,  MS. —  and  among  those    imprisoned  by 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  Almagro,  complains  that  that  chief 
MS.  —  Oviedo,   Hist,   de   las  In-  plundered  them  of  their  horses  and 
dias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  21.  other  property.     Descub.  y  €onq., 

14  So  it  would  appear  from  the  MS. 


CH.  I.]  HE  RETURNS  AND  SEIZES   CUZCO.  95 

and  foot,  at  Xauxa,  about  thirteen  leagues  from  the 
capital.  He  had  been  detached  several  months  pre- 
viously for  the  relief  of  Cuzco  ;  but  had,  most  unac- 
countably, and,  as  it  proved,  most  unfortunately  for 
the  Peruvian  capital,  remained  at  Xauxa  with  the 
alleged  motive  of  protecting  that  settlement  and  the 
surrounding  country  against  the  insurgents.15  He 
now  showed  himself  loyal  to  his  commander ;  and, 
when  Almagro's  ambassadors  reached  his  camp,  he 
put  them  in  irons,  and  sent  advice  of  what  had 
been  done  to  the  governor  at  Lima. 

Almagro,  offended  by  the  detention  of  his  emis- 
saries, prepared  at  once  to  march  against  Alonso  de 
Alvarado,  and  take  more  effectual  means  to  bring 
him  to  submission.  His  lieutenant,  Orgonez,  strong- 
ly urged  him  before  his  departure  to  strike  off  the 
heads  of  the  Pizarros,  alleging,  "  that,  while  they 
lived,  his  commander's  life  would  never  be  safe  " ; 
and  concluding  with  the  Spanish  proverb,  "  Dead 
men  never  bite." 16  But  the  marshal,  though  he 
detested  Hernando  in  his  heart,  shrunk  from  so  vi- 
olent a  measure  ;  and,  independently  of  other  con- 
siderations, he  had  still  an  attachment  for  his  old 
associate,  Francis  Pizarro,  and  was  unwilling  to 


15   Pizarro's    secretary    Picado  largely  trusted,    both   before    and 

had  an  encomienda  in  that  neigh-  after,   by   the    Pizarros  ;  and    we 

bourhood,  and  Alvarado,  who  was  may  presume  there  was  some  ex- 

under  personal  obligations  to  him,  planation  of  his  conduct,  of  which 

remained  there,  it  is  said,  at  his  we  are  not  possessed, 
instigation.     (Herrera,  Hist.   Ge-        16  "El    muerto    no    mordia." 

neral,  dec.  5,  lib.  8,  cap.  7.)     Al-  Ibid.,  dec.  6,  lib.  2,  cap.  8. 
varado   was   a   good   officer,   and 


96  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boo*  I\. 

sever  the  lies  between  them  for  ever.  Contenting 
himself,  therefore,  with  placing  his  prisoners  under 
strong  guard  in  one  of  the  stone  buildings  belonging 
to  the  House  of  the  Sun,  he  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  his  forces,  and  left  the  capital  in  quest  of 
Alvarado. 

^  That  officer  had  now  taken  up  a  position  on  the 
farther  side  of  the  Rio  de  Abancay,  where  he  lay, 
with  the  strength  of  his  little  army,  in  front  of  a 
bridge,  by  which  its  rapid  waters  are  traversed,  while 
a  strong  detachment  occupied  a  spot  commanding  a 
ford  lower  down  the  river.  But  in  this  detachment 
was  a  cavalier  of  much  consideration  in  the  army, 
Pedro  de  Lerma,  who,  from  some  pique  against  his 
commander,  had  entered  into  treasonable  correspond- 
ence with  the  opposite  party.  By  his  advice,  Al- 
magro,  on  reaching  the  border  of  the  river,  establish- 
ed himself  against  the  bridge  in  face  of  Alvarado,  as 
if  prepared  to  force  a  passage,  thus  concentrating 
his  adversary's  attention  on  that  point.  But,  when 
darkness  had  set  in,  he  detached  a  large  body  under 
Orgofiez  to  pass  the  ford,  and  operate  in  concert 
with  Lerma.  Orgofiez  executed  this  commission 
with  his  usual  promptness.  The  ford  was  crossed, 
though  the  current  ran  so  swiftly,  that  several  of  his 
men  were  swept  away  by  it,  and  perished  in  the 
waters.  Their  leader  received  a  severe  wound  him- 
self in  the  mouth,  as  he  was  gaining  the  opposite 
bank,  but,  nothing  daunted,  he  cheered  on  his  men, 
and  fell  with  fury  on  the  enemy.  He  was  speedily 
joined  by  Lerma,  and  such  of  the  soldiers  as  he 


CH.  I.]  ACTION  OF  ABANCAY.  97 

had  gained  over,  and,  unable  to  distinguish  friend 
from  foe,  the  enemy's  confusion  was  complete. 

Meanwhile,  Alvarado,  roused  by  the  noise  of  the 
attack  on  this  quarter,  hastened  to  the  support  of 
his  officer,  when  Almagro,  seizing  the  occasion, 
pushed  across  the  bridge,  dispersed  the  small  body 
left  to  defend  it,  and,  falling  on  Alvarado's  rear,  that 
general  saw  himself  hemmed  in  on  all  sides.  The 
struggle  did  not  last  long ;  and  the  unfortunate 
chief,  uncertain  on  whom  he l  could  rely,  surren- 
dered with  all  his  force,  —  those  only  excepted 
who  had  already  deserted  to  the  enemy.  Such 
was  the  battle  of  Abancay,  as  it  was  called,  from 
the  river  on  whose  banks  it  was  fought,  on  the 
twelfth  of  July,  1537.  Never  was  a  victory  more 
complete,  or  achieved  with  less  cost  t>f  life ;  and 
Almagro  marched  back,  with  an  array  of  prisoners 
scarcely  inferior  to  his  own  army  in  number,  in  tri- 
umph to  Cuzco.17 

While  the  events  related  in  the  preceding  pages 
were  passing,  Francisco  Pizarro  had  remained  at 
Lima,  anxiously  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  re- 
inforcements which  he  had  requested,  to  enable 
him  to  march  to  the  relief  of  the  beleaguered  capital 
of  the  Incas.  His  appeal  had  not  been  unanswered. 
Among  the  rest  was  a  corps  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  led  by  the  Licentiate  Caspar  de  Espinosa, 


17  Carta  de  Francisco  Pizarro  al  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  ubi  supra. 

Obispo  de  Tierra  Firme,  MS.,  28  —  Conq.  i  Fob.  del  Piru,  MS.— 

de  Agosto,  1539.  —  Pedro  Pizarro,  Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. 
Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.  —  Oviedo, 

VOL.    II.  13 


98  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boos  IV. 

one  of  the  three  original  associates,  it  may  be  re- 
membered, who  engaged  in  the  conquest  of  Peru. 
He  had  now  left  his  own  residence  at  Panama,  and 
came  in  person,  for  the  first*  time,  it  would  seem,  to 
revive  the  drooping  fortunes  of  his  confederates. 
Pizarro  received  also  a  vessel  laden  with  provisions, 
military  stores,  and  other  necessary  supplies,  be- 
sides a  rich  wardrobe  for  himself,  from  Cortes,  the 
Conqueror  of  Mexico,  who  generously  stretched 
forth  his  hand  to  aid  his  kinsman  in  the  hour  of 
need.18 

With  a  force  amounting  to  four  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  half  of  them  cavalry,  the  governor  quitted 
Lima,  and  began  his  march  on  the  Inca  capital. 
He  had  not  advanced  far,  when  he  received  tidings 
of  the  return  of  Almagro,  the  seizure  of  Cuzco, 
and  the  imprisonment  of  his  brothers ;  and,  before 
he  had  time  to  recover  from  this  astounding  intelli- 
gence, he  learned  the  total,  defeat  and  capture  of 
Alvarado.  Filled  with  consternation  at  these  rapid 
successes  of  his  rival,  he  now  returned  in  all  haste 
to  Lima,  which  he  put  in  the  best  posture  of  de- 
fence, to  secure  it  against  the  hostile  movements,  not 
unlikely,  as  he  thought,  to  be  directed  against  that 
capital  itself.  Meanwhile,  far  from  indulging  in  im- 
potent sallies  of  resentment,  or  in  complaints  of  his 
ancient  comrade,  he  only  lamented  that  Almagro 

18  "  Fernando  Cortes  embio  con  re§os,   Vestidos    de    Seda,   i  vna 

Rodrigo  de  Grijalva  en  vn  proprio  Ropa  de  Martas."     Gomara,  Hist. 

Naviosuio,desdelaNuevaEspana,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  136. 
muchas  Armas,  Tiros,  Jaeces,  Ade- 


CH.  I.]  CASPAR  DE  ESPINOSA.  99 

should  have  resorted  to  these  violent  measures  for 
the  settlement  of  their  dispute,  and  this  less  —  if 
we  may  take  his  word  for  it  —  from  personal  consid- 
erations than  from  the  prejudice  it  might  do  to  the 
interests  of  the  Crown.19 

But,  while  busily  occupied  with  warlike  prepara- 
tions, he  did  not  omit  to  try  the  effect  of  negotiation. 
He  sent  an  embassy  to  Cuzco,  consisting  of  several 
persons  in  whose  discretion  he  placed  the  greatest 
confidence,  with  Espinosa  at  their  head,  as  the  party 
most  interested  in  an  amicable  arrangement. 

The  licentiate,  on  his  arrival,  did  'not  find  Al- 
magro  in  as  favorable  a  mood  for  an  accommo- 
dation as  he  could  have  wished.  Elated  by  his 
recent  successes,  he  now  aspired  not  only  to  the 
possession  of  Cuzco,  but  of  Lima  itself,  as  falling 
within  the  limits  of  his  jurisdiction.  It  was  in  vain 
that  Espinosa  urged  the  propriety,  by  every  argu- 
ment which  prudence  could  suggest,  of  moderating 
his  demands.  His  claims  upon  Cuzco,  at  least, 
were  not  to  be  shaken,  and  he  declared  himself 
ready  to  peril  his  life  in  maintaining  them.  The 
licentiate  coolly  replied  by  quoting  the  pithy  Castil- 
ian  proverb,  El  vencido  vencido,  y  el  vencidor  per- 
dido ;  "  The  vanquished  vanquished,  and  the  victor 
undone." 

What  influence  the  temperate  arguments  of  the 
licentiate  might  eventually  have  had  on  the  heated 
imagination  of  the  soldier  is  doubtful ;  but  unfortu- 

19  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  6,  lib.  2,  cap.  7. 


100  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

nately  for  the  negotiation,  it  was  abruptly  terminated 
by  the  death  of  Espinosa  himself,  which  took  place 
most  unexpectedly,  though,  strange  to  say,  in  those 
times,  without  the  imputation  of  poison.20  He  was  a 
great  loss  to  the  parties  in  the  existing,  fermentation 
of  their  minds ;  for  he  had  the  weight  of  character 
which  belongs  to  wise  and  moderate  counsels,  and 
a  deeper  interest  than  any  other  man  in  recommend- 
ing them. 

The  name  of  Espinosa  is  memorable  in  history 
from  his  early  connection  with  the  expedition  to 
Peru,  which,  but  for  the  seasonable,  though  secret, 
application  of  his  funds,  could  not  then  have  been 
compassed.  He  had  long  been  a  resident  in  the 
Spanish  colonies  of  Tierra  Firme  and  Panama, 
where  he  had  served  in  various  capacities,  some- 
times as  a  legal  functionary  presiding  in  the  courts 
of  justice,21  and  not  unfrequently  as  an  efficient 
leader  in  the  early  expeditions  of  conquest  and  dis- 
covery. In  these  manifold  vocations  he  acquired 
high  reputation  for  probity,  intelligence,  and  cour- 
age, and  his  death  at  the  present  crisis  was  un- 
doubtedly the  most  unfortunate  event  that  could 
befall  the  country. 

All  attempt  at  negotiation  was  now  abandoned ; 

-,: 

20  Carta  de  Pizarro  al  Obispo  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa.     But  it 
de  Tierra  Firme,  MS.  —  Herrera,  must  be  allowed,  that  he  made  great 
Hist.  General,  dec.  6,  lib.  2,  cap.  efforts  to  resist  the  tyrannical  pro- 
13.  —  Carta  de  Espinall,  MS.  ceedings  of  Pedrarias,  and  he  ear- 

21  He  incurred  some  odium  as  nestly  recommended  the  prisoner  to 
presiding  officer  in  the  trial  and  mercy.     See  Herrera,  Hist.   Ge- 
condemnation  of  the  unfortunate  neral,  dec.  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  21,  22. 


CH.  I.]  ALMAGRO  LEAVES   CUZCO.  101 

and  Almagro  announced  his  purpose  to  descend  to 
the  sea-coast,  where  he  could  plant  a  colony  and  es- 
tablish a  port  for  himself.  This  would  secure  him 
the  means,  so  essential,  of  communication  with  the 
mother-country,  and  here  he  would  resume  negotia- 
tions for  the  settlement  of  his  dispute  with  Pizarro. 
Before  quitting  Cuzco,  he  sent  Orgonez  with  a 
strong  force  against  the  Inca,  not  caring  to  leave  the 
capital  exposed  in  his  absence  to  further  annoyance 
from  that  quarter. 

But  the  Inca,  discouraged  by  his  late  discomfiture, 
and  unable,  perhaps,  to  rally  in  sufficient  strength 
for  resistance,  abandoned  his  strong-hold  at  Tambo, 
and  retreated  across  the  mountains.  He  was  hotly 
pursued  by  Orgonez  over  hill  and  valley,  till,  desert- 
ed by  his  followers,  and  with  only  one  of  his  wives 
to  bear  him  company,  the -royal  fugitive  took  shelter 
in  the  remote  fastnesses  of  the  Andes.22 

Before  leaving  the  capital,  Orgonez  again  urged 
his  commander  to  strike  off  the  heads  of  the  Pizar- 
ros,  and  then  march  at  once  upon  Lima.  By  this 
decisive  step  he  would  bring  the  war  to  an  issue, 
and  for  ever  secure  himself  from  the  insidious  machi- 
nations of  his  enemies.  But,  in  the  mean  time,  a 
new  friend  had  risen  up  to  the  captive  brothers. 
This  was  Diego  de  Alvarado,  brother  of  that  Pedro, 
who,  as  mentioned  in  a  preceding  chapter,  had  con- 
ducted the  unfortunate  expedition  to  Quito.  After 
his  brother's  departure,  Diego  had  attached  himself 

23  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.  —  Conq.  i  Pob.  del 
Piru.  MS. 


102  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

to  the  fortunes  of  Almagro,  had  accompanied  him  to 
Chili,  and,  as  he  was  a  cavalier  of  birth,  and  pos- 
sessed of  some  truly  noble  qualities,  he  had  gained 
deserved  ascendency  over  his  commander.  Alvara- 
do  had  frequently  visited  Hernando  Pizarro  in  his 
confinement,  where,  to  beguile  the  tediousness  of 
captivity,  he  amused  himself  with  gaming,  —  the 
passion  of  the  Spaniard.  They  played  deep,  and 
Alvarado  lost  the  enormous  sum  of  eighty  thousand 
gold  castellanos.  He  was  prompt  in  paying  the 
debt,  but  Hernando  Pizarro  peremptorily  declined  to 
receive  the  money.  By  this  politic  generosity,  he 
secured  an  important  advocate  in  the  council  of  Al- 
magro. It  stood  him  now  in  good  stead.  Alvarado 
represented  to  the  marshal,  that  such  a  measure  as 
that  urged  by  Orgonez  would  not  only  outrage  the 
feelings  of  his  followers,  but  would  ruin  his  fortunes 
by  the  indignation  it  must  excite  at  court.  When 
Almagro  acquiesced  in  these  views,  as  in  truth  most 
grateful  to  his  own  nature,  Orgonez,  chagrined  at 
his  determination^  declared  that  the  day  would  come 
when  he  would  repent  this  mistaken  lenity.  "  A 
Pizarro,"  he  said,  "  was  never,  known  to  forget  an 
injury;  and  that  which  they  had  already  received 
from  Almagro  was  too  deep  for  them  to  forgive." 
Prophetic  words ! 

On  leaving  Cuzco,  the  marshal  gave  orders  that 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  and  the  other  prisoners  should  be 
detained  in  strict  custody.  Hernando  he  took  with 
him,  closely  guarded,  on  his  march.  Descending 
rapidly  towards  the  coast,  he  reached  the  pleasant 


CH.  I.]          ,       NEGOTIATIONS  WITH   PIZARRO.  103 

vale  of  Chincha  in  the  latter  part  of  August. 
Here  he  occupied  himself  with  laying  the  founda- 
tions of  a  town  bearing  his  own  name,  which  might 
serve  as  a  counterpart  to  the  City  of  the  Kings,  — 
thus  bidding  defiance,  as  it  were,  to  his  rival  on  his 
own  borders.  While  occupied  in  this  manner,  he 
received  the  unwelcome  tidings,  that  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro,  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  and  the  other  prisoners, 
having  tampered  with  their  guards,  had  effected 
their  escape  from  Cuzco,  and  he  soon  after  heard 
of  their  safe  arrival  in  the  camp  of  Pizarro. 

Chafed  by  this  intelligence,  the  marshal  was  not 
soothed  by  the  insinuations  of  Orgonez,  that  it  was 
owing  to  his  ill-advised  lenity ;  and  it  might  have 
gone  hard  with  Hernando,  but  that  Almagro's  atten- 
tion was  diverted  by  the  negotiation  which  Fran- 
cisco Pizarro  now  proposed  to  resume. 

After  some  correspondence  between  the  parties, 
it  was  agreed  to  submit  the  arbitration  of  the  dis- 
pute to  a  single  individual,  Fray  Francisco  de  Bo- 
vadilla,  a  Brother  of  the  Order  of  Mercy.  Though 
living  in  Lima,  and,  as  might  be  supposed,  under 
the  influence  of  Pizarro,  he  had  a  reputation  for  in- 
tegrity that  disposed  Almagro  to  confide  the  settle- 
ment of  the  question  exclusively  to  him.  In  this 
implicit  confidence  in  the  friar's  'impartiality,  Orgo- 
fiez,  of  a  less  sanguine  temper  than  his  chief,  did 
not  participate.23 

23  Carta  de  Gutierrez  al  Empe-  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  ubi  supra, 
rador,  MS.,  10  de  Feb.  1539. —  — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  6,. 
Carta  de  EspinaU,  MS.—  Oviedo,  lib.  2,  cap.  8-14.  — Pedro  Pi- 


104  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

An  interview  was  arranged  between  the  rival 
chiefs.  It  took  place  at  Mala,  November  13th, 
1537 ;  but  very  different  was  the  deportment  of  the 
two  commanders  towards  each  other  from  that 
which  they  had  exhibited  at  their  former  meetings. 
Almagro,  indeed,  doffing  his  bonnet,  advanced  in  his 
usual  open  manner  to  salute  his  ancient  comrade ; 
but  Pizarro,  hardly  condescending  to  return  the  sa- 
lute, haughtily  demanded  why  the  marshal  had  seized 
upon  his  city  of  Cuzco,  and  imprisoned  his  brothers. 
This  led  to  a  recrimination  on  the  part  of  his  asso- 
ciate. The  discussion  assumed  the  tone  of  an  angry 
altercation,  till  Almagro,  taking  a  hint  —  or  what 
he  conceived  to  be  such  —  from  an  attendant,  that 
some  treachery  was  intended,  abruptly  quitted  the 
apartment,  mounted  his  horse,  and  galloped  back  to 
his  quarters  at  Chincha.*1  The  conference  closed, 
as  might  have  been  anticipated  from  the  heated 
temper  of  their  minds  whenr  they  began  it,  by 
widening  the  breach  it  was  intended  to  heal.  The 


zarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. —  (Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  6, 
Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  lib.  3,  cap.  4.)  Pedro  Pizarro  ad- 
cap.  8. — Naharro,  Relacion  Su-  mits  the  truth  of  the  design  im- 
maria,  MS.  puted  to  Gonzalo,  which  he  was 
24  It  was  said  that  Gonzalo  Pi-  prevented  from  putting  into  execu- 
zarro  lay  in  ambush  with  a  strong  tion  by  the  commands  of  the  gov- 
force  in  the  neighbourhood  to  in-  ernor,  who,  the  chronicler,  with 
tercept  the  marshal,  and  that  the  edifying  simplicity,  or  assurance, 
latter  was  warned  of  his  danger  informs  us,  was  a  man  that  scrupu- 
by  an  honorable  cavalier  of  the  lously  kept  his  w*ord.  "  Porque  el 
opposite  party,  who  repeated  a  dis-  marquez  don  Francisco  Pizarro  hera 
tich  of  an  old  ballad,  hombre  que  guardava  mucho  su 
" Tiempo  es  el  Cabaiiero  palabra."  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS 

Tiempo  es  de  andar  de  aqui." 


CH.  I.]  NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   PIZARRO.  105 

friar,  now  left  wholly  to  himself,  after  some  de- 
liberation, gave  his  award.  He  decided  that  a 
vessel,  with  a  skilful  pilot  on  board,  should  be 
sent  to  determine  the  exact  latitude  of  the  river 
of  Santiago,  the  northern  boundary  of  Pizarro's 
territory,  by  which  all  the  measurements  were  to  be 
regulated.  In  the  mean  time,  Cuzco  was  to  be 
delivered  up  by  Almagro,  and  Hernando  Pizarro  to 
be  set  at  liberty,  on  condition  of  his  leaving  the 
country  in  six  weeks  for  Spain.  Both  parties  were 
to  retire  within  their  undisputed  territories,  and  to 
abandon  all  further  hostilities.25 

This  award,  as  may  be  supposed,  highly  satisfac- 
tory to  Pizarro,  was  received  by  Almagro's  men 
with  indignation  and  scorn.  They  had  been  sold, 
they  cried,  by  their  general,  broken,  as  he  was,  by 
age  and  infirmities.  Their  enemies  were  to  occu- 
py Cuzco  and  its  pleasant  places,  while  they  were 
to  be  turned  over  to  the  barren  wilderness  of  Char- 
cas.  Little  did  they  dream  that  uncjer  this  poor  , 
exterior  were  hidden  the  rich  treasures  of  Potosi. 
They  denounced  the  umpire  as  a  hireling  of  the 
governor,  and  murmurs  were  heard  among  the 
troops,  stimulated  by  Orgonez,  demanding  the  head 
of  Hernando.  Never  was  that  cavalier  in  greater 
danger.  But  his  good  genius  in  the  form  of  Alva- 
rado  again  interposed  to  protect  him.  His  life  in 
captivity  was  a  succession  of  reprieves.26 

/".  *„. . ,      *,-  ^  >.  •,  .-.-•.,      ;  *• 

25    Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y  *    Espinall,    Almagro 's   treas- 

Conq.,  MS. —  Carta  de  Espinall,  urer,    denounces    the    friar    "as 

MS.  proving  himself  a  very  devil  "  by 
VOL.    II.                        14 


106  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

Yet  his  brother,  the  governor,  was  not  disposed 
to  abandon  him  to  his  fate.  On  the  contrary,  he 
was  now  prepared  to  make  every  concession  to  se- 
cure his  freedom.  Concessions,  that  politic  chief 
well  knew,  cost  little  to  those  who  are  not  con- 
cerned to  abide  by  them.  After  some  preliminary 
negotiation,  another  award,  more  equitable,  or,  at  all 
events,  more  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  discontented 
party,  was  given.  The  principal  articles  of  it  were, 
that,  until  the  arrival  of  some  definitive  instructions 
on  the  point  from  Castile,  the  city  of  Cuzco,  with  its 
territory,  should  remain  in  the  hands  of  Almagro ; 
and  that  Hernando  Pizarro  should  be  set  at  liberty, 
on  the  condition,  above  stipulated,  of  leaving  the 
country  in  six  weeks.  —  When  the  terms  of  this 
agreement  were  communicated  to  Orgoiiez,  that 
officer  intimated  his  opinion  of  them,  by  passing  his 
finger  across  his  throat,  and  exclaiming,  "  What 
has  my  fidelity  to  my  commander  cost  me  !  " 27 

Almagro,  in  order  to  do  greater  honor  to  his  pris- 
oner, visited  him  in  person,  and  announced  to  him 
that  he  was  from  that  moment  free.  He  expressed 
a  hope,  at  the  same  time,  that  "  all  past  differences 
would  be  buried  in  oblivion,  and  that  henceforth 

this  award.     (Carta  al  Emperador,        27  "  I  toraando  la  barba  con  la 

MS.)     And  Oviedo,   a  more  dis-  mano  izquierda,  con  la  derecha  hi$o 

passionate  judge,   quotes,  without  sefial  de  cortarse  la  cabeca,  dicien- 

condemning,  a  cavalier  who  told  do  :    Orgonez,    Orgoiiez,    por    el 

the  father,  that  "  a  sentence  so  amistad  de  Don  Diego  de  Almagro 

unjust  had  not   been   pronounced  te  han  de  cortar  esta."     Herrera, 

since  the  time  of  Pontius  Pilate "!  Hist.    General,    dec.    6,    lib.    3, 

Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  9. 
lib.  8,  cap.  21. 


CH.  I.]  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH   PIZARRO.  107 

they  should  live  only  in  the  recollection  of  their 
ancient  friendship."  Hernando  replied,  with  ap- 
parent cordiality,  that  "he  desired  nothing  better 
for  himself."  He  then  swore  in  the  most  solemn 
manner,  and  pledged  his  knightly  honor,  —  the  lat- 
ter, perhaps,  a  pledge  of  quite  as  much  weight  in  his 
own  mind  as  the  former,  —  that  he  would  faithfully 
comply  with  the  terms  stipulated  in  the  treaty.  He 
was  next  conducted  by  the-  marshal  to  his  quar- 
ters, where  he  partook  of  a  collation  in  company 
with  the  principal  officers  ;  several  of  whom,  to- 
gether with  Diego  Almagro,  the  general's  son,  after- 
ward escorted  the  cavalier  to  his  brother's  camp, 
which  had  been  transferred  to  the  neighbouring 
town  of  Mala.  Here  the  party  received  a  most 
cordial  greeting  from  the  governor,  who  entertained 
them  with  a  courtly  hospitality,  and  lavished  many 
attentions,  in  particular,  on  the  son  of  his  ancient 
associate.  In  shott,  such,  on  their  return,  was  the 
account  of  their  reception,  that  it  left  no  doubt  in 
the  mind  of  Almagro  that  all  was  at  length  amicably 
settled.28  —  He  did  not  know  Pizarro. 


28   Ibid.,  loc.   cit.  —  Carta    de  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. —  Zarate, 

Gutierrez,  MS.  —  Pedro  Pizarro,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  9. 

.     •.".•'  •  ?.-£<", 

'  S       </     /i  ''.\ 


CHAPTER    II. 

FIRST' CIVIL  WAR. — ALMAGRO  RETREATS  TO  Cuzco. —  BATTLE  OF 
£   LAS  SALINAS.  —  CRUELTY  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.  —  TRIAL  AND  EX- 
ECUTION OF  ALMAGRO.  —  His  CHARACTER. 

1537  —  1538. 

SCARCELY  had  Almagro's  officers  left  the  govern- 
or's quarters,  when  the  latter,  calling  his  little  army 
together,  briefly  recapitulated  the  many  wrongs 
which  had  been  done  him  by  his  rival,  the  seizure  of 
his  capital,  the  imprisonment  of  his  brothers,  the 
assault  and  defeat  of  his  troops;  and  he  concluded 
With  the  declaration,  —  heartily  echoed  back  by  his 
military  audience,  —  that  the  time  had  now  come 
for  revenge.  All  the  while  that  the  negotiations 
were  pending,  Pizarro  had  been  busily  occupied 
with  military  preparations.  He  had  mustered  a  force 
considerably  larger  than  that  of  his  rival,  drawn  from 
various  quarters,  but  most  of  them  familiar  with 
service.  He  now  declared,  that,  as  he  was  too  old 
to  take  charge  of  the  campaign  himself,  he  should 
devolve  that  duty  on  his  brothers ;  and  he  released 
Hernando  from  all  his  engagements  to  Almagro,  as 
a  measure  justified  by  necessity.  That  cavalier, 
with  graceful  pertinacity,  intimated  his  design  to 
abide  by  the  pledges  he  had  given,  but,  at  length, 


CH.  II.]  FIRST  CIVIL  WAR.  109 

yielded  a  reluctant  assent  to  the  commands  of  his 
brother,  as  to  a  measure  imperatively  demanded  by 
his  duty  to  the  Crown.1 

The  governor's  next  step  was  to  advise  Alma- 
gro  that  the  treaty  was  at  an  end.  At  the  same 
time,  he  warned  him  to  relinquish  his  pretensions  to 
Cuzco,  and  withdraw  into  his  own  territory,  or  the 
responsibility  of  the  consequences  would  lie  on  his 
own  head. 

Reposing  in  his  false  security,  Almagro  was  now 
fully  awakened  to  the  consciousness  of  the  error  he 
had  committed  ;  and  the  warning  voice  of  his  lieu- 
tenant may  have  risen  to  his  recollection.  The 
first  part  of  the  prediction  was  fulfilled.  And  what 
should  prevent  the  latter  from  being  so  ?  To  add 
to  his  distress,  he  was  laboring  at  this  time  under  a 
grievous  malady,  the  result  of  early  excesses,  which 
shattered  his  constitution,  and  made  him  incapable 
alike  of  mental  and  bodily  exertion.2 

In  this  forlorn  condition,, he  confided  the  manage- 
ment of  his  affairs  to  Orgoiiez,  on  whose  loyalty  and 
courage  he  knew  he  might  implicitly  rely.  The  first 
step  was  to  secure  the  passes  of  the  Guaitara,  a 
chain  of  hills  that  hemmed  in  the  valley  of  Zanga- 
lla,  where  Almagro  was  at  present  established.  But, 
by  some  miscalculation,  the  passes  were  not  secured 
in  season ;  and  the  active  enemy,  threading  the  dan- 

1  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.     It  was  a  hard  penalty,  occurring  at 
6,  lib-  3,  cap.  10.  this  crisis,  for  the  sins,  perhaps, 

2  "  Cayo  enfermo  i  estuvo  malo     of  earlier  days ;  but 

a  pimto  de  muerte  de  bubas  i  dolo-  uThe  gods  are  just,  and  of  our  pleasant  vicea 
res."  (Carta  de  Espinall,  MS.)  Make  instruments  to  scourge  us." 


110  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [ BOOK  IV. 

' 

gerous  defiles,  effected  a  passage  across  the  sierra, 
where  a  much  inferior  force  to  his  own  might  have 
taken  him  at  advantage.  The  fortunes  of  Almagro 
were  on  the  wane. 

His  thoughts  were  now  turned  towards  Cuzco, 
and  he  was  anxious  to  get  possession  of  this  cap- 
ital before  the  arrival  of  the  enemy.  Too  feeble  to 
sit  on  horseback,  he  was  obliged  to  be  carried  in  a 
litter ;  and,  when  he  reached  the  ancient  town  of 
Bilcas,  not  far  from  Guamanga,  his  indisposition  was 
so  severe  that  he  was  compelled  to  halt  and  remain 
there  three  weeks  before  resuming  his  march. 

The  governor  and  his  brothers,  in  the  mean  time, 
after  traversing  the  pass  of  Guaitara,  descended  into 
the  valley  of  lea,  where  Pizarro  remained  a  consid- 
erable while,\to  get  his  troops  into  order  and  com- 
plete his  preparations  for  the  campaign.  Then,  tak- 
ing leave  of  the  army,  he  returned  to  Lima,  com- 
mitting the  prosecution  of  the  war,  as  he  had  before 
announced,  to  his  younger  and  more  active  brothers. 
Hernando,  soon  after  quitting  lea,  kept  along  the 
coast  as  far  as  Nasca,  proposing  to  penetrate  the 
country  by  a  circuitous  route  in  order  to  elude  the 
enemy,  who  might  have  greatly  embarrassed  him  in 
some  of  the  passes  of  the  Cordilleras.  But  unhap- 
pily for  him,  this  plan  of  operations,  which  would 
have  given  him  such  manifest  advantage,  was  not 
adopted  by  Almagro  ;  and  his  adversary,  without 
any  other  impediment  than  that  arising  from  the 
natural  difficulties  of  the  march,  arrived,  in  the  latter 
part  of  April,  1538,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Cuzco. 


CH.  II.]  ALMAGRO  RETREATS  TO  CUZCO.  ;  1 1 1 

But  Almagro  was  already  in  possession  of  that 
capital,  which  he  had  reached  ten  days  before.  A 
council  of  war  was  held  by  him  respecting  the  course 
to  be  pursued.  Some  were  for  making  good  the  de- 
fence of  the  city.  Almagro  would  have  tried  what 
could  be  done  by  negotiation.  But  Orgonez  bluntly 
replied,  —  "It  is  too  late  ;  you  have  liberated  Her- 
nando  Pizarro,  and  nothing  remains  but  to  fight 
him."  The  opinion  of  Orgonez  finally  prevailed,  to 
march  out  and  give  the  enemy  battle  on  the  plains. 
The  marshal,  still  disabled  by  illness  from  taking  the 
command,  devolved  it  on  his  trusty  lieutenant,  who, 
mustering  his  forces,  left  the  city,  and  took  up  a 
position  at  Las  Salinas,  less  thati  a  league  distant 
from  Cuzco.  The  place  received  its  name  from 
certain  pits  or  vats  in  the  ground,  used  for  the  prep- 
aration of  salt,  that  was  obtained  from  a  natural 
spring  in  the  neighbourhood.  It  was  an  injudicious 
choice  of  ground,  since  its  broken  character  was 
most  unfavorable  to  the  free  action  of  cavalry,  in 
which  the  strength  of  Almagro's  force  consisted. 
But,  although  repeatedly  urged  by  the  officers  to 
advance  into  the  open  country,  Orgonez  persisted 
in  his  position,  as  the  most  favorable  for  defence, 
since  the  frorit  was  protected  by  a  marsh,  and  by 
a  little  stream  that  flowed  over  the  plain.  His 
forces  amounted  in  all  to  about  five  hundred,  more 
than  half  of  them  horse.  His  infantry  was  deficient 
in  fire-arms,  the  place  of  which  was  supplied  by-  the 
long  pike.  He  had  also  six  small  cannon,  or  fal- 
conets, as  they  were  called,  which,  with  his  cavalry, 


112  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

formed  into  two  equal  divisions,  he  disposed  on  the 
flanks  of  his  infantry.  Thus  prepared,  he  calmly 
awaited  the  approach  of  the  enemy. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  bright  arms  and  ban- 
ners of  the  Spaniards  under  Hernando  Pizarro  were 
seen  emerging  from  the  mountain  passes.  The 
troops  came  forward  in  good  order,  and  like  men 
whose  steady  step  showed  that  they  had  been  spared 
in  the  march,  and  wereinow  fresh  for  action.  They 
advanced  slowly  across  the  plain,  and  halted  on  the 
opposite  border  of  the  little  stream  which  covered 
the  front  of  Orgbnez.  Here  Hernando,  as  the  sun. 
had  set,  took  up  his  quarters  for  the  night,  proposing 
to  defer  the  engagement  till  daylight.3 

The  rumors  of  the  approaching  battle  had  spread 
far  and  wide  over  the  country ;  and  the  mountains 
and  rocky  heights  around  w,ere  thronged  with  multi- 
tudes of  natives,  eager  to  feast  their  eyes  on  a  spec- 
tacle, where,  whichever  side  were  victorious,  the 
defeat  would  fall  on  their  enemies.4  The  Castilian 
women  and  children,  too,  with  still  deeper  anxiety, 
had  thronged  out  from ,  Cuzco  to  witness  the  deadly 
strife  in  which  brethren  and  kindred  were  to  con- 
tend for  mastery.5  The  whole  number  of  the  com- 
batants was  insignificant ;  though  not  as  compared 
with  those  usually  engaged  in  these  American  wars. 

3  Carta    de  Gutierrez,    MS.—  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2, 

Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  lib.  2,  cap.  36,  37. 

MS.  —  Herrera,    Hist.    General,  4  Herrera,  Hist.   General,  dec. 

dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  1  -  5.  —  Carta  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  5,  6. 

de  Espinall,  MS.  —  Zarate,  Conq.  5  Ibid.,  ubi  supra, 
del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  10,  11.  — 


CH.  II.]  BATTLE  OF  LAS   SALINAS.  H3 

It  is  not,  however,  the  number  of  the  players,  but 
the  magnitude  of  the  stake,  that  gives  importance 
and  interest  to  the  game ;  and  in  this  bloody  game, 
they  were  to  play  for  the  possession  of  an  empire. 

The  night  passed  away  in  silence,  unbroken  by 
the  vast  assembly  which  covered  the  surrounding 
hill-tops.  Nor  did  the  soldiers  of  the  hostile  camps, 
although  keeping  watch  within  hearing  of  one  an- 
other, and  with  the  same  blood  flowing  in  their 
veins,  attempt  any  communication.  So  deadly  was 
the  hate  in  their  bosoms  ! 6 

The  sun  rose  bright,  as  usual  in  this  beautiful 
climate,  on  Saturday,  the  twenty-sixth  day  of  April, 
1538.7  But  long  before  his  beams  *were  on  the 
plain,  the  trumpet  of  Hernando  Pizarro  had  called 
his  men  to  arms.  His  forces  amounted  in  all  to 
about  seven  hundred.  They  were  drawn  from  va- 
rious quarters,  the  veterans  of  Pizarro,  the  follow- 
ers of  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  —  many  of  whom,  since 
their  defeat,  had  found  their  way  back  to  Lima, 
—  and  the  late  reinforcement  from  the  isles,  most 
of  them  seasoned  by  many  a  toilsome  march  in 


6  "I  fue  cosa  de  notar,  que  se  circumstance   leads   Garcilasso    to 
estuvieron  toda  la  Noche,  sin  que  suppose  that  the  battle  took  place 
nadie  de  la  vna  i  otra  parte  pen-  on  Saturday,  the  sixth,  —  the  day 
sase  en  mover  tratos  de  Paz  :  tanta  after  the  Feast  of  Saint  Lazarus, 
era  la  ira  i  aborrecimiento  de  am-  —  and    not    on    the   twenty-sixth 
bas  partes."     Ibid.,  cap.  6.  of  April,   as  commonly  reported. 

7  A  church  dedicated  to   Saint  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap. 
Lazarus  was  afterwards  erected  on  38.     See  also    Montesinos,    (An- 
the  battle-ground,  and  the  bodies  nales,   MS.,  ano   1538,)  —  an  in- 
of  those   slain  in  the  action  were  different  authority  for  any  thing, 
interred  within    its  walls.      This 

VOL.    II.  15 


114  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV 

the  Indian  campaigns,  and  many  a  hard-fought 
field.  His  mounted  troops  were  inferior  to  those 
of  Almagro ;  but  this  was  more  than  compensated 
by  the  strength  of  his  infantry,  comprehending  a 
well- trained  corps  of  arquebusiers,  sent  from  St. 
Domingo,  whose  weapons  were  of  the  improved 
construction  recently  introduced  from  Flanders. 
They  were  of  a  large  calibre,  and  threw  double- 
headed  shot,  consisting  of  bullets  linked  together  by 
an  iron  chain.  It  was  doubtless  a  clumsy  weapon 
compared  with  modern  fire-arms,  but,  in  hands  ac- 
customed to  wield  it,  proved  a  destructive  instru- 
ment.8 

Hernando  Pizarro  drew  up  his  men,  in  the  same 
order  of  battle  as  that  presented  by  the  enemy, — 
throwing  his  infantry  into  the  centre,  and  disposing 
his  horse  on  the  flanks  ;  one  corps  of  which  he 
placed  under  command  of  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  and 
took  charge  of  the  other  himself.  The  infantry  was 
headed  by  his  brother  Gonzalo,  supported  by  Pedro 
de  Valdivia,  the  future  hero  of  Arauco,  whose  dis- 
astrous story  forms  the  burden  of  romance  as  well 
as  of ,  chronicle.9 

Mass  was  said,  as  if  the  Spaniards  were  about  to 
fight  what  they  deemed  the  good  fight  of  the  faith, 

8  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  never  did  the  Muse  venture  on  such 
cap.  8. — "Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  a  specification  of  details,  not  merely 
Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  36.  poetical,  but  political,  geographical, 

9  The  Araucana  of  Ercilla  may  and  statistical,  as  in  this  celebrated 
claim  the  merit,  indeed, — if  it  be  Castilian  epic.     It   is  a    military 
a  merit,  —  of  combining  both  ro-  journal  done  into  rhyme. 

mance  and  history  in  one.     Surely 


CH.  II.]  BATTLE  OF  LAS   SALINAS.  115 

instead  of  imbruing  their  hands  in  the  blood  of 
their  countrymen.  Hernando  Pizarro  then  made  a 
brief  address  to  his  soldiers.  He  touched  on  the 
personal  injuries  he  and  his  family  had  received  from 
Almagro  ;  reminded  his  brother's  veterans  that  Cuz- 
co  had  been  wrested  from  their  possession ;  called  up 
the  glow  of  shame  on  the  brows  of  Alvarado's  men 
as  he  talked  of  the  rout  of  Abancay,  and,  pointing 
out  the  Inca  metropolis  that  sparkled  in  the  morning 
sunshine,  he  told  them  that  there  was  the  prize  of 
the  victor.  They  answered  his  appeal  with  accla- 
mations ;  and  the  signal  being  given,  Gonzalo  Pizar- 
ro, heading  his  battalion  of  infantry,  led  it  straight 
across  the  river.  The  water  was  neither  broad  nor 
deep,  and  the  soldiers  found  no  difficulty  in  gain- 
ing a  landing,  as  the  enemy's  horse  was  prevented 
by  the  marshy  ground  from  approaching  the  borders. 
But,  as  they  worked  their  way  across  the  morass, 
the  heavy  guns  of  Orgonez  played  with  effect  on 
the  leading  files,  and  threw  them  into  disorder. 
Gonzalo  and  Valdivia  threw  themselves  into  the 
midst  of  their  followers,  menacing  some,  encour- 
aging others,  and  at  length  led  them  gallantly  for- 
ward to  the  firm  ground.  Here  the  arquebusiers, 
detaching  themselves  from  the  rest  of  the  infantry, 
gained  a  small  eminence,  whence,  in  their  turn, 
they  opened  a  galling  fire  on  Orgonez,  scattering 
his  array  of  spearmen,  and  sorely  annoying  the  cav- 
alry on  the  flanks. 

Meanwhile,  Hernando,  forming  his  two  squadrons 
of  horse  into  one  column,  crossed  under  cover  of 


116  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.       [BOOK  IV. 

this  well-sustained  fire,  and,  reaching  the  firm 
ground,  rode  at  once  against  the  enemy.  Orgonez, 
whose  infantry  was  already  much  crippled,  advanc- 
ing his  horse,  formed  the  two  squadrons  into  one 
body,  like  his  antagonist,  and  spurred  at  full  gallop 
against  the  assailants.  The  shock  was  terrible ; 
and  it  was  hailed  by  the  swarms  of  Indian  spec- 
tators on  the  surrounding  heights  with  a  fiendish 
yell  of  triumph,  that  rose  far  above  the  din  of  bat- 
tle, till  it  was  lost  in  distant  echoes  among  the 


mountains.10 


The  struggle  wTas  desperate.  For  it  was  not 
that  of  the  white  man  against  the  defenceless  Ind- 
ian, but  of  Spaniard  against  Spaniard ;  both  par- 
ties cheering  on  their  comrades  with  their  battle- 
cries  of  "El  Rey  y  Almagro,"  or  " El  Rey  y  Pizar- 
ro," — while  they  fought  with  a  hate,  to  which 
national  antipathy  was  as  nothing ;  a  hate  strong 
in  proportion  to  the  strength  of  the  ties  that  had 
been  rent  asunder. 

In  this  bloody  field  well  did  Orgonez  do  his  du- 
ty, fighting  like  one  to  whom  battle  was  the  natural 
element.  Singling  out  a  cavalier,  whom,  from  the 
color  of  the  sobre-vest  on  his  armour,  he  erroneously 


10  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  mode  of  attack,  are  told   as  vari- 

6,  lib.  4,  cap.  6.  —  Pedro  Pizarro,  ously  and  confusedly,  as  if  it  had 

Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.— Cartade  been  a  contest  between  two  great 

Espinall,  MS.  — Zarate,  Conq.  del  armies,  instead  of  a  handful  of  men 

Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  11.  on  either  side.    It  would  seem  that 

Every  thing  relating  to  this  bat-  truth  is  nowhere    so    difficult   to 

tie, — the  disposition  of  the  forces,  come  at,  as  on  the  battle-field, 
the  character  of  the  ground,  the 


CH.  II.]  BATTLE  OF   LAS   SALINAS.  H7 

supposed  to  be  Hernando  Pizarro,  he  charged  him 
in  full  career,  and  overthrew  him  with  his  lance. 
Another  he  ran  through  in  like  manner,  and  a  third 
he  struck  down  with  his  sword,  as  he  was  prema- 
turely shouting  "Victory!"  But  while  thus  doing 
the  deeds  of  a  paladin  of  romance,  he  was  hit  by 
a  chain-shot  from  an  arquebuse,  which,  penetrating 
the  bars  of  his  visor,  grazed  his  forehead,  and  de- 
prived him  for  a  moment  of  reason.  Before  he 
had  fully  recovered,  his  horse  was  killed  under  him, 
and  though  the  fallen  cavalier  succeeded  in  extricat- 
ing himself  from  the  stirrups,  he  was  surrounded, 
and  soon  overpowered  by  numbers.  Still  refusing 
to  deliver  up  his  sword,  he  asked  "  if  there  was  no 
knight  to  whom  he  could  surrender."  One  Fu- 
entes,  a  menial  of  Pizarro,  presenting  himself  as 
such,  Orgoftez  gave  his  sword  into  his  hands,  — 
and  the  dastard,  drawing  his  dagger,  stabbed  his 
defenceless  prisoner  to  the  heart!  His  head,  then 
struck  off,  was  stuck  on  a  pike,  and  displayed,  a 
bloody  trophy,  in  the  great  square  of  Cuzco,  as  the 
head  of  a  traitor.11  Thus  perished  as  loyal  a  cava- 
lier, as  decided  in  council,  and  as  bold  in  action,  as 
ever  crossed  to  the  shores  of  America. 

The  fight  had  now  lasted  more  than  an  hour, 
and  the  fortune  of  the  day  was  turning  against  the 
followers  of  Almagro.  Orgonez  being  down,  their 
confusion  increased.  The  infantry,  unable  to  en- 
dure the  fire  of  the  arquebusiers,  scattered  and  took 

11    Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y    neral,  ubi  supra. — Zarate,  Conq. 
Conq.,  MS. —  Herrera,  Hist.  Ge-     del  Peru,  ubi  supra. 


118  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

refuge  behind  the  stone-walls,  that  here  and  there 
straggled  across  the  country.  Pedro  de  Lerma, 
vainly  striving  to  rally  the  cavalry,  spurred  his  horse 
against  Hernando  Pizarro,  with  whom  he  had  a 
personal  feud.  Pizarro  did  not  shrink  from  the  en- 
counter. The  lances  of  both  the  knights  took  ef- 
fect. That  of  Hernando  penetrated  the  thigh  of 
his  opponent,  while  Lerma's  weapon,  glancing  by 
his  adversary's  saddle-bow,  struck  him  with  such 
force  above  the  groin,  that  it  pierced  the  joints  of 
his  mail,  slightly  wounding  the  cavalier,  and  forcing 
his  horse  back  on  his  haunches*  But  the  press  of 
the  fight  soon  parted  the  combatants,  and,  in  the 
turmoil  that  ensued,  Lerma  was  unhorsed,  and  left 
on  the  field  covered  with  wounds.12 

There  was  no  longer  order,  and  scarcely  resist- 
ance, among  the  followers  of  Almagro.  They  fled, 
making  the  best  of  their  way  to  Cuzco,  and  happy 
was  the  man  who  obtained  quarter  when  he  asked 
it.  Almagro  himself,  too  feeble  to  sit  so  long  on  his 
horse,  reclined  on  a  litter,  and  from  a  neighbour- 
ing eminence  surveyed  the  battle,  watching  its  fluc- 
tuations with  all  the  interest  of  one  who  felt  that 
honor,  fortune,  life  itself,  hung  on  the  issue.  With 
agony  not  to  be  described,  he  had  seen  his  faithful 


12  Herrera,  Hist.  General,   ubi  of  it  to  Orgonez,  that  the  latter 

supra.  —  Garcilasso,   Com.  Real.,  might  distinguish  him  in  the  m$lee. 

Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  36.  But  a  knight  in  Hernando 's  suite 

Hernando  Pizarro  wore  a  sur-  also  wore  the  same  colors,  it  ap- 

coat  of  orange-colored  velvet  over  pears,    which    led    Orgonez    into 

his  armour,  according  to  Garcilasso,  error, 
and  before  the  battle  sent  notice 


CH.  II.]  CRUELTY  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.  119 

followers,  after  their  hard  struggle,  borne  down  by 
their  opponents,  till,  convinced  that  all  was  lost,  he 
succeeded  in  mounting  a  mule,  and  rode  off  for  a 
temporary  refuge  to  the  fortress  of  Cuzco.  Thither 
he  was  speedily  followed,  taken,  and  brought  in 
triumph  to  the  capital,  where,  ill  as  he  was,  he 
was  thrown  into  irons,  and  confined  in  the  same 
apartment  of  the  stone  building  in  which  he  had 
imprisoned  the  Pizarros. 

The  action  lasted  not  quite  two  hours.  The 
number  of  killed,  variously  stated,  was  probably  not 
less  than  a  hundred  and  fifty,  —  one  of  the  com- 
batants calls  it  two  hundred,13  —  a  great  number, 
considering  the  shortness  of  the  time,  and  the  small 
amount  of  forces  engaged.  .No  account  is  given  of 
the  wounded.  Wounds  were  the  portion  of  the 
cavalier.  Pedro  de  Lerma  is  said  to  have  received 
seventeen,  and  yet  was  taken  alive  from  the  field ! 
The  loss  fell  chiefly  on  the  followers  of  Almagro. 
But  the  slaughter  was  not  confined  to  the  heat 
of  the  action.  Such  was  the  deadly  animosity  of 
the  parties,  that  several  Were  murdered  in  cold 
blood,  like  Orgonez,  after  they  had  surrendered. 


13  tt  Murieron  en  esta  Batalla  de  que  en  el  mundo  se  ha  visto,  porque 
las  Salinas  cast  dozientos  hombres  matavan  a  los  hombres  rendidos  e 
de  vna  parte  y  de  otra."  (Pedro  desarmados,  e  por  les  quitar  las 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.)  armas  los  mataban  si  presto  no  se 
Most  authorities  rate  the  loss  at  las  quitaban,  e  trayendo  a  las  ancas 
less.  The  treasurer  Espinall,  a  de  un  caballo  a  un  Ruy  Diaz  vi- 
partisan  of  Almagro,  says  they  niendo  rendido  e  desarmado  le  ma- 
massacred  a  hundred  and  fifty  after  taron,  i  desta  manera  mataron  mas 
the  fight,  in  cold  blood.  "  Siguie-  de  ciento  £  cinquenta  hombres  " 
ron  el  alcanze  la  mas  cruelmente  Carta,  MS. 


120  CIVIL  WARS   OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

Pedro  de  Lerma  himself,  while  lying  on  his  sick 
couch  in  the  quarters  of  a  friend  in  Cuzco,  was 
visited  by  a  soldier,  named  Samaniego,  whom  he 
had  once  struck  for  an  act  of  disobedience.  This 
person  entered  the  solitary  chamber  of  the  wounded 
man,  took  his  place  by  his  bed-side,  and  then,  up- 
braiding him  for  the  insult,  told  him  that  he  had 
come  to  wash  it  away  in  his  blood  !  Lerma  in  vain 
assured  him,  that,  when  restored  to  health,  he  would 
give  him  the  satisfaction  he  desired.  The  miscre- 
ant, exclaiming  "Now  is  the  hour!"  plunged  his 
sword  into  his  bosom.  He  lived  several  years  to 
vaunt  this  atrocious  exploit,  which  he  proclaimed  as 
a  reparation  to  his  honor.  It  is  some  satisfaction 
to  know  that  the  insolence  of  this  vaunt  cost  him 
his  life.14 — Such  anecdotes,  revolting  as  they  are, 
illustrate  not  merely  the  spirit  of  the  times,  but  that 
peculiarly  ferocious  spirit  which  is  engendered  by 
civil  wars,- — the  most  unforgiving  in  their  character 
of  any,  but  wars  of  religion. 

In  the  hurry  of  the  flight  of  one  party,  and  the 
pursuit  by  the  other,  all  pouring  towards  Cuzco,  the 
field  of  battle  had  been  deserted.  But  it  soon 
swarmed  with  plunderers,  as  the  Indians,  descend- 
ing like  vultures  from  the  mountains,  took  posses- 
sion of  the  bloody  ground,  and,  despoiling  the  dead, 

14  Carta    de    Espinall,    MS.— -  time,  having  outraged  the  feelings 

Garcilasso,  Com.   Real.,  Parte  2,  of  that  officer  and  the  community 

lib.  2,  cap.  38.  by  the  insolent  and  open  manner 

He  was  hanged  for  this  very  in  which  he  boasted  of  his  atrocious 

crime  by  the  governor  of  Puerto  exploit. 
Viejo,  about  five  years  after  this 


CH.  II.]      CRUELTY  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.        121 

even  to  the  minutest  article  of  dress,  left  their 
corpses  naked  on  the  plain.15  It  has  been  thought 
strange  that  the  natives  should  not  have  availed  them- 
selves of  their  superior  numbers  to  fall  on  the  victors 
after  they  had  been  exhausted  by  the  battle.  But 
the  scattered  bodies  of  the  Peruvians  were  without  a 
leader ;  they  were  broken  in  spirits,  moreover,  by  re- 
cent reverses,  and  the  Castilians,  although  weakened 
for  the  moment  by  the  struggle,  were  in  far  greater 
strength  in  Cuzco  than  they  had  ever  been  before. 

Indeed,  the  number  of  troops  now  assembled 
within  its  walls,  amounting  to  full  thirteen  hundred, 
composed,  as  they  were,  of  the  most  discordant 
materials,  gave  great  uneasiness  to  .Hernando  Pi- 
zarro.  For  there  were  enemies  glaring  on  each 
other  and  on  him  with  deadly  though  smothered 
rancor,  and  friends,  if  not  so  dangerous,  not  the 
less  troublesome  from  their  craving  and  unreasona- 
ble demands.  He  had  given  the  capital  up  to  pil- 
lage, and  his  followers  found  good  booty  in  the 
quarters  of  Almagro's  officers.  But  this  did  not 
suffice  the  more  ambitious  cavaliers ;  and  they  clam- 
orously urged  their  services,  and  demanded  to  be 
placed  in  charge  of  some  expedition,  nothing  doubt- 
ing that  it  must  prove  a  golden  one.  All  were  in 
quest  of  an  El  Dorado.  Hernando  Pizarro  acqui- 

15  "  Los  Indies  viendo  la  Batalla  fender,  porque  como  paso  el  tropel 

fenescida,  ellos  tambien  se  dejaron  de  la  Gente,  siguiendo  la  Victoria, 

de   la  suia,  iendo   los  vnos   i   los  no  huvp  quien  se  lo  impidiese  ;  de 

otros    a    desnudar    los  Espanoles  manera  que  dexaron   en  cueros  a 

muertos,  i  aun  algunos  vivos,  que  todos  los  caidos."     Zarate,  Conq. 

por  sus  heridas  no  se  podian  de-  del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  11. 

VOL.    II.  16 


CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boos  IV 


esced  as  far  as  possible  in  these  desires,  most  wil- 
ling to  relieve  himself  of  such  importunate  creditors. 
The  expeditions,  it  is  true,  usually  ended  in  disaster; 
but  the  country  was  explored  by  them.  It  was  the 
lottery  of  adventure  ;  the  prizes  were  few,  but 
they  were  splendid  ;  and  in  the  excitement  of  the 
game,  few  Spaniards  paused  to  calculate  the  chances 
of  success. 

Among  those  who  left  the  capital  was  Diego,  the 
son  of  Almagro.  Hernando  was  mindful  to  send 
him,  with  a  careful  escort,  to  his  brother  the  gov- 
ernor, desirous  to  remove  him  at  this  crisis  from  the 
neighbourhood  of  his  father.  Meanwhile  the  mar- 
shal himself  was  pining  away  in  prison  under  the 
combined  influence  of  bodily  illness  and  distress  of 
mind.  Before  the  battle  of.  Salinas,  it  had  been 
told  to  Hernando  Pizarro  that  Almagro  was  like  to 
die.  "  Heaven  forbid,"  he  exclaimed,  "  that  this 
should  come  to  pass  before  he  falls  into  my  hands!"16 
Yet  the  gods  seemed  now  disposed  to  grant  but 
half  of  this  pious  prayer,  since  his  captive  seemed 
about  to  escape  him  just  as  he  had  come  into  his 
power.  To  console  the  unfortunate  chief,  Hernan- 
do paid  him  a  visit  in  his  prison,  and  cheered  him 
with  the  assurance  that  he  only  waited  for  the  gov- 
ernor's arrival  to  set  him  at  liberty ;  adding,  "  that, 
if  Pizarro  did  not  come  soon  to  the  capital,  he  him- 
self would  assume  the  responsibility  of  releasing 

16  "  Respondia  Hernando  Pi-  sin  que  le  huviese  a  las  manos." 
Earro,  que  no  le  haria  Dios  tan  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  6, 
gran  mal,  que  le  dexase  morir,  lib.  4,  cap.  5. 


CH.  II.]       TRIAL  AND   EXECUTION   OF  ALMAGRO.  123 

him,  and  would  furnish  him  with  a  conveyance  to 
his  brother's  quarters."  At  the  same  time,  with  con- 
siderate attention  to  his  comfort,  he  inquired  of  the 
marshal  "  what  mode  of  conveyance  would  be  best 
suited  to  his  state  of  health."  After  this  he  con- 
tinued to  send  him  delicacies  from  his  own  table  to 
revive  his  faded  appetite.  Almagro,  cheered  by 
these  kind  attentions,  and  by  the  speedy  prospect 
of  freedom,  gradually  mended  in  health  and  spirits.17 

He  little  dreamed  that  all  this  while  a  process  was 
industriously  preparing  against  him.  It  had  been  in- 
stituted immediately  on  his  capture,  and  every  one, 
however  humble,  who  had  any  cause  of  complaint 
against  the  unfortunate  prisoner,  was  invited  to  pre- 
sent it.  The  summons  was  readily  answered  ;  and 
many  an  enemy  now  appeared  in  the  hour  of  his 
fallen  fortunes,  like  the  base  reptiles  crawling  into 
light  amidst  the  ruins  of  some  noble  edifice  ;  and 
more  than  one,  who  had  received  benefits  from  his 
hands,  were  willing  to  court  the  favor  of  his  enemy 
by  turning  on  their  benefactor.  From  these  loath- 
some sources  a  mass  of  accusations  was  collected 
which  spread  over  four  thousand  folio  pages !  Yet 
Almagro  was  the  idol  of  his  soldiers  !  18 

Having  completed  the  process,  (July  8th,  1538,) 
it  was  not  difficult  to  obtain  a  verdict  against  the 


17  Ibid.,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  9.  Naharro,RelacionSumaria,MS. 

18  "  De    tal    manera    que    los  — Conq.  i  Pob.  del  Piru,  MS. — 
Escrivanos  no  se  davan  manos,  i  ft  Carta  de  Gutierrez,  MS.  —  Pedro 
teman  escritas  mas  de  dos  mil  ho-  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.  — 
jas."     Ibid.,  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  7.  Carta  de  EspinaU,  MS. 


124  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

prisoner.  The  principal  charges  on  which  he  was 
pronounced  guilty  were  those  of  levying  war  against 
the  Crown,  and  thereby  occasioning  the  death  of 
many  of  his  Majesty's  subjects;  of  entering  into 
conspiracy  with  the  Inca ;  and  finally,  of  dispossess- 
ing the  royal  governor  of  the  city  of  Cuzco.  On 
these  charges  he  was  condemned  to  suffer  death  as 
a  traitor,  by  being  publicly  beheaded  in  the  great 
square  of  the  city.  Who  were  the  judges,  or  what 
was  the  tribunal  that  condemned  him,  we  are  not 
informed.  Indeed,  the  whole  trial  was  a  mockery ; 
if  that  can  be  called  a  trial,  where  the  accused  him- 
self is  not  even  aware  of  the  accusation. 

The  sentence  was  communicated  by  a  friar  de- 
puted for  the  purpose  to  Almagro.  The  unhappy 
man,  who  all  the  while  had  been  unconsciously 
slumbering  on  the  brink  of  a  precipice,  could  not 
at  first  comprehend  the  nature  of  his  situation.  Re- 
covering from  the  first  shock,  "  It  was  impossible," 
he  said,  "  that  such  wrong  could  be  done  him,  —  he 
would  not  believe  it."  He  then  besought  Hernando 
Pizarro  to  grant  him  an  interview.  That  cavalier, 
not  unwilling,  it  would  seem,  to  witness  the  agony 
of  his  captive,  consented ;  and  Almagro  was  so 
humbled  by  his  misfortunes,  that  he  condescended  to 
beg  for  his  life  with  the  most  piteous  supplications. 
He  reminded  Hernando  of  his  ancient  relations 
with  his  brother,  and  the  good  offices  he  had  ren- 
dered him  and  his  family  in  the  earlier  part  of  their 
career.  He  touched  on  his  acknowledged  services 
to  his  country,  and  besought  his  enemy  "  to  spare 


CH.  II.]        TRIAL  AND   EXECUTION  OF  ALMAGRO.  125 

his  gray  hairs,  and  not  to  deprive  him  of  the  short 
remnant  of  an  existence  from  which  he  had  now 
nothing  more  to  fear."  —  To  this  the  other  coldly 
replied,  that  "  he  was  surprised  to  see  Almagro  de- 
mean himself  in  a  manner  so  unbecoming  a  brave 
cavalier ;  that  his  fate  was  no  worse  than  had  befall- 
en many  a  soldier  before  him ;  and  that,  since  God 
had  given  him  the  grace  to  be  a  Christian,  he  should 
employ  his  remaining  moments  in  making  up  his 
account  with  Heaven !  "  19 

But  Almagro  was  not  to  be  silenced.  He  urged 
the  service  he  had  rendered  Hernando  himself. 
"This  was  a  hard  requital,"  he  said,  "  for  having 
spared  his  life  so  recently  under  similar  circum- 
stances, and  that,  too,  when  he  had  been  urged 
again  and  again  by  those  around  him  to  take  it 
away."  And  he  concluded  by  menacing  his  enemy 
with  the  vengeance  of  the  emperor,  who  would 
never  suffer  this  outrage  on  one  who  had  rendered 
such  signal  services  to  the  Crown  to  go  unrequited. 
It  was  all  in  vain ;  and  Hernando  abruptly  closed 
the  conference  by  repeating,  that  "  his  doom  was  in- 
evitable, and  he  must  prepare  to  meet  it." 20 


19  "  I  que  pues  tuvo  tanta  gracia  letter  to  the   emperor,)    in   terms 
de  Dios,  que   le  hicjo  Christiano,  that  would  have  touched  the  heart 
ordenase   su   Alma,    i    temiese   a  of   an   infidel.     "  De    la  qual  el 
Dios."     Herrera,    Hist.   General,  dicho  Adelantado  apelo  para  ante 
dec.  6,  lib.  5,  cap.  1.  V.  M.  i  le  rogo  que  por  amor  de 

20  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  Dios    hincado  de  rodillas  le  otor- 
The  marshal  appealed  from  the  gase   el  apelacion,  diciendole  que 

sentence    of   his     judges    to    the  mirase  sus  canas  e  vejez  e  quanto 

Crown,  supplicating  his  conqueror,  havia  servido  a  V.  M.  i  qe  el  havia 

(says  the  treasurer  Espinall,  in  his  sido  el  primer  escalon  para  que  el 


126  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boox  IV. 

Almagro,  finding  that  no  impression  was  to  be 
made  on  his  iron-hearted  conqueror,  now  seriously 
addressed  himself  to  the  settlement  of  his  affairs. 
By  the  terms  of  the  royal  grant  he  was  empowered 
to  name  his  successor.  He  accordingly  devolved 
his  orifice  on  his  son,  appointing  Diego  de  Alvarado, 
on  whose  integrity  he  had  great  reliance,  administra- 
tor of  the  province  during  his  minority.  All  his 
property  and  possessions  in  Peru,  of  whatever  kind, 
he  devised  to  his  master  the  emperor,  assuring  him 
that  a  large  balance  was  still  due  to  him  in  his  un- 
settled accounts  with  Pizarro.  By  this  politic  be- 
quest, he  hoped  to  secure  the  monarch's  protection 
for  his  son,  as  well  as  a  strict  scrutiny  in tc  the  affairs 
of  his  enemy. 

The  knowledge  of  Almagro's  sentence  produced 
a  deep  sensation  in  the  community  of  Cuzco.  All 
were  amazed  at  the  presumption  with  which  one, 
armed  with  a  little  brief  authority,  ventured  to 
sit  in  judgment  on  a  person  of  Almagro's  station. 
There  were  few  who  did  not  call  to  mind  some 
generous  or  good-natured  act  of  the  unfortunate 
veteran.  Even  those  who  had  furnished  materials 
for  the  accusation,  now  startled  by  the  tragic  result 
to  which  it  was  to  lead,  were  heard  to  denounce 
Hernando's  conduct  as  that  of  a  tyrant.  Some 
of  the  principal  cavaliers,  and  among  them  Diego 


i  sus  hermanos  subiesen  en  el  esta-  supe  que    dixo,   que  a  qualquier 

do  en  que    estavan,  i  diciendole  hombre,  aunque  fuera  infiel,  mo- 

otras  muchas  palabras  de  dolor  e  viera  a  piedad."     Carta,  MS. 
compasion  que  despues  de  muerto 


CH.  II.]       TRIAL  AND  EXECUTION  OF  ALMAGRO.  127 

de  Alvarado,  to  whose  intercession,  as  we  have  seen, 
Hernando  Pizarro,  when  a  captive,  had  owed  his 
own  life,  waited  on  that  commander,  and  endeav- 
oured to  dissuade  him  from  so  high-handed  and 
atrocious  a  proceeding.  It  was  in  vain.  But  it  had 
the  effect  of  changing  the  mode  of  execution,  which, 
instead  of  the  public  square,  was  now  to  take  place 
in  prison.21 

On  the  day  appointed,  a  strong  corps  of  arque- 
busiers  was  drawn  up  in  the, plaza.  The  guards 
were  doubled  over  the  houses  where  dwelt  the  prin- 
cipal partisans  of  Almagro.  The  executioner,  at- 
tended by  a  priest,  stealthily  entered  his  prison ;  and 
the  unhappy  man,  after  confessing  and  receiving  the 
sacrament,  submitted  without  resistance  to  the  gar- 
rote.  Thus  obscurely,  in  the  gloomy  silence  of  a 
dungeon,  perished  the  hero  of  a  hundred  battles! 
His  corpse  W7as  removed  to  the  great  square  of  the 
city,  where,  in  obedience  to  the  sentence,  the  head 
was  severed  from  the  body.  A  herald  proclaimed 
aloud  the  nature  of  the  crimes  for  which  he  had  suf- 
fered ;  and  his  remains,  rolled  in  their  bloody  shroud, 
were  borne  to  the  house  of  his  friend  Hernan  Ponce 
de  Leon,  and  the  next  day  laid  with  all  due  solem- 

21  Carta  de    Espinall,    MS.  —  to  Cuzco,  and  set  him  at  liberty. 

Montesinos,    Annales,   MS.,    ano  "  It  was  too  grave  a  matter,"  he 

1538.  rightly  added,  "  to  trust  to  a  third 

Bishop  Valverde,  as  he  assures  party."      (Carta    al    Emperador, 

the    emperor,  remonstrated    with  MS.)      The    treasurer    Espinall, 

Francisco  Pizarro  in  Lima,  against  then  in    Cuzco,    made  a    similar 

allowing  violence  towards  the  mar-  ineffectual    attempt  to  turn  Her- 

shal ;  urging  it  on  him,  as  an  im-  nando  from  his  purpose, 
perative  duty,  to  go  himself  at  once 


128  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

nity  in  the  church  of  Our  Lady  of  Mercy.  The 
Pizarros  appeared  among  the  principal  mourners. 
It  was  remarked,  that  their  brother  had  paid  similar 
honors  to  the  memory  of  Atahuallpa.22 

Almagro,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  was  probably 
not  far  from  seventy  years  of  age.  But  this  is 
somewhat  uncertain ;  for  Almagro  was  a  foundling, 
and  his  early  history  is  lost  in  obscurity.23  He  had 
many  excellent  qualities  by  nature  ;  and  his  defects, 
which  were  not  few,  may  reasonably  be  palliated  by 
the  circumstances  of  his  situation.  For  what  ex- 
tenuation is  riot  authorized  by  the  position  of  a 
foundling,  —  without  parents,  or  early  friends,  or 
teacher  to  direct  him,  —  his  little  bark  set  adrift  on 
the  ocean  of  life,  to  take  its.  chance  among  the  rude 
billows  and  breakers,  without  one  friendly  hand 
stretched  forth  to  steer  or  to  save  it !  The  name 
of  "  foundling  "  comprehends  an  apology  for  much, 
very  much,  that  is  wrong  in  after  life.24 

He  was  a  man  of  strong  passions,  and  not  too 
well  used  to  control  them.25  But  he  was  neither 


22  Carta  de    Espinall,  MS. —  24  Montesinos,  for  want  of  a  bet- 
Herrera,  Hist.  General,  loc.  cit. —  ter  pedigree,  says, — "  He  was  the 
Carta  de  Valverde  al  Emperador,  son  of  his  own  great  deeds,  and 
MS.  —  Carta  de  Gutierrez,  MS.  —  such   has  been  the   parentage  of 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  many  a  famous  hero !"    (Annales, 
MS.  — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  MS.,   ano   1538.)     It  would    go 
afio  1538.  hard  with  a  Castilian,  if  he  could 

The  date  of  Almagro 's  execu-  not  make   out    something   like    a 
tion  is  not  given  ;  a  strange  omis-  genealogy,  —  however  shadowy, 
sion  ;  but  of  little  moment,  as  that  ^  "  Hera  vn  hombre  muy  pro- 
event  must  have  followed  soon  on  fano,  de  muy  mala  lengua,  que  en 
the  condemnation.  enojandose  tratava  muy  mal  a  todos 

23  Ante,  vol.  I.  p.  207.  los  que  con  el    andavan   aunque 


CH.  II.]  HIS  CHARACTER.  129 

vindictive  nor  habitually  cruel.  I  have  mentioned 
one  atrocious  outrage  which  he  committed  on  the 
natives.  But  insensibility  to  the  rights  of  the  Ind- 
ian he  shared  with  many  a  better-instructed  Span- 
iard. Yet  the  Indians,  after  his  conviction,  bore 
testimony  to  his  general  humanity,  by  declaring  that 
they  had  no  such  friend  among  the  white  men.26 
Indeed,  far  from  being  vindictive,  he  was  placable, 
and  easily  yielded  to  others.  The  facility  with 
which  he  yielded,  the  result  of  good-natured  credu- 
lity, made  him  too  often  the  dupe  of  the  crafty ;  and 
it  showed,  certainly,  a  want  of  that  self-reliance 
which  belongs  to  great  strength  of  character.  Yet 
his  facility  of  temper,  and  the  generosity  of  his  na- 
ture, made  him  popular  with  his  followers.  No  com- 
mander was  ever  more  beloved  by  his  soldiers.  His 
generosity  was  often  carried  to  prodigality.  When 
he  entered  on  the  campaign  of  Chili,  he  lent  a  hun- 
dred thousand  gold  ducats  to  the  poorer  cavaliers  to 
equip  themselves,  and  afterwards  gave  them  up  the 
debt.27  He  was  profuse  to .  ostentation.  But  his 
extravagance  did  him  no  harm  among  the  roving 


fuesen    cavalleros."      (Descub.   y  among  his  followers !      "  Mando 

Conq.,   MS.)     It  is    the  portrait  sacar  de  su  Posada  mas  de  ciento 

drawn  by  an  enemy.  i  ochenta  cargas  de  Plata  i  veinte 

26  "  Los   Indies  lloraban  amar-  de  Oro,  i  las  repartio."     (Dec.  5, 
gamente,  diciendo,  que  de  el  nunca  lib.  7,  cap.  9.)     A  Joad  was  what 
recibieron  mal  tratamiento."    Her-  a  man  could  easily  carry.     Such  a 
rera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  6,  lib.  5,  statement  taxes  our  credulity,  but 
cap.  1.  it  is  difficult  to  set  the  proper  limits 

27  If  we  may  credit  Herrera,  he  to  one's  credulity,  in  what  relates 
distributed  a  hundred   and  eighty  to  this  land  of  gold. 

loads  of  silver  and  twenty  of  gold 

VOL.    II.  17 


130  CIVIL   WARS   OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

spirits  of  the  camp,  with  whom  prodigality  is  apt  to 
gain  more  favor  than  a  strict  and  well-regulated 
economy. 

He  was  a  good  soldier,  careful  and  judicious  in  his 
plans,  patient  and  intrepid  in  their  execution.  His 
body  was  covered  with  the  scars  of  his  battles,  till 
the  natural  plainness  of  his  person  was  converted 
almost  into  deformity.  He  must  not  be  judged  by 
his  closing  campaign,  when,  depressed  by  disease, 
he  yielded  to  the  superior  genius  of  his  rival ;  but 
by  his  numerous  expeditions  by  land  and  by  water 
for  the  conquest  of  Peru  and  the  remote  Chili. 
Yet  it  may  be  doubted  whether  he  possessed  those 
uncommon  qualities,  either  as  a  warrior  or  as  a  man, 
that,  in  ordinary  circumstances^  would  have  raised 
him  to  distinction.  He  was  one  of  the  three,  or,  to 
speak  more  strictly,  of  the  two  associates,  who  had 
the  good  fortune  and  the  glory  to  make  one  of  the 
most  splendid  discoveries  in  the  Western  World. 
He  shares  largely  in  the  credit  of  this  with  Pizarro; 
for,  when  he  did  not  accompany  that  leader  in  his 
perilous  expeditions,  he  contributed  no  less  to  their 
success  by  his  exertions  in  the  colonies. 

Yet  his  connection  with  that  chief  can  hardly  be 
considered  a  fortunate  circumstance  in  his  career. 
A  partnership  between  individuals  for  discovery  and 
conquest  is  not  likely  to  be  very  scrupulously  ob- 
served, especially  by  men  more  accustomed  to  gov- 
ern others  than  to  govern  themselves.  If  causes 
for  discord  do  not  arise  before,  they  will  be  sure  to 
spring  up  on  division  of  the  spoil.  But  this  asso- 


' 


'  • 


CH.  II.]  HIS  CHARACTER.  131 

ciation  was  particularly  ill-assorted.  For  the  free, 
sanguine,  and  confiding  temper  of  Almagro  was  no 
match  for  the  cool  and  crafty  policy  of  PizarrO  ; 
and  he  was  invariably  circumvented  by  his  com- 
panion, whenever  their  respective  interests  came 
in  collision. 

Still  the  final  ruin  of  Almagro  may  be  fairly  im- 
puted to  himself.  He  made  two  capital  blunders. 
The  first  was  his  appeal  to  arms  by  the  seizure  of 
Cuzco.  The  determination  of  a  boundary-line  was 
not  to  be  settled  by  arms.  It  was  a  subject  for 
arbitration  ;  and,  if  arbitrators  could  not  be  trusted, 
it  should  have  been  referred  to  the  decision  of  the 
Crown.  But,  having  once  appealed  to  arms,  he 
should  not  then  have  resorted  to  negotiation,  — 
above  all,  to  negotiation  with  Pizarro.  This  was 
his  second  and  greatest  error.  He  had  seen  enough 
of  Pizarro  to  know  that  he  was  not  to  be  trusted. 
Almagro  did  trust  him,  and  he  paid  for  it  with 
his  life. 


CHAPTER    III. 

PlZARRO  REVISITS  CuZCO. HERNANDO  RETURNS  TO  CASTILE. HlS 

LONG  IMPRISONMENT.  —  COMMISSIONER  SENT   TO  PERU.  —  HOSTILI- 
TIES   WITH     THE     INCA.  •"-  PlZARRO'S     ACTIVE    ADMINISTRATION.  

GONZALO    PlZARRO. 

1539—1540. 
^r'Ha?- i*3  tt*rt  frffl*^       -, .,-      ,  •..    ^-iidji^ 

ON  the  departure  of  his  brother  in  pursuit  of 
Almagro,  the  Marquess  Francisco  Pizarro,  as  we 
have  seen,  returned  to  Lima.  There  he  anxiously 
awaited  the  result  of  the  campaign  ;  and  on  receiv- 
ing the  welcome  tidings  of  the  victory  of  Las  Sali- 
nas, he  instantly  made  preparations  for  his  march  to 
Cuzco.  At  Xauxa,  however,  he  was  long  detained 
by  the  distracted  state  of  the  country,  and  still 
longer,  as  it  would- seem,  by  a  reluctance  to  enter 
the  Peruvian  capital  while  the  trial  of  Almagro  was 
pending. 

He  was  met  at  Xauxa  by  the  marshal's  son  Di- 
ego, who  had  been  sent  to  the  coast  by  Hernando 
Pizarro.  The  young  man  was  filled  with  the  most 
gloomy  apprehensions  respecting  his  father's  fate, 
and  he  besought  the  governor  not  to  allow  his 
brother  to  do  him  any  violence.  Pizarro,  who  re- 
ceived Diego  with  much  'apparent  kindness,  bade 
him  take  heart,  as  no  harm  should  come  to  his 


CH.  III.]  PIZARRO   REVISITS   CUZCO.  133 

father  ; l  adding,  that  he  trusted  their  ancient  friend- 
ship would  soon  be  renewed.  The  youth,  com- 
forted by  these  assurances,  took  his  way  to  Lima, 
where,  by  Pizarro's  orders,  he  was  received  into  his 
house,  and  treated  as  a  son. 

The  same  assurances  respecting  the  marshal's 
safety  were  given  by  the-  governor  to  Bishop  Val- 
verde,  and  some  of  the  principal  cavaliers  who  in- 
terested themselves  in  behalf  of  the  prisoner.2  Still 
Pizarro  delayed  his  march  to  the  capital ;  and  when 
he  resumed  it,  he  had  advanced  no  farther  than  the 
Rio  'de  Abancay  when  he  received  tidings  of  the 
death  of  his  rival.  He  appeared  greatly  shocked  by 
the  intelligence,  his  whole  frame  was  agitated,  and 
he  remained  for  some  time  with  his  eyes  bent  on 
the  ground,  showing  signs  of  strong  emotion.3 

Such  is  the  account  given  *  by  his  friends.  A 
more  probable  version  of  the  matter  represents 
him  to  have  been  perfectly  aware  of  the  state  of 
things  at  Cuzco.  When  the  trial  was  concluded, 
it  is  said  he  received  a  message  from  Hernando, 
inquiring  what  was  to  be  done  with  the  prisoner. 
He  answered  in  a  few  words  :  —  "  Deal  with  him 


1  "  I  dixo,  que  no  tuviese  ningu-  el  antigua  amistad  con  el."     Ibid., 
na  pena,  porque  no  consentiria,  que  dec.  6,  lib.  4,  cap.  9. 

su   Padre    fuese    muerto."    ~Her-        3    Pedro     Pizarro,     Descub.    y 

rera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  6,  lib.  6,  Conq.,  MS. 

cap.  3.  He  even  shed  many  tears,  derra- 

2  "  Que   lo   haria  asi  como   lo  m6  muchas  lagrimas,  according  to 
decia,  i  que  su  de  seo  no  era  otro,  Herrera,  who  evidently  gives  him 
sino  ver  el  Reino  en  paz ;  i  que  en  small  credit  for  them.     Ibid.,  dec. 
lo  que  tocaba  al  Adelantado,  per-  6,  lib.  6,  cap.    7.  — .,Conf.  lib.  5, 
diese  cuidado,  que  bolveria  a,  tener  cap.  1. 


134  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

so  that  he  shall  give  us  no  more  trouble."4  It 
is  also  stated  that  Hernando,  afterwards,  when 
laboring  under  the  obloquy  caused  by  Almagro's 
death,  shielded  himself,  under  instructions  affirmed 
to  have  been  received  from  the  governor.5  It  is 
quite  certain,  that,  during  his  long  residence  at 
Xauxa,  the  latter  was  in  constant  communication 
with  Cuzco ;  and  that  had  he,  as  Valve rde  re- 
peatedly urged  him,6  quickened  his  march  to  that 
capital,  he  might  easily  have  prevented  the  con- 
summation of  the  tragedy.  As  commander-in-chief, 
Almagro's  fate  was  in  his  hands ;  and,  whatever  his 
own  partisans  may  affirm  of  his  innocence,  the 
impartial  judgment  of  history  must  hold  him  equally 
accountable  with  Hernando  for  the  death  of  his  as- 
sociate. 

Neither  did  his  subsequent  conduct  show  any  re- 
morse for  these  proceedings.  He  entered  Cuzco, 
says  one  who  was  present  there  to  witness  it, 
amidst  the  flourish  of  clarions  and  trumpets,  at  the 
head  of  his  martial  cavalcade,  and  dressed  in  the 
rich  suit  presented  him  by  Cortes,  with  the  proud 
bearing  and  joyous  mien  of  a  conqueror.7  When 

4  "  Respondio,   que  hiciese   de  Herrera's  testimony  is  little  short 

manera,  que  el  Adelantado  no  los  of  that  of  a  contemporary,  since  it 

pusiese  en  mas  alborotos."    (Ibid.,  was  derived,  he  tells  us,  from  the 

dec.  6,  lib.  "6,  cap.  7.)     "  De  todo  correspondence  of  the  Conquerors, 

esto,"  says  Espinall,  "  fue  sabidor  and  the  accounts  given  him  by  their 

el  dicho   Governador  Pizarro  a  lo  own  sons.     Lib.  6,  cap.  7. 

que    mi  juicio  i  el  de   otros    que  6  Carta  de  Valverde  al  Empera- 

en  ello  quisieron  mirar  alcanzo."  dor,  MS. 

Carta  de  Espinall;  MS.  7  "  En  este  medio  tiempo  vino  a 

»   5  Ibid.,  dec.  6,  lib,  5,  cap.  1.  la  dicha  cibdad  del  Cuzco  el  Go- 


1  *  #•'•'    ''  *•* 

CH.  III.]  PIZARRO   REVISITS   CUZCO.  135 

Diego  de  Alvarado  applied  to  him  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  southern  provinces,  in  the  name  of  the 
young  Almagro,  whom  his  father,  as  we  have  seen, 
had  consigned  to  his  protection,  Pizarro  answered, 
that  "  the  marshal,  by  his  rebellion,  had  forfeited  all 
claims  to  the  government."  And,  when  he  was  still 
further  urged  by  the  cavalier,  he  bluntly  broke  off 
the  conversation  by  declaring  that  "  nis  own  terri- 
tory covered  all  on  this  side  of  Flanders  "!8-^-  inti- 
mating, no  doubt,  by  this  magnificent  vaunt,  that 
he  would  endure  no  rival  on  this  side  of  the  water. 

In  the  same  spirit,  he  had  recently  sent  to  super- 
sede Benalcazar,  the  conqueror  of  Quito,  who,  he 
was  informed,  aspired  to  an  independent  government. 
Pizarro's  emissary  had  orders  to  send  the  offending 
captain  to  Lima ;  but  Benalcazar,  after  pushing  his 
victorious  career  far  into  the  north,  had  returned  to 
Castile  to  solicit  his  guerdon  from  the  emperor. 

To  the  complaints  of  the  injured  natives,  who 
invoked  his  protection,  he  showed  himself  strangely 
insensible,  while  the  followers  of  Almagro  he  treated 
with  undisguised  contempt.  The  estates  of  the 
leaders  were  confiscated,  and  transferred  without 
ceremony  to  his  own  partisans.  Hernando  had 
made  attempts  to  conciliate  some  of  the  opposite 
faction  by  acts  of  liberality,  but  they  had  refused  to 

bernador  D.  Franco  Pizarro,  el  qual         "  Mui  asperamente  le  respondio 

entro    con    tronpetas    i    chirimias  el   Governador,   diciendo,   que   su 

vestido  con  ropa  de  martas  que  fue  GovernacionnoteniaTermino,  ique 

el  luto  con  que  entro."     Carta  de  llegaba  hasta  Flandes."  ^Herrera, 

Espinall,  MS.  Hist.    General,    dec.    6,'    lib.    Or 

8  Carta  de  Espinall,  MS.  cap.  7. 


136  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

accept  any  thing  from  the  man  whose  hands  were 
stained  with  the  blood  of  their  commander.9  The 
governor  held  to  them  no  such  encouragement ;  and 
many  were  reduced  to  such  abject  poverty,  that,  too 
proud  to  expose  their  wretchedness  to  the  eyes  of 
their  conquerors,  they  withdrew  from  the  city,  and 
sought  a  retreat  among  the  neighbouring  moun- 
tains.10 

For  his  own  brothers  he  provided  by  such  ample 
repartimientos,  as  excited  the  murmurs  of  his  ad- 
herents. He  appointed-  Gonzalo  to  the  command 
of  a  strong  force  destined  to  act  against  the  natives 
of  Charcas,  a  hardy  people  occupying  the  territory 
assigned  by  the  Crown  to  Almagro.  Gonzalo  met 
with  a  sturdy  resistance,  but,  after  some  severe 
fighting,  succeeded  in  reducing  the  province  to  obe- 
dience. He  was  recompensed,  together  with  Her- 
nando,  who  aided  him  in  the  conquest,  by  a  large 
grant  in  the .  neighbourhood  of  Porco,  the  productive 
mines  of  which  had  been  partially  wrought  under 
the  Incas.  The  territory,  thus  situated,  embraced 
part  of  those  silver  hills  of  Potosi  which  have  since 
supplied  Europe  with  such  stores  of  the  precious 
metals.  Hernando  comprehended  the  capabilities 
of  the  ground,  and  he  began  working  the  mines  on 


9  "  Avia  querido   hazer  amigos  de  ambre,  fechos  pedazos  e  adeu- 
de  los  principales  de  Chile,  y  ofre-  dados,    andando    por    los    monies 
cidoles  daria  rrepartimientos  y  no  desesperados  por  no  parecer  ante 
lo    avian    aceptado    ni    querido."  gentes,  porque  no  tienen  otra  cosa 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  que  se  vestir  sino  ropa  de  los  In- 
MS.  dios,   ni  dineros  'con  que  lo  com- 

10  "  Viendolas  oy  en  dia,  muertos  prar."     Carta  de  Espinall,  MS. 


CH.  III.]         HERNANDO   RETURNS   TO   CASTILE.  137 

a  more  extensive  scale  than  that  hitherto  adopted, 
though  it  does  not  appear  that  any  attempt  was 
then  made  to  penetrate  the  rich  crust  of  Potosi.11 
A  few  years  more  were  to  elapse  before  the  Span- 
iards were  to  bring  to  light  the  silver  quarries  that 
lay  hidden  in  the  bosom  of  its  mountains.12 

It  was  now  the  great  business  of  Hernando  'to 
collect  a  sufficient  quantity  of  treasure  to  take  with 
him  to  Castile.  Nearly  a  year  had  elapsed  since 
Almagro's  death ;  and  it  was  full  time  that  he 
should  return  and  present  himself  at  court,  where 
Diego  de  Alvarado  and  other  friends  of  the  marshal, 
who  had  long  since  left  Peru,  were  industriously 
maintaining  the  claims  of  the  younger  Almagro,  as 
well  as  demanding  redress  for  the  wrongs  done  to 
his  father.  But  Hernando  looked  confidently  to 
his  gold  to  dispel  the  accusations  against  him. 

Before  his  departure,  he  counselled  his  brother  to 
beware  of  the  "  men  of  Chili,"  as  Almagro's  fol- 
lowers were  called  ;  desperate  men,  who  would 
stick  at  nothing,  he  said,  for  revenge.  He  besought 


11  "Con    la    quietud,"   writes  1539s — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Hernando  Pizarro  to  the  emperor,  Conq.,  MS.  —  Montesinos,  Anna- 
"  questa    tierra    agora  tiene    han  les,  MS.,  ano  1539. 
descubierto  i   descubren  cada   dia  The  story  is  well  known  of  the 
los  vecinos  muchas  minas  ricas  de  manner  in  which  the  mines  of  Po- 
oro  i  plata,  de  que  los  quintos  i  ren-  tosi  were  discovered  by  an  Indian, 
tas  reales  de  V.  M.  cada  dia  se  le  who    pulled   a   bush    out   of   the 
ofrecen  i  hacer  casa  a  todo  el  Mun-  ground  to  the   fibres  of  which  a 
do."     Carta  al  Emperador,  MS.,  quantity    of   silver    globules    was 
de  Puerto  Viejo,  6  de  Julii,  1539.  attached.     The  mine  was  not  reg- 

12  Carta  de  Carbajal  al  Empera-  istered  till  1545.     The  account  is 
dor,  MS.,  del  Cuzco,  3  de  Nov.  given  by  Acosta,  lib.  4,  cap.  6. 

VOL.    II.  18 


138  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [Boo*  IV. 

the  governor  not  to  allow  them  to  consort  together 
in  any  number  within  fifty  miles  of  his  person ;  if 
he  did,  it  would  be  fatal  to  him.  And  he  concluded 
by  recommending  a  strong  body-guard ;  "for  I," 
he  added,  "  shall  not  be  here  to  watch  over  you." 
But  the  governor  laughed  at  the  idle  fears,  as  he 
termed  them,  of  his  brother,  bidding  the  latter  take 
no  thought  of  him,  "  as  every  hair  in  the  heads  of 
Almagro's  followers  was  a  guaranty  for  his  safe- 
ty." He  did  not  know  the  character  of  his  ene- 
mies so  well  as  Hernando. 

The  latter  soon  after  embarked  at  Lima  in  the 
summer  of  1539.  He  did  not  take  the  route  of 
Panama,  for  he  had  heard  that  it  was  the  intention 
of  the  authorities  there  to  detain  him.  He  made  a 
circuitous  passage,  therefore,  by  way  of  Mexico,  land- 
ed in  the  Bay  of  Tecoantepec,  and  was  making  his 
way  across  the  narrow  strip  that  divides  the  great 
oceans,  when  he  was  arrested  and  taken  to  the 
capital.  But  the  Viceroy  Mendoza  did  not  con- 
sider that  he  had  a  right  to  detain  him,  and  he 
was  suffered  to  embark  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  to  pro- 
ceed on  his  voyage.  Still  he  did  not  deem  it  safe 
to  trust  himself  in  Spain  without  further  advices. 


13  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  si  los  dexa  juntar  le  an  de  matar. 

6,  lib.  6,  cap.  10.  —  Zarate,  Conq.  Si  a  Vuestra  Seiioria  matan,  yo 

del  Peru,  lib.  3,  cap.  12.  —  Go-  negociare  mal  y  de  vuestra  senoria 

mara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  142.  no  quedara  memoria.  Estas  pala- 

"  No  consienta  vuestra  senoria  bras  dixo  Hernando  Pigarro  altas 

que  se  junten  diez  juntos  en  cin-  que  todos  le  oymos.  Y  abragando 

quenta  leguas  alrrededor  de  adonde  al  marquez  se  partio  y  se  fue."  Pe- 

vuestra  senoria  estuviere,  porque  dro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS 


CH.  III.]          HERNANDO  RETURNS  TO  CASTILE*  139 

He  accordingly  put  in  at  one  of  the  Azores,  where 
he  remained  until  he  could  communicate  with  home. 
He  had  some  powerful  friends  at  court,  and  by 
them  he  was  encouraged  to  present  himself  before 
the  emperor.  He  took  their  advice,  and,  shortly 
after,  reached  the  Spanish  coast  in  safety.14 

The  Court  was  at  Valladolid ;  but  Hernando,  who 
made  his  entrance  into  that  city,  with  great  pomp 
and  a  display  of  his  Indian  riches,  met  with  a  re- 
ception colder  than  he  had  anticipated..15  For  this 
he  was  mainly  indebted  to  Diego  de  Alvarado,  who 
was  then  residing  there,  and  who,  as  a  cavalier  of 
honorable  standing,  and  of  high  connections,  had 
considerable  influence.  He  had  formerly,  as  we 
have  seen,  by  his  timely  interposition,  more  than 
once  saved  the  life  of  Hernando ;  and  he  had  con- 
sented to  receive  a  pecuniary  obligation  from  him 
to  a  large  amount.  But  all  were  now  forgotten  in 
the  recollection  of  the  wrong  done  to  his  com- 
mander;  and,  true  to -the  trust  reposed  in  him  by 
that  chief  in  his  dying  hour,  he  had  come  to  Spain 
to  vindicate  the  claims  of  the  young  Almagro. 

But  although  coldly  received  at  first,  Hernando's 
presence,  and  his  own  version  of  the  dispute  with 
Almagro,  aided  by  the  golden  arguments  which  he 
dealt  with  no  stinted  hand,  checked  the  current  of 
indignation,  and  the  opinion  of  his  judges  seemed  for 

14  Carta  de  Hernando  Pizarro  al        l5  Gomara,   Hist,   de  las  Ind.. 
Emperador,  MS. —  Herr era,  Hist.     cap.  143. 
General,  dec.  6,  lib.  6,  cap.  10. — 
Montesinos,    Annales,    MS.,    ano 
1539. 


140  ^CIVIL   WARS   OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boox  IV. 

a  time  suspended.  Alvarado,  a  cavalier  more  accus- 
tomed to  the  prompt  and  decisive  action  of  a  camp 
than  to  the  tortuous  intrigues  of  a  court,  chafed  at 
the  delay,  and  challenged  Hernando  to  settle  their 
quarrel  by  single  combat.  But  his  prudent  adversa- 
ry had  no  desire  to  leave  the  issue  to  such  an  ordeal ; 
and  the  affair  was  speedily  terminated  by  the  death 
of  Alvarado  himself,  which  happened  five  days  after 
the  challenge.  An  event  so  opportune  naturally 
suggested  the  suspicion  of  poison.16 

But  his  accusations  had  not  wholly  fallen  to  the 
ground  ;  and  Hernando  Pizarro  had  carried  meas- 
ures with  too  high  a  hand,  and  too  grossly  outraged 
public  sentiment,  to  be  permitted  to  escape.  He  re- 
ceived no  formal  sentence,  but  he  was  imprisoned  in 
the  strong  for  tress,  of  Medina  del  Campo,  where  he 
was  allowed  to  remain  for  twenty  years,  when  in 
1560,  after  a  generation  had  nearly  passed  away, 
and  time  had,  in  some  measure,  thrown  its  softening 
veil  over  the  past,  he  was  suffered  to  regain  his  lib- 
erty.17 But  he  came  forth  an  aged  man,  bent  down 
with  infirmities  and  broken  in  spirit, —  an  object  of 
pity,  rather  than  indignation.  Rarely  has  retribu- 
tive justice  been  meted  out  in  fuller  measure  to 
offenders  so  high  in  authority,  —  most  rarely  in 
Castile.18 


16  «  Pero  todo  lo  atajd  la  repen-  17  This  date  is  established  by 
tina  muerte  de  Diego  de  Alvarado,  Quintana,  from  a  legal  process  to- 
que sucedip  litego  en  cinco  dias,  no  stituted  by  Hernando's  grandson,  in 
sin  sospecha  de  veneno."  Herre-  vindication  of  the  title  of  Marquess, 
ra,  Hist.  General,  dec.  6,  lib.  8,  in  the  year  1625. 
cap.  9.  18  Naharro,  Relacion  Sumaria, 


CH.  III.]  HIS  LONG   IMPRISONMENT.  141 

Yet  Hernando  bore  this  long  imprisonment  with 
an  equanimity  which,  had  it  been  founded  on  prin- 
ciple, might  command  our  respect.  He  saw  broth- 
ers and  kindred,  all  on  whom  he  leaned  for  support, 
cut  off  one  after  another  ;  his  fortune,  in  part,  con- 
fiscated, while  he  was  involved  in  expensive  litiga- 
tion for  the  remainder ; 19  his  fame  blighted,  his 
career  closed  in  an  untimely  hour,  himself  an  exile 
in  the  heart  of  his  own  country ;  —  yet  he  bore  it  all 
with  the  constancy  of  a  courageous  spirit.  Though 
very  old  when  released,  he .  still  survived  several 
years,  and  continued  to  the  extraordinary  age  of  a 
hundred.20  He  lived  long  enough  to  see  friends, 
rivals,  and  foes  all  called  away  to  their  account 
before  him. 

Hernando  Pizarro  was  in  many  respects  a  re- 
markable character.  He  was  the  eldest  of  the 
brothers,  to  whom  he  was  related  only  by  the 
father's  side  ,  for  he  was  born  in  wedlock,  of  hon- 
.  ;**rf  ..bfij.; :  •:  tiiXtp®.  -4al  6i  a-.rt^  ^id$&ivK 

MS.  — Pizarro  y  Orellana,  Varones  pension  from  government.    Pizarro 

Ilustres      p      341.  —  Montesinos,  y  Orellana,   Varones   Ilustres,  *p. 

Annales,   M    .,  afio    1539. —  Go-  342,  and  Discurso,  p.  72. 
mara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  142.  20  "  Multos  da,  Jupiter,  annos  " ; 

19  Caro  de  Torres  gives  a  royal  the   greatest  boon,    in   Pizarro  y 

ddula  in  reference  to  the  working-  Orellana's  opinion,    that    Heaven 

of  the  silver  mines  of  Porco,  still  can    confer!     "  Diole    Dios,    por 

owned  by   Hernando   Pizarro,    in  todo,  el  premio  mayor  desta  vida, 

1555  ;    and   another  document   of  pues  fue  tan  larga,  que  excedio  de 

nearly  the  same  date,  noticing  his  cien  anos."     (Varones  Jlustres,  p. 

receipt  of  ten  thousand  ducats  by  342  )      According    to    the    same 

the  fleet  from  Peru.     (Historia  de  somewhat  partial   authority,  Her- 

las    Ordenes     Militares      Madrid,  nando   died,  as  he    had  lived,  in 

1629,  p.  144.)    Hernando's  grand-  the  odor  of  sanctity  !     "  Viviendo 

son    was    created    by   Philip  IV.  aprender  a  morir,  y  saber  morir, 

Marquess  of  the  Conquest,  Mar-  quando  Ileg6  la  muerte. 
ques  de  la  Conquista,  with  a  liberal 


142  CIVIL  WARS  OF   THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

orable  parentage  on  both  sides  of  his  house.  In 
his  early  years,  he  received  a  good  education, — 
good  for  the  time.  He  was  taken  by  his  father, 
while  quite  young,  to  Italy,  and  there  learned  the 
art  of  war  under  the  Great  Captain.  Little  is 
known  of  his  history  after  his  return  to  Spain ;  but, 
when  his  brother  had  struck  out  for  himself  his 
brilliant  career  of  discovery  in  Peru,  Hernando  con- 
sented to  take  part  in  his  adventures. 

He  was  much  deferred  to  by  Francisco,  not  only 
as  his  elder  brother,  but  from  his  superior  education 
and  his  knowledge  of  affairs.  He  was  ready  in  his 
perceptions,  fruitful  in  resources,  and -possessed  of 
great  vigor  in  action.  Though  courageous,  he  was 
cautious  ;  and  his  counsels,  when  not  warped  by 
passion,  were  wise  and  wary.  But  he  had  other 
qualities,  which  more  than  counterbalanced  the  good 
resulting  from  excellent  parts  and  attainments.  His 
ambition  and  avarice  were  insatiable.  He  was  su- 
percilious even  to  his  equals  ;  and  he  had  a  vin- 
dictive temper,  which  nothing  could -appease.  Thus, 
instead  of  aiding  his  brother  in  the  Conquest,  he 
was  the  evil  genius  that  blighted  his  path.  He  con- 
ceived from  the  first  an  unwarrantable  contempt  for 
Almagro,  whom  he  regarded  as  his  brother's  rival, 
instead  of  what  he  then  was,  the  faithful  partner  of 
his  fortunes.  He  treated  him  with  personal  indig- 
nity, and,  by  his  intrigues  at  court,  had  the  means 
of  doing  him  sensible  injury.  He  fell  into  Alma- 
gro's  hands,  and  had  nearly  paid  for  these  wrongs 
with  his  life.  This  was  not  to  be  forgiven  by  Her- 


CH.  III.]  COMMISSIONER  SENT  TO  PERU.  143 

nando,  and  he  coolly  waited  for  the  hour  of  revenge. 
Yet  the  execution  of  Almagro  was  a  most  impolitic 
act;  for  an  evil  passion  can  rarely  be  gratified  with 
impunity.  Hernando  thought  to  buy  off  justice  with 
the  gold  of  Peru.  He  had  studied  human  nature 
on  its  weak  and  wicked  side,  and  he  expected  to 
profit  by  it.  Fortunately,  he  was  deceived.  He 
iiad,  indeed,  his  revenge ;  but  the  hour  of  his  re- 
venge was  that  of  his  ruin. 

The  disorderly  state  of  Peru  was  such  as  to  de- 
mand the  immediate  interposition  of  government. 
In  the  general  license  that  prevailed  there,  the  rights 
of  the  Indian  and  of  the  Spaniard  were  equally 
trampled  under  foot.  Yet  the  subject  was  one  of 
great  difficulty ;  for  Pizarro's  authority  was  now 
firmly  established  over  the  country,  which  itself  was 
too  remote  from  Castile  to  be  readily  controlled  at 
home.  Pizarro,  moreover,  was  a  man  not  easy  to 
be  approached,  confident  in  his  own  strength,  jeal- 
ous of  interference,  and  possessed  of  a  fiery  temper, 
which  would  kindle  into  a  flame  at  the  least  distrust 
of  the  government.  It  would  not  answer  to  send 
out  a  commission  to  suspend  him  from  the  exercise 
of  his  authority  until  his  conduct  could  be  investi- 
gated, as  was  done  with  Cortes,  and  other  great 
colonial  officers,  on  whose  rooted  loyalty  the  Crown 
could  confidently  rely.  Pizarro's  loyalty  sat,  it  was 
feared,  too  lightly  on  him  to  be  a  powerful  restraint 
on  his  movements  ;  and  there  were  not  wanting 
those  among  his  reckless  followers,  who,  in  case  of 
extremity,  would  be  prompt  to  urge  him  to  throw  off 


144  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boos  IV. 

his  allegiance  altogether,  and  set  up  an  independent 
government  for  himself. 

Some  one  was  to  be  sent  out,  therefore,  who 
should  possess,  in  some  sort,  a  controlling,  or,  at 
least,  concurrent  power  with  the  dangerous  chief, 
while  ostensibly  he  should  act  only  in  subordination 
to  him.  The  person  selected  for  this  delicate  mis- 
sion, was  the  Licentiate  Vaca  de  Castro,  a  member 
of  the  Royal  Audience  of  Valladolid.  He  was  a 
learned  judge,  a  man  of  integrity  and  wisdom,  and, 
though  not  bred  to  arms,  had  so  much  address,  and 
such  knowledge  of  character,  as  would  enable  him 
readily  to  turn  the  resources  of  others  to  his  own 
account. 

His  commission  wTas  guarded  in  a  way  which 
showed  the  embarrassment  of  the  government.  He 
was  to  appear  before  Pizarro  in  the  capacity  of  a 
royal  judge  ;  to  consult  with  him  on  the  redress  of 
grievances,  especially  with  reference  to  the  unfortu- 
nate natives ;  to  concert  measures  for  the  prevention 
of  future  evils ;  and  above  all,  to  possess  himself 
faithfully  of  the  condition  of  the  country  in  all  its  de- 
tails, and  to  transmit  intelligence  of  it  to  the  Court 
of  Castile.  But,  in  case  of  Pizarro's  death,  he 
was  to  produce  his  warrant  as  royal  governor,  and 
as v,  such  to  claim  the  obedience  of  the  authorities 
throughout  the  land.  —  Events  showed  the  wisdom 
of  providing  for  this  latter  contingency.21 

21  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Hist.  General,  dec.  6,  lib.  8,  cap. 
Conq.,  MS. —  Gomara,  Hist.de  9.  —  Montesinos,  Annales,  MS., 
las  Ind.,  cap.  146.  —  Herrera,  afio  1540. 


CH.  III.]  COMMISSIONER  SENT  TO  PERU.  145 

The  licentiate,  thus  commissioned,  quitted  his 
quiet  residence  at  Valladolid,  embarked  at  Seville, 
in  the  autumn  of  1540,  and,  after  a  tedious  voyage 
across  the  Atlantic,  he  traversed  the  Isthmus,  and, 
encountering  a  succession  of  tempests  on  the  Pacific, 
that  had  nearly  sent  his  frail  bark  to  the  bottom,  put 
in  with  her,  a  mere  wreck,  at  the  northerly  port  of 
Buenaventura.22  The  affairs  of  the  country  were 
in  a  state  to  require  his  presence., 

The  civil  war  which  had  lately  distracted  the  land 
had  left  it  in  so  unsettled  a  state,  that  the  agi- 
tation continued  long  after  the  immediate  cause  had 
ceased.  This  was  especially  the  case  among  the  na- 
tives. In  the  violent  transfer  of  repartimientos,  the 
poor  Indian  hardly  knew  to  whom  he  was  to  look 
as  his  master.  The  fierce  struggles  between  the 
rival  chieftains  left  him  equally  in  doubt  whom  he 
was  to  regard  as  the  rulers  of  the  land.  As  to  the 
authority  of  a  common  sovereign,  across  the  waters, 
paramount  over  all,  he  held  that  in  still  greater  dis- 
trust ;  for  what  was  the  authority  which  could  not 
command  the  obedience  even  of  its  own  vassals?23 


This  latter  writer  sees  nothing  tura,  aunque  yo  la  llamo  Mala." 

short  of  a  "divine  mystery"   in  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 
this  forecast   of  government,    so        23  "  Piensan  que  les  mienten  los 

singularly    sustained    by    events,  que  aca  les  dizen  que  ai  ui\  gran 

"  Prevencion  del  gran  espiritu  del  Seiior  en  Castilla,  viendo  que  aca 

Rey,  no  sin  misterio."    Ubi  supra,  pelean  unos  capitanes  contra  otros  ; 

22  Or,  as  the  port  should  rather  y  piensan  que  no  ai  otro  Rei  sino 

be  called,  Mala  Ventura,  as  Pedro  aquel  que  venze  al  otro,  porque  aca 

Pizarro  punningly  remarks.    "  Tu-  entrellos  no  se  acostumbra  que  un 

vo  tan  mal  viaje  en  la  mar  que  vbo  capitan  pelee  contra  otro,  estando 

de  desembarcar  en  la  Buena  Ven-  entrambos  debaxo  de  un  Seiior." 
VOL.    II.                         19 


146  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

The  Inca  Manco  was  not-  slow  in  taking  advantage 
of  this  state  of  feeling.  He  left  his  obscure  fast- 
nesses in  the  depths  of  the  Andes,  and  established 
himself  with  a  strong  body  of  followers  in  the 
mountain  country  lying  between  Cuzco  and  the 
coast.  From  this  retreat,  he  made  descents  on  the 
neighbouring  plantations,  destroying  the  houses, 
sweeping  off  the  cattle,  and  massacring  the  people. 
He  fell  on  travellers,  as  they  were  journeying  sin- 
gly or  in  caravans  from  the  coast,  and  put  them 
to  death  —  it  is  told  by  his  enemies  —  with  cruel 
tortures.  Single  detachments  were  sent  against 
him,  from  time  to  time,  but  without  effect.  Some 
he  eluded,  others  he  defeated ;  and,  on  one  occa- 
sion, cut  off  a  party  of  thirty  troopers,  to  a  man.24 

At  length,  Pizarro  found  it  necessary  to  send  a 
considerable  force  under  his  brother  Gonzalo  against 
the  Inca.  The  hardy  Indian  encountered  his  enemy 
several  times  in  the  rough  passes  of  the  Cordilleras. 
He  was  usually  beaten,  and  sometimes  with  heavy 
loss,  which  he  repaired  with  astonishing  facility ;  for 
he  always  contrived  to  make  his  escape,  and  so  true 
were  his  followers,  that,  in  defiance  of  pursuit  and 
ambuscade,  he  found  a  safe  shelter  in  the  secret 
haunts  of  the  sierra. 

T.hus  baffled,  Pizarro  determined  to  try  the  effect 
of  pacific  overtures.  He  sent  to  the  Inca,  both  in 


Carta  de  Valverde  al  Emperador,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.  —  Caita  de 

MS.  Espinall,  MS.  —  Carta  de  Valverie 

24  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  al  Emperador,  MS. 
6,  lib.  6,  cap.  7.  —  Pedro  Pizarro, 


• 

CH.  JIL]  HOSTILITIES   WITH  THE  INCA.  147 

his  own  name,  and  in  that  of  the  Bishop  of  Cuzco, 
whom  the  Peruvian  prince  held  in  reverence,  to  in- 
vite him  to  enter  into  negotiation.25  Manco  acqui- 
esced, and  indicated,  as  he  had  formerly  done  with 
Almagro,  the  valley  of  Yucay,  as  the  scene  of  it. 
The  governor  repaired  thither,  at  the  appointed 
time,  well  guarded,  and,  to  propitiate  the  barbarian 
monarch,  sent  him  a  rich  present  by  the  hands  of 
an  African  slave.  The  slave  was  met  on  the  route 
by  a  party  of  the  Inca's  men,  who,  whether  with  or 
without  thek  master's  orders,  cruelly  murdered  him, 
and  bore  off  the  spoil  to  their  quarters.  Pizarro 
resented  this  outrage  by  another  yet  more  atrocious* 
Among  the  Indian  prisoners  was  one  of  the  Inca's 
wives,  a  young  and  beautiful  woman,  to  whom  he 
was  said  to  be  fondly  attached.  The  governor  or- 
dered her  to  be  stripped  naked,  'bound  to  a  tree, 
and,  in  presence  of  the  camp,  to  be  scourged  with 
rods,  and  then  shot  to  death  with  arrows.  The 
wretched  victim  bore  the  execution  of  the  sentence 


25  The  Inca  declined  the  inter-  guntado  que  porque  no  se  benia  a 

view    with    the    bishop,     on    the  mi  de  paz,  dixo  el  indio  que  dezia 

ground  that  he  had  seen  him  pay  el  inca  que  porque  yo  quando  vine 

obeisance  by  taking  off  his  cap  to  hize  la  mocha  al  gobernador,  que 

Pizarro.     It  proved  his  inferiority  quiere  dezir  que  le  quite  el  Bonete ; 

to  the  latter,  he  said,  and  that  he  que  no  queria  venir  a  mi  de  paz, 

could  never  protect  him  against  the  que  el  que  no  havia  de  venir  de 

governor.     The  passage  in  which  paz    sino    a   uno  .  que  viniese  de 

it  is  related  is  curious.     "  Pre-  castilla  que  no  hiziese  la  mocha  al 

guntando   a  indios  del    inca    que  gobernador,  porque  le  paresze  a  el 

anda   alzado   que   si  sabe  el   inca  que  este  lo  podra  defender  por  lo 

que  yo  soi  venido  a  la  tierra  en  que  ha  hecho  y  no  otro."     Carta 

nombre  de  S.  M.  para  defendellos,  de  Valverde  al  Emperador,  MS. 
dixo  que  mui  bien  lo  sabia ;  y  pre- 


148  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.     [Boos  IV. 

with  surprising  fortitude.  She  did  not  beg  for  mer- 
cy, where  none  was  to  be  found.  Not  a  complaint, 
scarcely  a  groan,  escaped  her  under  the  infliction  of 
these  terrible  torments.  The  iron  Conquerors  were 
amazed  at  this  power  of.  endurance  in  a  delicate 
woman,  and  they  expressed  their  admiration,  while 
they  condemned  the  cruelty  of  their  commander,  — 
in  their  hearts.26  Yet  constancy  under  the  most  ex- 
cruciating tortures  that  human  cruelty  can  inflict  is 
almost  the  universal  characteristic  of  the  American 
Indian. 

Pizarro  now  prepared,  as  the  most  effectual  means 
of  checking  these  disorders  among  the  natives,  to 
establish  settlements  in  the  heart  of  the  disaffected 
country.  These  settlements,  which  received  the 
dignified  name  of  cities,  might  be  regarded  in  the 
light  of  military  colonies.  The  houses  were  usually 
built  of  stone,  to  which  were  added  the  various  pub- 
lic offices,  and  sometimes  a  fortress.  A  municipal 
corporation  was  organized.  Settlers  were  invited 
by  the  distribution  of  large  tracts  of  land  in  the 
neighbourhood,  with  a  stipulated  number  of  Indian 


26   At  least,  we  may  presume  cay,  haziendola  varear  con  varas  y 

they  did  so,  since  they  openly  con-  flechar  con  flechas  por  una  burla 

demn  him  in  their  accounts  of  the  que  mango  ynga  le  hizo  que  aqui 

transaction.   I  quote  Pedro  Pizarro,  contare,  y  entiendo  yo  que  por  esta 

not  disposed  to  criticise  the  con-  crueldad  y  otra  hermana  del  ynga 

duct  of  his  general  too  severely,  que  mando  matar  en  Luna  quando 

"  Se  tomo   una  muger  de  mango  los  yndios  pusieron  cerco  sobrella 

ynga  que  le  queria  mucho  y  se  que  se  llamava  A§arpay.  me  pa- 

guardo,  creyendo  que  por  ella  sal-  resce  a  mi  que  nuestro  senor  le 

dria  de  paz.     Esta  muger  mando  castigo  en  el  fin  que  tuvo."     De- 

matar  al  marquez  despues  en  Yn-  scub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


CH.  III.]      PIZARRO'S  ACTIVE  ADMINISTRATION.  149 

vassals  to  each.  The  soldiers  then  gathered  there, 
sometimes  accompanied  by  their  wives  and  families  ; 
for  the  women  of  Castile  seem  to  have  disdained 
the  impediments  of  sex,  in  the  ardor  of  conjugal  at- 
tachment, or,  it  may  be,-of  romantic  adventure.  A 
populous  settlement  rapidly  grew  up  in  the  wilder- 
ness, affording  protection  to  the  surrounding  territo- 
ry, and  furnishing  a  commercial  depot  for  the  coun- 
try, and  an  armed  force  ready  at  all  times  to  main- 
tain public  order.  t  * 

Such  a  settlement  was  that  now  made  at  Gua- 
manga,  midway  between  Cuzco  and  Lima,  which 
effectually  answered  its  purpose  by  guarding  the 
communications  with  the  coast.27  Another  town 
was  founded  in  the  mining  district  of  Charcas,  un- 
der the  appropriate  name  of  the  Villa  de  la  Plata, 
the  "  City  of  Silver."  And  Pizarro,  who  jour- 
neyed by  a  circuitous  route  along  the  shores  of  the 
southern  sea  towards  Lima,  established  the  city  of 
Arequipa,  since  arisen  to  such  commercial  celebrity. 

Once  more  in  his  favorite  capital  of  Lima,  the 
governor  found  abundant  occupation  in  attending 
to  its  municipal  concerns,  and  in  providing  for  the 
expansive  growth  of  its  population.  Nor  was  he 
unmindful  of  the  other  rising  settlements  on  the 
Pacific.  He  encouraged  commerce  with  the  re- 


27  Cieza  de    Leon  notices  the  Peru,  todas  de  piedra,  ladrillo,  y 

uncommon  beauty  and  solidity  of  teja,  con  grandes  torres  :  de  ma- 

the  buildings  at  Guamanga.     "  La  nera  que  no  falta  aposentos.     La 

qual  han  edificado  las  mayores  y  pla$a  esta  liana  y  bien  grande." 

ozejores  casas  que   ay  en  todo  el  Cronica,  cap.  87. 


150  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV. 

moter  colonies  north  of  Peru,  and  took  measures 
for  facilitating  internal  intercourse.  He  stimulated 
industry  in  all  its  branches,  paying  great  attention 
to  husbandry,  and  importing  seeds  of  the  different 
European  grains,  which  he  had  the  satisfaction,  in  a 
short  time,  to  see  thriving  luxuriantly  in  a  country 
where  the  variety  of  soil  and  climate  afforded  a 
home  for  almost  every  product.28  Above  all,  he  pro- 
moted the  working  of  the  mines,  which  already 
began  to  make  such  returns,  that  the  most  com- 
mon articles  of  life  rose  to  exorbitant  prices,  while 
the  precious  metals  themselves  seemed  the  only 
things  of  little  value.  But  they  soon  changed  hands, 
and  found  their  way  to  the  mother-country,  where 
they  rose  to  their  true  level  as  they  mingled  with 
the  general  currency  of  Europe.  The  Spaniards 
found  that  they  had  at  length  reached  the  land  of 
which  they  had  been  so  long  in  search,  —  the  land 
of  gold  and  silver.  Emigrants  came  in  greater 
numbers  to  the  country,  and,  spreading  over  its 
surface,  formed  in  the  increasing  population  the 
most  effectual  barrier  against  the  rightful  owners 
of  the  soil.29 

Pizarro,  strengthened  by  the  arrival  of  fresh  ad- 
venturers, now  turned  his  attention  to  the  remoter 
quarters  of  the  country.  Pedro  de  Valdivia  was  sent 

28  "  I  con  que  ia  comengaba  a  rador,MS. — Montesinos,  Annales, 
haver  en  aquellas  Tierras  cosecha  MS.,  anos  1539  et  1541.  —  Pedro 
de  Trigo,  Cevada,  i  otras  muchas  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.  — 
cosas  deCastilla."    Herrera,  Hist.  Herrera,    Hist.   General,   dec.   6, 
General,  dec.  6,  lib.  10,  cap.  2.  lib.  7,  cap.  1.  —  Cieza  de  Leon, 

29  Carta  de  Carvajal  al  Empe-  Cronica,  cap.  76  et  alibi. 


CH.  III.]  GONZALO  PIZARRO. 

on  his  memorable  expedition  to  Chili;  and  to  his 
own  brother  Gonzalo  the  governor  assigned  the 
territory  of  Quito,  with  instructions  to  explore  the 
unknown  country  towards  the  east,  where,  as  report 
said,  grew  the  cinnamon.  As  this  chief,  who  had 
hitherto  acted  but  a  subordinate  part  in  the  Con- 
quest, is  henceforth  to  take  the  most  conspicuous, 
it  may  be  well  to  give  some  account  of  him. 

Little  is  known  of  his  early  life,  for  he  sprang 
from  the  same  obscure  origin  with  Francisco,  and 
seems  to  have  been  as  little  indebted  as  his  elder 
brother  to  the  fostering  care  of  his  parents.  He 
entered  early  on  the  career  of  a  soldier  ;  a  career  to 
which  every  man  in  that  iron  age,  whether  cavalier 
or  vagabond,  seems,  if  left  to  himself,  to  have  most 
readily  inclined.  Here  he  soon  distinguished  him- 
self by  his  skill  in  martial  exercises,  was  an  excel- 
lent horseman,  and,  when  he  came  to  the  New 
World,  was  esteemed  the  best  lance  in  Peru.30 

In  talent  and  in  expansion  of  views,  he  was  in- 
ferior to  his  brothers.  Neither  did  he  discover  the 
same  cool  and  crafty  policy ;  but  he  was  equally 
courageous,  and  in  the  execution  of  his  measures 
quite  as  unscrupulous.  He  had  a  handsome  person, 
with  open,  engaging  features,  a  free,  soldier-like  ad- 
dress, and  a  confiding  temper,  which  endeared  him 
to  his  followers.  His  spirit  was  high  and  adventur- 


30  The  cavalier  Pizarro  y  Orella-  rblood  of  the  Pizarros  flowed  in  the 

na  has  given  biographical  notices  veins  of  the  writer  to  his  fingers' 

of  each  of  the  brothers.    It  requires  ends.     Yet  his  facts  are  less  sus- 

no   witchcraft  to   detect  that  the  picious  than  his  inferences. 


152  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

ous,  and,  what  was  equally  important,  he  could  in- 
spire others  with  the  same  spirit,  and  thus  do  much 
to  insure  the  success  of  his  enterprises.  He  was 
an  excellent  captain  in  guerilla  warfare,  an  admira- 
ble leader  in  doubtful  and  difficult  expeditions  ;  but 
he  had  not  the  enlarged  capacity  for  a  great  mili- 
tary chief,  still  less  for  a  civil  ruler.  It  was  his  mis- 
fortune to  be  called  to  fill  both  situations. 


1   IP 


CHAPTER    IV. 

GONZALO  PlZARRO's  EXPEDITION.  —  PASSAGE  ACROSS  THE  MOUN- 
TAINS.  —  DISCOVERS  THE  NAPO. — INCREDIBLE  SUFFERINGS.  —  ORE- 
LLANA  SAILS  DOWN  THE  AMAZON.  —  DESPAIR  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 
—  THE  SURVIVORS  RETURN  TO  QUITO. 

1540—1542. 

GONZALO  PIZARRO  received  the  news  of  his  ap- 
pointment to  the  government  of  Quito  with  undis- 
guised pleasure ;  not  so  much  for  the  possession  that 
it  gave  him  of  this  ancient  Indian  province,  as  for 
the  field  that  it  opened  for  discovery  towards  the 
east,  —  the  fabled  land  of  Oriental  spices,  which  had 
long  captivated  the  imagination  of  the  Conquerors. 
He  repaired  to  his  government  without  delay,  and 
found  no  difficulty  in  awakening  a  kindred  enthusi- 
asm to  his  own  in  the  bosoms  of  his  followers.  In 
a  short  time,  he  mustered  three  hundred  and  fifty 
Spaniards,  and  four  thousand  Indians.  One  hun- 
dred and  fifty  of  his  company  were  mounted,  and 
all  were  equipped  in  the  most  thorough  manner  for 
the  undertaking.  He  provided,  moreover,  against 
famine  by  a  large  stock  of  provisions,  and  an  im- 
mense drove  of  swine  which  followed  in  the  rear.1 

1  Herrera,   Hist.  General,  dec.     Com,  Real.,  ParteS,  lib.  3,  cap.  2. 
6,  lib.  8,  cap.  6,  7.  —  Garcilasso,     — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4, 
VOL.    II.  20 


154  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

It  was  the  beginning  of  1540,  when  he  set  out 
on  this  celebrated  expedition.  The  first  part  of  the 
journey  was  attended  with  comparatively  little  dif- 
ficulty, while  the  Spaniards  were  yet  in  the  land  of 
the  Incas  ;  for  the  distractions  of  Peru  had  not  been 
felt  in  this  distant  province,  where  the  simple  people 
still  lived  as  under  the  primitive  sway  of  the  Chil- 
dren of  the  Sun.  But  the  scene  changed  as  they 
entered  the  territory  of  Quixos,  where  the  character 
of  the  inhabitants,  as  well  as  of  the  climate,  seemed 
to  be  of  another  description.  The  country  was 
traversed  by  lofty  ranges  of  the  Andes,  and  the 
adventurers  were  soon  entangled  in  their  deep  and 
intricate  passes.  As  they  rose  into  the  more  ele- 
vated regions,  the  icy  winds  that  swept  down  the 
sides  of  the  Cordilleras  benumbed  their  limbs,  and 
many  of  the  natives  found  a  wintry  grave  in  the 
wilderness.  While  crossing  this  formidable  barrier, 
they  experienced  one  of  those  tremendous  earth- 
quakes which,  in  these  volcanic  regions,  so  often 
shake  the  mountains  to  their  base.  In  one  place, 
the  earth  was  rent  asunder  by  the  terrible  throes  of 
Nature,  while  streams  of  sulphurous  vapor  issued 
from  the  cavity,  and  a  village  with  some  hundreds 
of  houses  was  precipitated  into  the  frightful  abyss ! 2 

cap.  1,  2. —  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  a  goodly  supply  of  bacon  for  so 
Ind.,  cap.  143.  —  Montesinos,  An-  small  a  troop,  since  the  Indians, 
nales,  ano  1539.  doubtless,  lived  on  parched  corn, 
Historians  differ  as  to  the  num-  coca,  which  usually  formed  their 
ber  of  Gonzalo's  forces,  —  of  his  only  support  on  the  longest  jour- 
men,  his  horses,  and  his  hogs.  neys. 

The  last,    according   to  Herrera,  2  Zarate  states  the  number  with 

amounted  to  no  less  than  5000;  precision  at  five  hundred  houses. 


CH.  IV.]  GONZALO   PIZARRO'S  EXPEDITION.  155 

On  descending  the  eastern  slopes,  the  climate 
changed  ;  and,  'as  they  came  on  the  lower  level,  the 
fierce  cold  was  succeeded  by  a  suffocating  heat, 
while  tempests  of  thunder  and  lightning,  rushing 
from  out  the  gorges  of  the  sierra,  poured  on  their 
heads  with  scarcely  any  intermission  day  or  night, 
as  if  the  offended  deities  of  the  place  were  willing 
to  take  vengeance  on  the  invaders  of  their  moun- 
tain solitudes.  For  more  than  six  weeks  the  del- 
uge continued  unabated,  and  the  forlorn  wanderers, 
wet,  and  weary  with  incessant  toil,  were  scarcely 
able  to  drag  their  limbs  along  the  soil  broken  up 
and  saturated  with  ^the  moisture.  After  some 
months  of  toilsome  travel,  in  which  they  had  to 
cross  many  a  morass  and  mountain  stream,  they  at 
length  reached  Canelas,  the  Land  of  Cinnamon.3 
They  saw  the  trees  bearing  the  precious  bark, 
spreading  out  into  broad  forests  ;  yet,  however  valu- 
able an  article  for  commerce  it  might  have  proved  in 
accessible  situations,  in  these  remote  regions  it  was 
of  little  worth  to  them.  But,  from  the  wandering 
tribes  of  savages  whom  they  had  occasionally  met 
in  their  path,  they  learned  that  at  ten  days'  distance 
was  a  rich  and  fruitful  land  abounding  with  gold, 
and  inhabited  by  populous  nations.  Gonzalo  Pi- 


"  Sobrevino  vn  tan    gran  Terre-  is  nothing  so  satisfactory  to  the 

moto,  con  temblor,  i  tempestad  de  mind  of  the  reader  as  precise  num- 

Agua,   i   Relampagos,  i   Raios,  i  bers;  and  nothing  so  little  deserv- 

grandes  Truenos,  que  abriendose  la  ing  of  his  confidence. 

Tierra  por  muchas  partes,  se  him-  3  Canela  is  the  Spanish  for  cin- 

dieron  quinientas  Casas."     (Conq.  namon. 

del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  2.)     There 


156  CIVILr  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

zarro  had  already  reached  the  limits  originally  pro- 
posed for  the  expedition.  But  this  intelligence 
renewed  his  hopes,  and  he  resolved  to  push  the 
adventure  farther.  It  would  have  been  well  for 
him  and  his  followers,  had  they  been  content  to 
return  on  their  footsteps. 

Continuing  their  march,  the  country  now  spread 
out  into  broad  savannas  terminated  by  forests, 
which,  as  they  drew  near,  seemed  to  stretch  on 
every  side  to  the  very  verge  of  the  horizon.  Here 
they  beheld  trees  of  that  stupendous  growth  seen 
only  in  the  equinoctial  regions.  Some  were  so 
large,  that  sixteen  men  could  hardly  encompass 
them  with  extended  arms !  *  The  wood  was  thickly 
matted  with  creepers  and  parasitical  vines,  which 
hung  in  gaudy-colored  festoons  from  tree  to  tree, 
clothing  them  in  a  drapery  beautiful  to  the  eye, 
but  forming  an  impenetrable  network.  At  every 
step  of  their  way,  they  were  obliged  to  hew  open  a 
passage  with  their  axes,  while  their  garments,  rotting 
from  the  effects  of  the  drenching  rains  to  which 
they  had  been  exposed,  caught  in  every  bush  and 


4  This,  allowing  six  feet  for  the  traveller  in  1839,  was  found  to  be 
spread  of  a  man's  arms,  would  be  a  hundred  and  twelve  feet  in  cir- 
about  ninety-six  feet  in  circum-  cumference  at  the  height  of  four 
ference,  or  thirty- two  feet  in  diam-  feet  from  the  ground.  This  height 
eter ;  larger,  probably,  than  the  may  correspond  with  that  of  the 
largest  tree  known  in  Europe,  measurement  taken  by  the  Span- 
Yet  it  falls  short  of  that  famous  iards.  See  a  curious  and  learned 
giant  of  the  forests  mentioned  by  article  on  Forest-trees  in  No. 
M.  de  Humboldt  as  still  flourishing  124  of  the  North  American  Re- 
in the  intendancy  of  Oaxaca,  which,  view, 
by  the  exact  measurement  of  a 


CH.  IV.]  DISCOVERS  THE  NAPO.  157 

bramble,  and  hung  about  them  in  shreds.5  Their 
provisions,  spoiled  by  the  weather,  had  long  since 
failed,  and  the  live  stock  which  they  had  taken  with 
them  had  either  been  consumed  or  made  their  es- 
cape in  the  woods  and  mountain  passes.  They  had 
set  out  with  nearly  a  thousand  dogs,  many  of  them 
of  the  ferocious  breed  used  in  hunting  down  the 
unfortunate  natives.  These  they  now  gladly  killed, 
but  their  miserable  carcasses  furnished  a  lean  ban- 
quet for  the  famishing  travellers ;  and,  when  these 
were  gone,  they  had  only  such  herbs  and  dangerous 
roots  as  they  could  gather  in  the  forest.6 

At  length  the  way-worn  company  came  on  a 
broad  expanse  of  water  formed  by  the  Napo,  one 
of  the  great  tributaries  of  the  Amazon,  and  which, 
though  only  a  third  or  fourth  rate  river  in  America, 
would  pass  for  one  of  the  first  magnitude  in  the 
Old  World.  The  sight  gladdened  their  hearts,  as, 

5  The  dramatist    Molina,  in  his^  Cayeron  los  mas  enfermos, 

play    Of    "Las   Amazonas    en    las  Porque  las  ropas  podridas 

r    . .      . .    .         ,            ..                 ,  . ,         Con  el  eterno  agua  va, 

Indias,"   has  devoted  some  dozen  NOS  dexd  en  las  carnes  vivas." 

columns  of  redondillas  to   an   ac-  6  CapitulacionconOrellana5MS. 

count  of  the  sufferings  of  his  coun-  _  pedro  Pizarr0j  Descub.  y  Conq., 

trymen  in  the   expedition  to  the  MS.-Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind,, 

Amazon.     The  poet  reckoned  con-  cap  143  _ Zarate)  Conq.  del  peru> 

fidently  on  the  patience  of  his  au-  lib>  4?   cap-   2<  _  Herrera,   Hist. 

dience.     The  following  verses  de-  General,  dec.  6,  lib.  8,  cap.  6,  7. 

scribe  the  miserable  condition  to  _Garcilasso,   Com.  Real.,   Parte 

which  the  Spaniards  were  reduced  2  ^  3^  cap   3 

by  the  incessant  rains.  '  The  last  writer  obtained  his  in. 

"SinqueelSolenestetiempo  formation,   as    he   tells  us,    from 

Su  cara  v6r  nos  permita,  several  who  were  present  in-  the 

Ni  lag  nubes  taberneraa  expedition.     The  reader  may   be 

ss^ysy^      assured  that  h  has  iost  nothin^ in 

Q.ue  hasta  el  alma  nos  bautizan.  coming  through  his  hands. 


158  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV, 

by  winding  along  its  banks,  they  hoped  to  find  a 
safer  and  more  practicable  route.  After  traversing 
its  borders  for  a  considerable  distance,  closely  beset 
with  thickets  which  it  taxed  their  strength  to  the 
utmost  to  overcome,  Gonzalo  and  his  party  came 
within  hearing  of  a  rushing  noise  that  sounded  like 
subterranean  thunder.  The  river,  lashed  into  fury, 
tumbled  along  over  rapids  with  frightful  velocity, 
and  conducted  them  to  the  brink  of  a  magnificent 
cataract,  which,  to  their  wondering  fancies,  rushed 
down  in  one  vast  volume  of  foam  to  the  depth  of 
twelve  hundred  feet ! 7  The  appalling  sounds  which 
they  had  heard  for  the  distance  of  six  leagues  were 
rendered  yet  more  oppressive  to  the  spirits  by  the 
gloomy  stillness  of  the  surrounding  forests.  The 
rude  warriors  were  filled  with  sentiments  of  awe. 
Not  a  bark  dimpled  the  waters.  No  living  thing 
was  to  be  seen  but  the  wild  tenants  of  the  wilder- 
ness, the  unwieldy  boa,  and  the  loathsome  alligator 
basking  on  the  borders  of  the  stream.  The  trees 
towering  in  wide-spread  magnificence  towards  the 

7  "  Al  cabo  de  este  largo  camino  the  great  cataract  of  the  Tequen- 

hallaron  que  el  rio  hazia  vn  salto"  dama  in  the  Bogota,  as  measured 

de  una  pena  de  mas  de  dozientas  by    Humboldt,    usually    esteemed 

bracjas  de  alto  :  que  hazia  tan  gran  the  highest  in  America,  is  not  so 

ruydo,  que  lo  oyeron  mas  de  seys  great  as  that  of  some  of  the  cas- 

leguas  antes  que  llegassen  a  el."  cades  thrown  over  the  precipices  in 

(Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  Switzerland.      Yet    the   estimates 

lib.  3,  cap.  3.)     I  find  nothing  to  of   the    Spaniards,   who,    in    the 

confirm  or  to  confute  the  account  gloomy    state    of    their    feelings, 

of  this  stupendous  cataract  in  later  were  doubtless  keenly  alive  to  im- 

travellers,  not  very  numerous  in  pressions  of  the  sublime  and  the 

these  wild  regions.  The  alleged  terrible,  cannot  safely  be  relied  on. 
height  of  the  falls,  twice  that  of 


CH.  IV.]      .life        DISCOVERS  THE  NAPO.  159 

heavens,  the  river  rolling  on  in  its  rocky  bed  as  it 
had  rolled  for  ages,  the  solitude  and  silence  of  the 
scene,  broken  only  by  the  hoarse  fall  of  waters,  or 
the  faint  rustling  of  the  woods,  —  all  seemed  to 
spread  out  around  them  in  the  same  wild  and  primi- 
tive state  as  when  they  came  from  the  hands  of  the 
Creator. 

For  some  distance  above  and  below  the  falls,  the 
bed  of  the  river  contracted  so  that  its  width  did  not 
exceed  twenty  feet.  Sorely  pressed  by  hunger,  the 
adventurers  determined,  at  all  hazards,  to  cross  to 
the  opposite  side,  in  hopes  of  finding  a  country  that 
might  afford  them  sustenance.  A  frail  bridge  was 
constructed  by  throwing  the  huge  trunks  of  trees 
across  the  chasm,  where  the  cliffs,  as  if  split  asunder 
by  some  convulsion  of  nature,  descended  sheer  down 
a  perpendicular  depth  of  several  hundred  feet. 
Over  this  airy  causeway  the  men  and  horses  suc- 
ceeded in  effecting  their  passage  with  the  loss  of  a 
single  Spaniard,  who,  made  giddy  by  heedlessly 
looking  down,  lost  his  footing  and  fell  into  the  boil- 
ing surges  below. 

Yet  they  gained  little  by  the  exchange.  The 
country  wore  the  same  unpromising  aspect,  and  the 
river-banks  wrere  studded  with  gigantic  trees,  or 
fringed  with  impenetrable  thickets.  The  tribes  of 
Indians,  whom  they  occasionally  met  in  the  pathless 
wilderness,  were  fierce  and  unfriendly,  and  they 
were  engaged  in  perpetual  skirmishes  with  them. 
From  these  they  learned  that  a  fruitful  country  wa? 
to  be  found  down  the  river  at  the  distance  of  only  a 


160  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV 

few  days'  journey,  and  the  Spaniards  held  on  their 
weary  way,  still  hoping  and  still  deceived,  as  the 
promised  land  flitted  before  them,  like  the  rain- 
bow, receding  as  they  advanced. 

At  length,  spent  with  toil  and  suffering,  Gonzalo 
resolved  to  construct  a  bark  large  enough  to  trans- 
port the  weaker  part  of  his  company  and  his  bag- 
gage. The  forests  furnished  him  with  timber  ;  the 
shoes  of  the  horses  which  had  died  on  the  road  or 
been  slaughtered  for  food,  were  converted  into  nails ; 
gum  distilled  from  the  trees  took  the  place  of  pitch  ; 
and  the  tattered  garments  of  the  soldiers  supplied  a 
substitute  for  oakum.  It  was  a  work  of  difficulty  ; 
but  Gonzalo  cheered  his  men  in  the  task,  and  set  an 
example  by  taking  part  in  their  labors.  At  the  end 
of  two  months  a  brigantine  was  completed,  rudely 
put  together,  but  strong  and  of  sufficient  burden  to 
carry  half  the  company,  —  the  first  European  ves- 
sel that  ever  floated  on  these  inland  waters. 

Gonzalo  gave  the  command  to  Francisco  de  Ore- 
liana,  a  cavalier  from  Truxillo,  on  whose  courage  and 
devotion  to  himself  he  thought  he  could  rely.  The 
troops  now  moved  forward,  still  following  the  de- 
scending course  of  the  river,  while  the  brigantine 
kept  alongside  ;  and  when  a  bold  promontory  or 
more  impracticable  country  intervened,  it  furnished 
timely  aid  by  the  transportation  of  the  feebler  sol- 
diers. In  this  .way  they  journeyed,  for  many  a  wea- 
risome week,  'through  the  dreary  wilderness  on  the 
borders  of  the  Napo.  Every  scrap  of  provisions  had 
been  long  since  consumed.  The  last  of  their  horses 


CH.  IV.]        INCREDIBLE  SUFFERINGS.  161 

had  been  devoured.  To  appease  the  gnawings  of 
hunger,  they  were  fain  to  eat  the  leather  of  their 
saddles  and  belts.  The  woods  supplied  them  with 
scanty  sustenance,  and  they  greedily  fed  upon  toads, 
serpents,  and  such  other  reptiles  as  they  occasional- 
ly found.8 

They  were  now  told  of  a  rich  district,  inhabited 
by  a  populous  nation,  where  the  Napo  emptied  into 
a  still  greater  river  that  flowed  towards  the  east.  It 
was,  as  usual,  at  the  distance  of  several  days'  jour- 
ney ;  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro  resolved  to  halt  where  he 
was  and  send  Orellana  down  in  his  brigantine  to  the 
confluence  of  the  waters  to  procure  a  stock  of  pro- 
visions, with  which  he  might  return  and  put  them  in 
condition  to  resume  their  march.  That  cavalier, 
accordingly,  taking  with  him  fifty  of  the  adventurers, 
pushed  off  into  the  middle  of  the  river,  where  the 
stream  ran  swiftly,  and  his  bark,  taken  by  the  cur- 
rent, shot  forward  with  the  speed  of  an  arrow,  and 
was  soon  out  of  sight. 

Days  and  weeks  passed  away,  yet  the  vessel  did 
not  return  ;  and  no  speck  was  to  be  seen  on  the 
waters,  as  the  Spaniards  strained  their  eyes  to  the 
farthest  point,  where  the  line  of  light  faded  away  in 
the  dark  shadows  of  the  foliage  on  the  borders.  De- 

8    "  Yeruas  y  rayzes,   y  fruta  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  4. 

siluestre,  sapos,  y  culebras,  y  otras  —  Capitulation  con  Orellana,  MS. 

malas  sauandijas,   si  las  auia  por  — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  6r 

aquellas  montanas    que    todo    les  lib.  8,  cap.  7.  —  Zarate,  Conq.  del 

hazia  buen  estomago  a  los  Espano-  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  3,  4.  —  Gomara, 

les;  que  peor  les  yua  con  la  falta  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  143. 
de  cosas   tan  viles."     Garcilasso, 
VOL.    II.                        21 


Ik, 

162  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boox  IV. 

tachments  were  sent  out,  and,  though  absent  several 
days,  came  back  without  intelligence  of  their  com- 
rades. Unable  longer  to  endure  this  suspense,  or, 
indeed,  to  maintain  themselves  in  their  present  quar- 
ters, Gonzalo  and  his  famishing  followers  now  deter- 
mined to  proceed  towards  the  junction  of  the  rivers. 
Two  months  elapsed  before  they  accomplished  this 
terrible  journey,  —  those  of  them  who  did  not  per- 
ish on  the  way,  —  although  the  distance  probably 
did  not  exceed  two  hundred  leagues ;  and  they  at 
length  reached  the  spot  so  long  desired,  where  the 
Napo  pours  its  tide  into  the  Amazon,  that  mighty 
stream,  which,  fed  by  its  thousand  tributaries,  rolls 
on  towards  the  ocean,  for  many  hundred  miles, 
through  the  heart  of  the  great  continent, — the  most 
majestic  of  American  rivers. 

But  the  Spaniards  gathered  no  tidings  of  Ore- 
liana,  while  the  country,  though  more  populous  than 
the  region  they  had  left,  was  as  little  inviting  in  its 
aspect,  and  was  tenanted  by  a  race  yet  more  fero- 
cious. They  now  abandoned  the  hope  of  recover- 
ing their  comrades,  who  they  supposed  must  have 
miserably  perished  by  famine  or  by  the  hands  of  the 
natives.  But  their  doubts  were  at  length  dispelled 
by  the  appearance  of  a  white  man  wandering  half- 
naked  in  the  woods,  in  whose  famine-stricken  coun- 
tenance they  recognized  the  features  of  one  of  their 
countrymen.  It  was  Sanchez  de  Vargas,  a  cavalier 
of  good  descent,  and  much  esteemed  in  the  army. 
He  had  a  dismal  tale  to  tell. 

Orellana,  borne  swiftly  down  the  current  of  the 


CH.  IV.]     ORELLANA   SAILS  DOWN  THE  AMAZON.  163 

Napo,  had  reached  the  point  of  its  confluence  with 
the  Amazon  in  less  than  three  days  ;  accomplishing 
in  this  brief  space  of  time  what  had  cost  Pizarro 
and  his  company  two  months.  He  had  found  the 
country  altogether  different  from  what  had  been  rep- 
resented ;  and,  so  far  from  supplies  for  his  country- 
men, he  could  barely  obtain  sustenance  for  himself. 
Nor  was  it  possible  for  him  to  return  as  he  had 
come,  and  make  head  against  the  current  of  the 
river  ;  while  the  attempt  to  journey  by  land  was  an 
alternative  scarcely  less  formidable.  In  this  dilem- 
ma, an  idea  flashed  across  his  mind.  It  was  to 
launch  his  bark  at  once  on  the  bosom  of  the  Ama- 
zon, and  descend  its  waters  to  its  mouth.  He 
would  then  visit  the  rich  and  populous  nations  that, 
as  report  said,  lined  its  borders,  sail  out  on  the  great 
ocean,  cross  to  the  neighbouring  isles,  and  return  to 
Spain  to  claim  the  glory  and  the  guerdon  of  discov- 
ery. The  suggestion  was  eagerly  taken  up  by  his 
reckless  companions,  welcoming  any  course  that 
would  rescue  them  from  the  wretchedness  of  their 
present  existence,  and  fired  with  the  prospect  of  new 
and  stirring  adventure,  —  for  the  love  of  adventure 
was  the  last  feeling  to  become  extinct  in  the  bosom 
of  the  Castilian  cavalier.  They  heeded  little  their 
unfortunate  comrades,  whom  they  were  to  abandon 
in  the  wilderness ! 9 


9  This  statement  of  De  Vargas  on    his    return    to    Castile.     The 

was  confirmed  by  Orellana,  as  ap-  document  is  preserved  entire  in  the 

pears  from  the  language   of   the  Munoz  collection  of  MSS. 
royal  grant  made  to  that  cavalier        "  Haviendo  vos  ido  con  ciertos 


164  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

This  is  not  the  place  to  record  the  circumstances 
of  Orellana's  extraordinary  expedition.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  his  enterprise.  But  it  is  marvellous  that 
he  should  have  escaped  shipwreck  in  the  perilous 
and  unknown  navigation  of  that  river.  Many  times 
his  vessel  was  nearly  dashed  to  pieces  on  its  rocks 
and  in  its  furious  rapids ; 10  and  he  was  in  still  greater 
peril  from  the  warlike  tribes  on  its  borders,  who  fell 
on  his  little  troop  whenever  he  attempted  to  land, 
and  followed  in  his  wake  for  miles  in  their  canoes. 
He  at  length  emerged  from  the  great  river  ;  and, 
once  upon  the  sea,  Orellana  made  for  the  isle  of 
Cubagua ;  thence  passing  over  to  Spain,  he  repaired 
to  court,  and  told  the  circumstances  of  his  voyage, 
—  of  the  nations  of  Amazons  whom  he  had  found 
on  the  banks  of  the  river,  the  El  Dorado  which  re- 
port assured  him  existed  in  the  neighbourhood,  and 
other  marvels,  —  the  exaggeration  rather  than  the 
coinage  of  a  credulous  fancy.  His  audience  listened 
with  willing  ears  to  the  tales  of  the  traveller ;  and 


companeros  un  rio  abajo  a  buscar        10    Condamine,    who.   in   1743, 

comida,    con    la  corriente  fuistes  went  down  the  Amazon,  has  often 

metidos  por  el  dicho  rio  mas  de  occasion  to  notice  the  perils  and 

200  leguas  donde  no  pudistes  dar  perplexities  in  which  he  was  in- 

la  buelta  e   por  esta  necesidad  e  volved  in   the   navigation  of  this 

por  la  mucha  noticia  que  tuvistes  river,  too  difficult,  as  he  says,  to 

de   la  grandeza  e   riqueza  de    la  be  undertaken  without  the   guid- 

tierra,  posponiendo  vuestro  peligro,  ance  of  a  skilful  pilot.     See  his 

sin  interes  ninguno  por  servir  a.  Relation    Abregee    d'un    Voyage 

S.  M.  os  aventurastes  a  saber  lo  fait  dans  1'Interieur  de  1'Amerique 

que  havia  en  aquellas  provincias,  e  Meridionale.     (Maastricht,  1778.) 
ansi  descubristes  e  hallastes  gran- 
des  poblaciones . ' '   Capitulation  con 
Orellana,  MS. 


CH.  IV.]     ORELLANA  SAILS  DOWN  THE  AMAZON.  165 

in  an  age  of  wonders,  when  the  mysteries  of  the 
East  and  the  West  were  hourly  coming  to  light, 
they  might  be  excused  for  not  discerning  the  true 
line  between  romance  and  reality.11 

He  found  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  a  commission 
to  conquer  and  colonize  the  realms  he  had  discov- 
ered. He  soon  saw  himself  at  the  head  of  five 
hundred  followers,  prepared  to  share  the  perils  and 
the  profits  of  his  expedition.  But  neither  he,  nor 
his  country,  was  destined  to  realize  these  profits. 
He  died  on  his  outward  passage,  and  the  lands 
washed  by  the  Amazon  fell  within  the  territories  of 
Portugal.  The  unfortunate  navigator  did  not  even 
enjoy  the  undivided  honor  of  giving  his  name  to  the 
waters  he  had  discovered.  He  enjoyed  only  the 
barren  glory  of  the  discovery,  surely  not  balanced  by 
the  iniquitous  circumstances  which  attended  it.12 


11  It  has  not  been  easy  to  discern  ing  ventured  upon  a  navigation  of 
the  exact  line  in  later  times,  with  near  two  thousand  leagues,  through 
all  the  lights  of  modern  discovery,  unknown  nations,  in  a  vessel  hastily 
Condamine,  after  a  careful  inves-  constructed,  with  green  timber,  and 
tigation,  considers  that  there  is  good  by  very  unskilful   hands,  without 
ground  for  believing  in  the  exist-  provisions,  without  a  compass,  or  a 
ence    of   a  community   of  armed  pilot."    (Robertson,  America,  (ed. 
women,  once  living  somewhere  in  London,   1796,)  vol.    III.  p.  84.) 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  Amazon,  The  historian  of  America  does  not 
though  they  have  now  disappeared,  hold  the  moral  balance  with  as  un- 
it would  be  hard  to  disprove  the  erring  a  hand  as  usual,  in  his  judg- 
fact,  but  still  harder,  considering  ment  of  Orellana's  splendid  enter- 
the  embarrassments  in  perpetuat-  prise.     No  success,  however  splen- 
ing  such  a  community,  to  believe  did,  in  the  language  of  one,  not 
it.     Voyage  dans  1'Ame'rique  Me-  too  severe  a  moralist, 

ridionale,  p.  99,  et  seq.  "Can  blazon  evil  deeds  or  consecrate  a 

12  "  His  crime  is,  in  some  meas-  crime." 
tire,  balanced  by  the  glory  of  hav- 


166  CIVIL   WARS  OF   THE   CONQUERORS.      [Boox  IV. 

One  of  Orellana's  party  maintained  a  stout  oppo- 
sition to  his  proceedings,  as  repugnant  both  to  hu- 
manity and  honor.  This  was  Sanchez  de  Vargas  ; 
and  the  cruel  commander  was  revenged  on  him  by 
abandoning  him  to  his  fate  in  the  desolate  region 
where  he  was  now  found  by  his  countrymen.13 

The  Spaniards  listened  with  horror  to  the  recital 
of  Vargas,  and  their  blood  almost  froze  in  their 
veins  as  they  saw  themselves  thus  deserted  in  the 
heart  of  this  remote  wilderness,  and  deprived  of 
their  only  means  of  escape  from  it.  They  made  an 
effort  to  prosecute  their  journey  along  the  banks, 
but,  after  some  toilsome  days,  strength  and  spirits 
failed,  and  they  gave  up  in  despair  ! 

Then  it  was  that  the  qualities  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 
as  a  fit  leader  in  the  hour  of  despondency  and  dan- 
ger, shone  out  conspicuous.  To  advance  farther 
was  hopeless.  To  stay  where  they  were,  without 


13  An  expedition  more  remark-  Still,  like  Milton's  lady  in  Comus, 
able  than  that  of  Orellana  was  she  was  permitted  to  come  safely 
performed  by  a  delicate  female,  out  of  all  these  perils,  and,  after 
Madame  Godin,  who,  in  1769,  at-  unparalleled  sufferings,  falling  in 
tempted  to  descend  the  Amazon  in  with  some  friendly  Indians,  she  was 
an  open  boat  to  its  mouth.  She  conducted  by  them  to  a  French  set- 
was  attended  by  seven  persons,  tlement.  Though  a  young  woman, 
two  of  them  her  brothers,  and  two  it  will  not  be  surprising  that  the 
her  female  domestics.  The  boat  hardships  and  terrors  she  endured 
was  wrecked,  and  Madame  Godin,  turned  her  hair  perfectly  white, 
narrowly  escaping  with  her  life,  The  details  of  the  extraordinary 
endeavoured  with  her  party  to  story  are  given  in  a  letter  to  M.  de 
accomplish  the  remainder  of  her  la  Condamine  by  her  husband,  who 
journey  on  foot.  She  saw  them  tells  them  in  an  earnest,  unaffected 
perish,  one  after  another,  of  hun-  way  that  engages  our  confidence, 
ger  and  disease,  till  she  was  left  Voyage  dans  TAm^rique  Meri- 
alone  in  the  howling  wilderness,  dionale,  p.  329,  et  seq. 


•  t. 

vJn.  IV.]  DESPAIR  OF  THE   SPANIARDS.  167 

food  or  raiment,  without  defence  from  the  fierce  ani- 
mals of  the  forest  and  the  fiercer  natives,  was  im- 
possible. One  only  course  remained ;  it  was  to 
return  to  Quito.  But  this  brought  with  it  the  recol- 
lection of  the  past,  of  sufferings  which  they  could 
too  well  estimate,  —  hardly  to  be  endured  even  in 
imagination.  They  were  now  at  least  four  hundred 
leagues  from  Quito,  and  more  than  a  year  had 
elapsed  since  they  had  set  out  on  their  painful 
pilgrimage.  How  could  they  encounter  these  perils 
again !  H 

Yet  there  was  no  alternative.  Gonzalo  endeav- 
oured to  reassure  his  followers  by  dwelling  on  the 
invincible  constancy  they  had  hitherto  displayed ; 
adjuring  them  to  show  themselves  still  worthy  of 
the  name  of  Castilians.  He  reminded  them  of  the 
glory  they  would  for  ever  acquire  by  their  heroic 
achievement,  when  they  should  reach  their  own 
country.  He  would  lead  them  back,  he  said,  by 
another  route,  and  it  could  not  be  but  that  they 
should  meet  somewhere  with  those  abundant  re- 
gions of  which  they  had  so  often  heard.  It  was 
something,  at  least,  that  every  step  would  take  them 
nearer  home  ;  and  as,  at  all  events,  it  was  clearly 
the  only  course  now  left,  they  should  prepare  to 
meet  it  like  men.  The  spirit  would  sustain  the 

14  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte        One  must  not  expect  from  these 

2,  lib.  3,  cap.  5.  —  Herrera,  Hist,  wanderers  in   the  wilderness  any 

General,  dec.  6,  lib.  8,  cap.  8. —  exact  computation  of  time  or  dis- 

Zarate,   Conq.    del   Peru,    lib.   4,  tance,  destitute,  as  they  were,  of 

cap.   5.  —  Gomara,   Hist,    de  las  the  means  of  making  a  correct  ob- 

Jnd.,  cap.  143.  serration  of  either. 


168  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE    CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV 

body  ;  and  difficulties  encountered  in  the  right  spirit 
were  half  vanquished  already ! 

The  soldiers  listened  eagerly  to  his  words  of 
promise  and  encouragement.  The  confidence  of 
their  leader  gave  life  to  the  desponding.  They  felt 
the  force  of  his  reasoning,  and,  as  they  lent  a  wil- 
ling ear  to  his  assurances,  the  pride  of  the  old  Cas- 
tilian  honor  revived  in  their  bosoms,  and  every  one 
caught  somewhat  of  the  generous  enthusiasm  of 
their  commander.  He  was,  in  truth,  entitled  to 
their  devotion.  From  the  first  hour  of  the  expe- 
dition, he  had  freely  borne  his  part  in  its  privations. 
Far  from  claiming  the  advantage  of  his  position,  he 
had  taken  his  lot  with  the  poorest  soldier  ;  minister- 
ing to  the  wants  of  the  sick,  cheering  up  the  spirits 
of  the  desponding,  sharing  his  stinted  allowance 
with  his  famished  followers,  bearing  his  full  part  in 
the  toil  and  burden  of  the  march,  ever  showing 
himself  their  faithful  comrade,  no  less  than  their 
captain.  He  found  the  benefit  of  this  conduct  in  a 
trying  hour  like  the  present. 

I  will  spare  the  reader  the  recapitulation  of  the 
sufferings  endured  by  the  Spaniards  on  their  retro- 
grade march  to  Quito.  They  took  a  more  northerly 
route  than  that  by  which  they  had  approached  the 
Amazon ;  and,  if  it  was  attended  with  fewer  diffi- 
culties, they  experienced  yet  greater  distresses  from 
their  greater  inability  to  overcome  them.  Their 
only  nourishment  was  such  scanty  fare  as  they  could 
pick  up  in  the  forest,  or  happily  meet  with  in  some 
forsaken  Indian  settlement,  or  wring  by  violence 


CH.  IV.]        THE  SURVIVORS  RETURN  TO  QUITO.  169 

from  the  natives.  Some  sickened  and  sank  down  by 
the  way,  for  there  was  none  to  help  them.  Intense 
misery  had  made  them  selfish  ;  and  many  a  poor 
wretch  was  abandoned  to  his  fate,  to  die  alone  in 
the  wilderness,  or,  more  probably,  to  be  devoured, 
while  living,  by  the  wild  animals  which  roamed 
over  it. 

At  length,  in  June,  1542,  after  somewhat  more 
than  a  year  consumed  in  their  homeward  march,  the 
way-worn  company  came  on  the  elevated  plains  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Quito.  But  how  different 
their  aspect  from  that  which  they  had  exhibited  on 
issuing  from  the  gates  of  the  same  capital,  two  years 
and  a  half  before,  with  high  romantic  hope  and  in  all 
the  pride  of  military  array !  Their  horses  gone,  their 
arms  broken  and  rusted,  the  skins  of  wild  animals 
instead  of  clothes  hanging  loosely  about  their  limbs, 
their  long  and  matted  locks  streaming  wildly  down 
their  shoulders,  their  faces  burned  and  blackened  by 
the  tropical  sun,  their  bodies  wasted  by  famine  and 
sorely  disfigured  by  scars,  —  it  seemed  as  if  the 
charnel-house  had  given  up  its  dead,  as,  with  uncer- 
tain step,  they  glided  slowly  onwrards  like  a  troop  of 
dismal  spectres !  More  than  half  of  the  four  thou- 
sand Indians  who  had  accompanied  the  expedition 
had  perished,  and  of  the  Spaniards  only  eighty, 
and  many  of  these  irretrievably  broken  in  consti- 
tution, returned  to  Quito.15 


15    Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y    Peru,   lib.   4,   cap.    5.  —  Gomara, 
Conq.,  MS.  —  Zarate,  Conq.    del     Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  143.  —  Gar- 

VOL.    II.  22 


170 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 


The  few  Christian  inhabitants  of  the  place,  with 
their  wives  and  children,  came  out  to  welcome  their 
countrymen.  They  ministered  to  them  all  the  re- 
lief and  refreshment  in  their  power;  and,  as  they 
listened  to  the  sad  recital  of  their  sufferings,  they 
mingled  their  tears  with  those  of  the  wanderers. 
The  whole  company  then  entered  the  capital,  where 
their  first  act  —  to  their  credit  be  it  mentioned  — 
was  to  go  in  a  body  to  the  church,  and  offer  up 
thanksgivings  to  the  Almighty  for  their  miraculous 
preservation  through  their  long  and  perilous  pilgrim- 
age.16 Such  was  the  end  of  the  expedition  to  the 
Amazon ;  an  expedition  which,  for  its  dangers 
and  hardships,  the  length  of  their  duration,  and  the 
constancy  with  which  they  were  endured,  stands, 
perhaps,  unmatched  in  the  annals  of  American  dis- 
covery. 


cilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib. 
3,  cap.  15. — Herrera,  Hist.  Ge- 
neral, dec.  7,  lib.  3,  cap.  14. 

The  last  historian,  in  dismissing 
his  account  of  the  expedition, 
passes  a  panegyric  on  the  courage 
and  constancy  of  his  countrymen, 
which  we  must  admit  to  be  well 
deserved. 

"  Finalmente,  Gongalo  Pigarro 


entro  en  el  Quito,  triunfando  del 
valor,  i  sufrimiento,  i  de  la  con- 
stancia,  recto,  e  immutable  vigor 
del  animo,  pues  Hombres  Huma- 
nos  no  se  hallan  haver  tan  to  sufrido, 
ni  padecido  tantas  desventuras." 
Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

!6  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib. 
4,  cap.  5. 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE  ALMAGRO  FACTION.  —  THEIR  DESPERATE  CONDITION.  —  CON- 
SPIRACY AGAINST  FRANCISCO  PIZARRO.  —  ASSASSINATION  OF  Pi- 
ZARRO. ACTS  OF  THE  CONSPIRATORS. PlZARRO's  CHARACTER 

1541. 

WHEN  Gonzalo  Pizarro  reached  Quito,  he  re- 
ceived tidings  of  an  event  which  showed  that  his 
expedition  to  the  Amazon  had  been  even  more  fatal 
to  his  interests  than  he  had  imagined.  A  revolution 
had  taken  place  during  his  absence,  which  had 
changed  the  whole  condition  of  things  in  Peru. 

In  a  preceding  chapter  we  have  seen,  that,  when 
Hernando  Pizarro  returned  to  Spain,  his  brother  the 
marquess  repaired  to  Lima,  where  he  continued  to 
occupy  himself  with  building  up  his  infant  capital, 
and  watching  over  the  general  interests  of  the  coun- 
try. While  thus  employed,  he  gave  little  heed  to  a 
danger  that  hourly  beset  his  path,  and  this,  too, 
in  despite  of  repeated  warnings  from  more  circum- 
spect friends. 

After  the  execution  of  Almagro,  his  followers,  to 
the  number  of  several  hundred,  remained  scattered 
through  the  country;  but,  however  scattered,  still 
united  by  a  common  sentiment  of  indignation 
against  the  Pizarros,  the  murderers,  as  they  re- 


172  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

garded  them,  of  their  leader.  The  governor  was 
less  the  object  of  these  feelings  than  his  brother 
Hernando,  as  having  been  less  instrumental  in  the 
perpetration  of  the  deed.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, it  was  clearly  Pizarro's  policy  to  do  one  of 
two  things  ;  to  treat  the  opposite  faction  either  as 
friends,  or  as  open  enemies.  He  might  conciliate 
the  most  factious  by  acts  of  kindness,  efface  the 
remembrance  of  past  injury,  if  he  could,  by  pres- 
ent benefits ;  in  short,  prove  to  them  that  his 
quarrel  had  been  with  their  leader,  not  with  them- 
selves, and  that  it  was  plainly  for  their  interest  to 
come  again  under  his  banner.  This  would  have 
been  the  most  politic^  as  well  as  the  most  magnani- 
mous course ;  and,  by  augmenting  the  number  of  his 
adherents,  would  have  greatly  strengthened  his 
power  in  the  land.  But,  unhappily,  he  had  not  the 
magnanimity  to  pursue  it.  It  was  not  in  the  nature 
of  a  Pizarro  to  forgive  an  injury,  or  the  man  whom 
he  had  injured.  As  he  would  not,  therefore,  try  to 
conciliate  Almagro's  adherents,  it  was  clearly  the 
governor's  policy  to  regard  them  as  enemies,  —  not 
the  less  so  for  being  in  disguise,  —  and  to  take  such 
measures  as  should  disqualify  them  for  doing  mis- 
chief. He  should  have  followed  the  counsel  of  his 
more  prudent  brother  Hernando,  and  distributed 
them  in  different  quarters,  taking  care  that  no  great 
number  should  assemble  at  any  one  point,  or,  above 
all,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  his  own  residence. 

But  the  governor  despised  the  broken  followers 
of  Almagro  too  heartily  to  stoop  to  precautionary 


C«.  V.]  THE  ALMAGRO  FACTION.  173 

measures.  He  suffered  the  son  of  his  rival  to  re- 
main in  Lima,  where  his  quarters  soon  became  the 
resort  of  the  disaffected  cavaliers.  The  young  man 
was  well  known  to  most  of  Almagro's  soldiers,  hav- 
ing been  trained  along  with  them  in  the  camp 
under  his  father's  eye,  and,  now  that  his  parent  was 
removed,  they  naturally  transferred  their  allegiance 
to  the  son  who  survived  him.  ^, 

That  the  young  Almagro,  however,  might  be  less 
able  to  maintain  this  retinue  of  unprofitable  follow- 
ers, he  was  deprived  by  Pizarro  of  a  great  part  of 
his  Indians  and  lands,  while  he  was  excluded  from 
the  government  of  New  Toledo,  which  had  been 
settled  on  him  by  his  father's  testament.1  Stripped 
of  all  means  of  support,  without  office  or  employ- 
ment of  any  kind,  the  men  of  Chili,  for  so  Alma- 
gro's adherents  continued  to  be  called,  were  re- 
duced to  the  utmost  distress.  So  poor  were  they, 
as  is  the  story  of  the  time,  that  twelve  cavaliers,  who 
lodged  in  the  same  house,  could  muster  only  one 
cloak  among  them  all ;  and,  with  the  usual  feeling 
of  pride  that  belongs  to  the  poor  hidalgo,  unwilling 
to  expose  their  poverty,  they  wore  this  cloak  by 
turns,  those  who  had  no  right  to  it  remaining  at 
home.2  Whether  true  or  not,  the  anecdote  well  illus- 
trates the  extremity  to  which  Almagro's  faction  was 
reduced.  And  this  distress  was  rendered  yet  more 
galling  by  the  effrontery  of  their  enemies,  who,  en- 


1  Carta  de  Almagro,  MS. 

2  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  6,  lib.  8,  cap.  6. 


174  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

riched  by  their  forfeitures,  displayed  before  their 
eyes  all  the  insolent  bravery  of  equipage  and  apparel 
that  could  annoy  their  feelings. 

Men  thus  goaded  by  insult  and  injury  were  too 
dangerous  to  be  lightly  regarded.  But,  although 
Pizarro  received  various  intimations  intended  to  put 
him  on  his  guard,  he  gave  no  heed  to  them.  "  Poor 
devils ! "  he  would  exclaim,  speaking  with  contempt- 
uous pity  of  the  men  of  Chili ;  "  they  have  had 
bad  luck  enough.  We  will  not  trouble  them  fur- 
ther."3 And  so  little  did  he  consider  them,  that  he 
went  freely  about,  as  usual,  riding  without  attend- 
ants to  all  parts  of  the  town  and  to  its  immediate 
environs.4 

News  now  reached  the  colony  of  the  appointment 
of  a  judge  by  the  Crown  to  take  cognizance  of  the 
affairs  of  Peru.  Pizarro,  although  alarmed  by  the 
intelligence,  sent  orders  to  have  him  well  entertained 
on  his  landing,  and  suitable  accommodations  pre- 
pared for  him  on  the  route.  The  spirits  of  Alma- 
gro's  followers  were  greatly  raised  by  the  tidings. 
They  confidently  looked  to  this  high  functionary  for 
the  redress  of  their  wrongs ;  and  two  of  their  body, 
clad  in  suits  of  mourning,  were  chosen  to  go  to  the 
north,  where  the  judge  was  expected  to  land,  and 
to  lay  their  grievances  before  him. 

But  months  elapsed,  and  no  tidings  came  of  his 
arrival,  till,  at  length,  a  vessel,  coming  into  port,  an- 


3  Gomara,    Hist,    de  las  Ind.,        4  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
cap.  144.  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  6. 


CH.  V.]  THEIR  DESPERATE  CONDITION.  175 

nounced  that  most  of  the  squadron  had  foundered  in 
the  heavy  storms  on  the  coast,  and  that  the  commis- 
sioner had  probably  perished  with  them.  This  was 
disheartening  intelligence  to  the  men  of  Chili, 
whose  "  miseries,"  to  use  the  words  of  their  young 
leader,  "  had  become  too  grievous  to  be  borne." 5 
Symptoms  of  disaffection  had  already  begun  openly 
to  manifest  themselves.  The  haughty  cavaliers  did 
not  always  doff  their  bonnets,  on  meeting  the  gov- 
ernor in  the  street;  and  on  one  occasion,  three  ropes 
were  found  suspended  from  the  public  gallows,  with 
labels  attached  to  them,  bearing  the  names  of  Pi- 
zarro,  Velasquez  the  judge,  and  Picado  the  govern- 
or's secretary.6  This  last  functionary  was  peculiarly 
odious  to  Almagro  and  his  followers.  As  his  master 
knew  neither  how  to  read  nor  write,  all  his  commu- 
nications passed  through  Picado's  hands ;  and,  as 
the  latter  was  of  a  hard  and  arrogant  nature,  greatly 
elated  by  the  consequence  which  his  position  gave 
him,  he  exercised  a  mischievous  influence  on  the 


5  "  My  sufferings,"  says  Alma-  luntad  sirviendole  aunque   tuviese 
gro,  in  his  letter  to  the  Royal  Au-  meritos  le  destruya  y  este  Picado 
dience  of  Panama,  "  were  enough  fue  causa  de  que  los  de  Chile  to- 
to  unsettle  my  reason."     See  his  masen  mas  odiq   al  marquez  por 
Letter  in  the   original,  Appendix,  donde  le  mataron.     Porque  queria 
No.  12.  este  que  todos  lo  reverenciasen,  y 

6  "  Hizo   Picado  el  secreptario  los  de  chile  no  hazian  caso  del,  y 
del  Marquez  mucho  daiio  a  muchos,  por  esta  causa  los  perseguia  este 
porque  el  marquez  don  Francisco  mucho,  y  ansi  vinieron  a  hazer  lo 
Pi<jarro como  no  savia  ler  ni  escrivir  que  hizieron  los  de  Chile."    Pedro 
fiavase   del  y  no  hacia  mas  de  lo  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.  — 
que  el  le  aconsejava  y  ansi  hizo  Also  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib. 
este   mucho  mal  en  estos  rreinos,  4,  cap.  6. 

porque  el  que  no  andava  a  su  vo- 


17G  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

*  *•  »  •  f 

governor's  measures.  Almagro's  poverty-stricken 
followers  were  the  objects  of  his  open  ridicule,  and 
he  revenged  the  <  insult  now  offered  him  by  riding 
before  their  young  leader's  residence,  displaying  a 
tawdry  magnificence  in  his  dress,  sparkling  with 
gold  and  silver,  and  with  the  inscription,  "  For  the 
Men  of  Chili,"  set  in  his  bonnet.  It  was  a  foolish 
taunt;  but  the  poor  cavaliers  who  -were  the  object 
of  it,  made  morbidly  sensitive  by  their  sufferings, 
.  had  not  the  philosophy  to  despise  it.7 

At  length,  disheartened  by  the  long  protracted 
coming  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  and  still  more  by  the  re- 
cent reports  of  his  loss,  Almagro's  faction,  despairing 
of  redress  from  a  legitimate  authority,  determined  to 
take  it  into-  their  own  hands.  They  came  to  the 
desperate  resolution  of  assassinating  Pizarro.  The 
day  named  for  this  was  Sunday,  the  twenty-sixth  of 
June,  1541.  The  conspirators,  eighteen  or  twenty 
in  number,  were  to  assemble  in  Almagro's  house, 
which  stood  in  the  great  square  next  to  the  cathe- 
dral, and,  when  the  governor  was  returning  from 
mass,  they  were  to  issue  forth  and  fall  on  him  in 
the  street.  A  white  flag,  unfurled  at  the  same  time 
from  an  upper  window  in  the  house,  was  to  be  the 
signal  for  the  rest  of  their  comrades  to  move  to  the 
support  of  those  immediately  engaged  in  the  execu- 
tion of  the  deed.8 

7    Pedro     Pizarro,    Descub.    y  8    Pedro     Pizarro,    Descub.    y 

Conq.,    MS.  —  Garcilasso,    Com.  Conq.,    MS.  —  Montesinos,    An- 

Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  6.  —  nales,  MS.,  afio  1541.  —  Zarate, 

Herrera,   Hist.   General,    dec.   6,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  6. 
lib.  10,  «ap.  2. 


CH.  V.] 


CONSPIRACY  AGAINST  PIZARRO. 


177 


These  arrangements  could  hardly  have  been  con- 
cealed from  Almagro,  since  his  own  quarters  were 
to  be  the  place  of  rendezvous.  Yet  there  is  no 
good  evidence  of  his  having  taken  part  in  the  con- 
spiracy.9 He  was,  indeed,  too  young  to  make  it 
probable  that  he  took  a  leading  part  in  it.  He  is 
represented  by  contemporary  writers  to  have  given 
promise  of  many  good  qualities,  though,  unhappily, 
he  was  not  placed  in  a  situation  favorable  for  their 
development.  He  was  the  son  of  an  Indian  woman 
of  Panama  ;  but  from  early  years  had  followed  the 
troubled  fortunes  of  his  father,  to  whom  he  bore 
much  resemblance  in  his  free  and  generous  nature, 
as  well  as  in  the  violence  of  his  passions.  His 
youth  and  inexperience  disqualified  him  from  taking 
the  lead  in  the  perplexing  circumstances  in  which 
he  Was  placed,  and  made  him  little  more  than  a 
puppet  in  the  hands  of  others.10 


9  Yet  this  would  seem  to  be 
contradicted  by  Almagro 's  own 
letter  to  the  audience  of  Panama, 
in  which  he  states,  that,  galled  by 
intolerable  injuries,  he  and  his  fol- 
lowers had  resolved  to  take  the 
remedy  into  their  own  hands,  by 
entering  the  governor's  house  and 
seizing  his  person.  (See  the  orig- 
inal in  Appendix,  No.  12.)  It  is 
certain,  however,  that  in  the  full 
accounts  we  have  of  the  affair  by 
writers  who  had  the  best  means  of 
information,  we  do  not  find  Alma- 
gro's  name  mentioned  as  one  who 
took  an  active  part  in  the  tragic 
drama.  His  own  letter  merely 
expresses  that  it  was  his  purpose 
VOL.  II.  23 


to  have  taken  part  in  it,  with  the 
further  declaration,  that  it  was  sim- 
ply to  seize,  not  to  slay,  Pizarro : 
—  a  declaration  that  no  one  who 
reads  the  history  of  the  transaction 
will  be  very  ready  to  credit. 

10  "  Mancebo  virtuoso,  i  de 
grande  Animo,  i  bien  ensenado  :  i 
especialmente  se  havia  exercitado 
mucho  en  cavalgar  a  Caballo,  de 
ambas  sillas,  lo  qual  hacia  con. 
mucha  gracia,  i  destreca,  i  tambien 
en  escrevir,  i  leer,  lo  qual  hacia 
mas  liberalmente,  i  mejor  de  lo  que 
requeria  su  Profesion.  De  este 
tenia  cargo,  como  Aio,  Juan  do 
Herrada."  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Pe- 
ru, lib.  4,  cap.  G. 


178  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boox  IV. 

The  most  conspicuous  of  his  advisers  was  Juan 
de  Herrada,  or  Rada,  as  his  name  is  more  usually 
spelt,  —  a  cavalier  of  respectable  family,  but  who, 
having  early  enlisted  as  a  common  soldier,  had 
gradually  risen  to  the  highest  posts  in  the  army 
by  his  military  talents.  At  this  time  he  was  well 
advanced  in  years ;  but  the  fires  of  youth  were  not 
quenched  in  his  bosom,  and  he  burned  with  desire 
to  avenge  the  wrongs  done  to  his  ancient  command- 
er. The  attachment  which  he  had  ever  felt  for 
the  elder  Almagro  he  seems  to  have  transferred  in 
full  measure  to  his  son ;  and  it  was  apparently  with 
reference  to  him,  even  more  than  to  himself,  that 
he  devised  this  audacious  plot,  and  prepared  to  take 
the  lead  in  the  execution  of  it. 

There  was  one,  however,  in  the  band  of  con- 
spirators who  felt  some  compunctions  of  conscience 
at  the  part  he  was  acting,  and  who  relieved  his 
bosom  by  revealing  the  whole  plot  to  his  confes- 
sor. The  latter  lost  no  time  in  reporting  it  to 
Picado,  by  whom  in  turn  it  was  communicated  to 
Pizarro.  But,  strange  to  say,  it  made  little  more 
impression  on  the  governor's,  mind  than  the  vague 
warnings  he  had  so  frequently  received.  "It  is  a 
device  of  the  priest,"  said  he ;  "he  wants  a  mitre."11 


11  "  Pues  un  dia  antes  un  sacer-  amigos.     Esto  me  a  dicho  vno  en 

dote  clerigo  llamado  Benao  fue  xle  confision  para  que  os  venga  a  avi- 

noche  y  avisso  a  Picado  el  secrep-  sar.     Pues  savido  esto  Picado  se 

tario  y    dixole   mafiana  Domingo  fue  luego  y  lo  conto  al  marquez  y  el 

quando  el  marquez  saliere  a  misa  le  rrespondio.     Ese  clerigo  obispa- 

tienen  concertado  los  de  Chile  de  do  quiere."     Pedro   Pizarro,   De- 

matar  al  marquez  y  a  vos  y  a  sus  scub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


CH.  V.]  CONSPIRACY   AGAINST   PIZARRO.  179 

Yet  he  repeated  the  story  to  the  judge  Velasquez, 
who,  instead  of  ordering  the  conspirators  to  be  seiz- 
ed, and  the  proper  steps  taken  for  learning  the  truth 
of  the  accusation,  seemed  to  be  possessed  with  the 
same  infatuation  as  Pizarro  ;  and  he  bade  the  gov- 
ernor be  under  no  apprehension,  "  for  no  harm 
should  come  to  him,  while  the  rod  of  justice,"  not 
a  metaphorical  badge  of  authority  in  Castile,  "  was 
in  his  hands." 1%  Still,  to  obviate  every  possibility 
of  danger,  it .  was  deemed  prudent  for  Pizarro  to 
abstain  from  going  to  mass  on  Sunday,  and  to  •  re- 
main at  home  on  pretence  of  illness. 

On  the  day  appointed,  Rada  and  his  companions 
met  in  Almagro's  house,  and  waited  with  anxiety 
for  the  hour  when  the  governor  should  issue  from  the 
church.  But  gceat  was  their  consternation,  when 
they  learned  that  he  was  not  there,  but  was  de- 
tained at  home,  as  currently  reported,  by  illness. 
Little  doubting  that  their  design  was  discovered, 
they  felt  their  own  ruin  to  be  the  inevitable  conse- 
quence, and  that,  too,  without  enjoying  the  melan- 
choly consolation  of  having  struck  the  blow  for 
which  they  had  incurred  it.  Greatly  perplexed, 
some  were  for  disbanding,  in  the  hope  that  Pizarro 
might,  after  all,  be  ignorant  of  their  design.  But 
most  were  for  carrying  it  into  execution  at  once,  by 
assaulting  him  in  his  own  house.  The  question 
was  summarily  decided  by  one  of  the  party,  who 

12  "El  Juan  Velazquez  le  dixo.     nadie  se  atrevera."   Pedro  Pizarro, 
No  tema  vuestra  seiloria  que  mien-    Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 
tras  yo  tuviere  esta  vara  en  la  mano 


180  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV. 

felt  that  in  this  latter  course  lay  their  only  chance 
of  safety.  Throwing  open  the  doors,  he  rushed  out, 
calling  on  his  comrades  «  to  follow  him,  or  he  would 
proclaim  the  purpose  for  which  they  had  met." 
There  was  no  longer  hesitation,  and  the  cavaliers 
issued  forth,  writh  Rada  at  their  head,  shouting,  as 
they  went,  "  Long  live  the  king !  Death  to  the 
tyrant ! " 13 

It  was  the  hour  of  dinner,  which,  in  this  primitive 
age  of  the  Spanish  colonies,  was  at  noon.  Yet 
numbers,  roused  by  the  cries  of  the  assailants,  came 
out  into  the  square  to  inquire  the  cause.  "  They 
are  going  to  kill  the  marquess,"  some  said  very 
coolly ;  others  replied,  "  It  is  Picado."  No  one 
stirred  in  their  defence.  The  power  of  Pizarro  was 
not  seated  in  the  hearts  of  his  people. 

As  the  conspirators  traversed  the  plaza,  one  of 
the  party  made  a  circuit  to  avoid  a  little  pool  of 
water  that  lay  in  their  path..  "  What ! "  exclaimed 
Rada,  "  afraid  of  wetting  your  feet,  when  you  are 
to  wade  up  to  your  knees  in  blood !  "  And  he  or- 
dered the  man  to  give  up  the  enterprise  and  go  home 
to  his  quarters.  The  anecdote  is  characteristic.14 

The  governor's  palace  stood  on  the  opposite  side 

13  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  rodeo  algun  tanto  por  no  mojarse  ; 
6,  lib.  10,  cap.  6. — Pedro  Pizarro,  reparo   en   ello  Juan  de   Rada,  y 
Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. — ^Zarate,  entrandose  atrevido  por  el  agua  le 
Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  8. —  dijo  :  j  Bamos  a  bafiarnos  en  sangre 
Naharro,   Rel.    Sumaria,    MS. —  huraana,   y  rehusais    mojaros  los 
Carta  del  Maestro,  Martin  de  Arau-  pies  en  agua  1     Ea  volveos.  hizolo 
co,  MS.,  15  de  Julio,  1541.  volver    y    no    asistio  al    hecho." 

14  "  Gomez  Perez  por  haver  alii  Montesinos,   Annales,    MS.,    aiio 
agua  derramada  de  una  acequia,  1541.        .  '• 


CH.  V.]  ASSASSINATION  OF  PIZARRO.  181 

of  the  square.  It  was  approached  by  two  court- 
yards. The  entrance  to  the  outer  one  was  pro- 
tected by  a  massive  gate,  capable  of  being  made 
good  against  a  hundred  men  or  more.  But  it  was 
left  open,  and  the  assailants,  hurrying  through  to 
the  inner  court,  still  shouting  their  fearful  battle- 
cry,  were  met  by  two  domestics  loitering  in  the 
yard.  One  of  these  they  struck  down.  The  other, 
flying  in  all  haste  towards  the  house,  called  out, 
"  Help,  help !  the  men  of  Chili  are  all  coming  to 
murder  the  marquess  !  " 

Pizarro  at  this  time  was  at  dinner,  or,  more 
probably,  had  just  dined.  He  was  surrounded  by 
a  party  of  friends,  who  had  dropped  in,  it  seems, 
after  mass,  to  inquire  after  the  state  of  his  health, 
some  of  whom  had  remained  to  partake  of  his  re- 
past. Among  these  was  Don  Martinez  de  Alcan- 
tara, Pizarro's  half-brother  by  the  mother's  side, 
the  judge  Velasquez,  the  bishop  elect  of  Quito, 
and  several  of  the  principal  cavaliers  in  the  place, 
to  the  number  of  fifteen  or  twenty.  Some  of  them, 
alarmed  by  the  uproar  in  the  court-yard,  left  the 
saloon,  and,  running  down  to  the  first  landing  on 
the  stairway,  inquired  into  the  cause  of  the  dis- 
turbance. No  sooner  were  they  informed  of  it  by 
the  cries  of  the  servant,  than  they  retreated  with 
precipitation  into  the  house  ;  and,  as  they  had  no 
mind  to  abide  the  storm  unarmed,  or  at  best  imper- 
fectly armed,  as  most  of  them  were,  they  made  their 
way  to  a  corridor  that  overlooked  the  gardens,  into 
which  they  easily  let  themselves  down  without  in- 


182  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

jury.  Velasquez,  the  judge,  the  better  to  have 
the  use  of  his  hands  in  the  descent,'  held  his  rod 
of  office  in  his  mouth,  thus  taking  care,  says  a  caus- 
tic old  chronicler,  not  to  falsify  his  assurance,  that 
"  no  harm  should  come  to  Pizarro  while  the  rod  of 
justice  was  in  his  hands  "  ! 15 

Meanwhile,  .the  marquess,  learning  the  nature  of 
the  tumult,  called  out  to  Francisco  de  Chaves,  an 
officer  high  in  his  confidence,  and  who  was  in  the 
outer  apartment  opening  on  the  staircase,  to  secure 
the  door,  while  he  and  his  brother  Alcantara  buckled 
on  their  armour.  Had  this  order,  coolly  given,  been 
as  coolly  obeyed,  it  would  have  saved  them  all, 
since  the  entrance  could  easily  have  been  maintained 
against  a  much  larger  force,  till  the  report  of  the 
cavaliers  who  had  fled  had  brought  support  to  Pi- 
zarro. But  unfortunately,  Chaves,  disobeying  his 
commander,  half  opened  the  door,  and  attempted  to 
enter  into  a  parley  with  the  conspirators.  The 
latter  had  now  reached  the  head  of  the  stairs,  and 
cut  short  the  debate  by  running  Chaves  through  the 
body,  and  tumbling  his  corpse  down  into  the  area 
below.  For  a  moment  they  were  kept  at  bay  by 
the  attendants  of  the  slaughtered  cavalier,  but  these, 


15  "  En  lo  qual  no  paresce  haver  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq., 

quebrantado    su    palabra,    porque  MS.  —  Naharro,  Relacion   Suma- 

despues  huiendo  (como  adelante  se  ria,    MS.  —  Carta    del    Maestro, 

dira)  al  tiempo,  que  quisieron  ma-  Martin  de   Arauco,   MS.  —  Carta 

tar  al  Marques,  se  hecho  de  vna  de  Fray  Vicente  de  Valverde  a  la 

Ventana  abajo,  a  la  Huerta,  lie-  Audi encia  de  Panama,  MS.,  desde 

vando  la  Vara  en  la  boca."     Za-  Tumbez,  15  Nov.  1541.  —  Goma 

rate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  7.  ra,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  145. 


CH.  V.]  ASSASSINATION   OF   PIZARRO.  183 

too,  were  quickly  despatched  ;  and  Rada  and  his 
companions,  entering  the  apartment,  hurried  across 
it,  shouting  out,  "  Where  is  the  marquess  ?  Death 
to  the  tyrant !  " 

Martinez  de  Alcantara,  who  in  the  adjoining  room 
was  assisting  his  brother  to  buckle  on  his  mail, 
no  sooner  saw  that  the  entrance  to  the  antecham- 
ber had  been  gained,  than  he  sprang  to  the  door- 
way of  the  apartment,  and,  assisted  by  two  young 
men,  pages  of  Pizarro,  and  by  one  or  two  cava- 
liers in  attendance,  endeavoured  to  resist  the  ap- 
proach of  the  assailants.  A  desperate  struggle  now 
ensued.  Blows  were  given  on  both  sides,  some  of 
which  proved  fatal,  and  two  of  the  conspirators 
were  slain,  while  Alcantara  and  his  brave  compan- 
ions were  repeatedly  wounded. 

At  length,  Pizarro,  unable,  in  the  hurry  of  the 
moment,  to  adjust  the  fastenings  of  his  cuirass, 
threw  it  away,  and,  enveloping  one  arm  in  his  cloak, 
with  the  other  seized  his  sword,  and  sprang  to  his 
brother's  assistance.  It  was  too  late  ;  for  Alcantara 
was  already  staggering  unqler  the  loss  of  blood,  and 
soon  fell  to  the  ground.  Pizarro  threw  himself  on 
his  invaders,  like  a  lion  roused  in  his  lair,  and  dealt 
his  blows  with  as  much  rapidity  and  force,  as  if  age 
had  no  power  to  stiffen  his  limbs.  "  What  ho  !  "  he 
cried,  "  traitors  !  have  you  come  to  kill  me  in  my 
own  house  ? "  The  conspirators  drew  back  for  a 
moment,  as  two  of  their  body  fell  under  Pizarro's 
sword ;  but  they  quickly  rallied,  and,  from  their  su- 
perior numbers,  fought  at  great  advantage  by  reliev- 


184  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boos  IV. 

ing  one  another  in  the  assault.  Still  the  passage 
was  narrow,  and  the  struggle  lasted  for  some  min- 
utes, till  both  of  Pizarro's  pages  were  stretched  by 
his  side,  when  Rada,  impatient  of  the  delay,  called 
out,  "  Why  are  we  so  long  about  it  ?  Down  with 
the  tyrant ! "  and  taking  one  of  his  companions, 
Narvaez,  in  his  arms,  he  thrust  him  against  the  mar- 
quess. Pizarro,  instantly  grappling  with  his  oppo- 
nent, ran  him  through  with  his  sword.  But  at  that 
moment  he  received  a  wound  in  the  throat,  and 
reeling,  he  sank  on  the  floor,  while  the  swords  of 
Rada  and  several  of  the  conspirators  were  plunged 
into  his  body.  "  Jesu  !  "  exclaimed  the  dying  man, 
and,  tracing  a  cross  with  his  finger  on  the  bloody 
floor,  he  bent  down  his  head  to  kiss  it,  when  a 
stroke,  more  friendly  than  the  rest,  put  an  end  to 
his  existence.16 

16  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  Cesar  Espanol,  estando  tan  en  si 

4,    cap.    8.  —  Naharro,    Relation  que  pidiendo  confession  con   gran 

Sumaria,    MS.  —  Pedro    Pizarro,  acto    de    contricion,    haziendo    la 

Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.  —  Herrera,  senal  de  la  Cruz  ^con   su  misma 

Hist.  General,  dec.  '6,  lib.  10,  cap.  sangre,  y  besandola  murio."     Va- 

6. — Carta  de  la  Justicia  y  Regi-  rones  Ilustres,  p.  186. 
miento  de  la  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,        According  to  one  authority,  the 

MS.,  15  de  Julio,  1541.  —  Carta  del  mortal  blow  was  given  by  a  soldier 

Maestro,  Martin  de  Arauco,  MS.  named  Borregan,  who,  when  Pi- 

—  Carta  de  Fray  Vicente  Valverde,  zarro  was  down,  struck  him  on  the 

desde   Tumbez,    MS.  —  Gomara,  back  of  the  head  with  a  water-jar, 

Hist,    de  las  Ind.,  ubi   supra.  —  which  he  had  snatched  from   the 

Montesinos,   Annales,    MS.,    ano  table.     (Herrera,    Hist.    General, 

1541.  dec.    6,   lib.    10,   cap.    6.)     Con- 

Pizarro  y  Orellana  seems  to  have  sidering  the  hurry  and  confusion  of 

no  doubt  that  his  slaughtered  kin&-  the  scene,  the  different  narratives 

man  died  in  the  odor  of  sanctity. —  of  the  catastrophe,  though  neces- 

"  Alii    le   acabaion    los  traidores  sarily  differing  in  minute  details, 

enemigos,     dandole     cruelissimas  have  a  remarkable  agreement  witji 

heridas,  con  que    acabo  el  Julio  one  another. 


CH.  V.]  ACTS  OF  THE  CONSPIRATORS.  185 

The  conspirators,  having  accomplished  their 
bloody  deed,  rushed  into  the  street,  and,  brandish- 
ing their  dripping  weapons,  shouted  out,  "  The  ty- 
rant is  dead !  The  laws  are  restored  !  Long  live  our 
master  the  emperor,  and  his  governor,  Almagro ! " 
The  men  of  Chili,  roused  by  the  cheering  cry,  now 
flocked  in  from  every  side  to  join  the  banner  of 
Rada,  who  soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of  nearly 
three  hundred  followers,  all  armed  and  prepared  to 
support  his  authority.  A  guard  was  placed  over  the 
houses  of  the  principal  partisans  of  the  late  gov- 
ernor, and  their  persons  were  taken  into  custody. 
Pizarro's  house,  and  that  of  his  secretary  Picado, 
were  delivered  up  to  pillage,  and  a  large  booty  in 
gold  and  silver  was  found  in  the  former.  Picado 
himself  took  refuge  in  the  dwelling  of  Riquelme,  the 
treasurer  ;  but  his  hiding-place  was  detected,  —  be- 
trayed, according  to  some  accounts,  by  the  looks, 
though  not  the  words,  of  the  treasurer  himself, — 
and  he  was  dragged  forth  and  committed  to  a  secure 
prison.17  The  whole  city  was  thrown  into  conster- 
nation, as  armed  bodies  hurried  to  and  fro  on  their 
several  errands,  and  all  who  were  not  in  the  faction 
of  Almagro  trembled  lest  they  should  be  involved 


17  "No  se  olvidaron  de  buscar  a        We  find  Riquelme's  name,  soon 

Antonio  Picado,   i  iendo  en  casa  after  this,  enrolled  among  the  mu- 

del  Tesorero  Alonso  Riquelme,  el  nicipality  of  Lima,   showing  that 

mismo  iba  diciendo  :  No  se  adonde  he  found  it  convenient  to  give  in 

esta  el  Senor  Picado,  i  con  los  ojos  his  temporary  adhesion,  at  least, 

le  mostraba,  i  le  hallaron  debaxo  to  Almagro.     Carta  de  la  Justicia 

de  la  cama."     Herrera,  Hist.  Ge-  y  Regimiento  de  la  Ciudad  de  los 

neral,  dec.  6,  lib.  10,  cap.  7.  Reyes,  MS. 

VOL.   II.  24 


186  CIVIL  WARS   OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

in  the  proscription  of  their  enemies.  So  great  was 
the  disorder,  that  the  Brothers  of  Mercy,  turning 
out  in  a  body,  paraded  the  streets  in  solemn  pro- 
cession, with  the  host  elevated  in  the  air,  in  hopes 
by  the  presence  of  the  sacred  symbol  to  calm  the 
passions  of  the  multitude.  ..>.t 

But  no  other  violence  was  offered  by  Rada  and 
his  followers  than  to  apprehend  a  few  suspected  per- 
sons, and  to  seize  upon  horses  and  arms  wherever 
they  were  to  be  found.  The  municipality  was  then 
summoned  to  recognize  the  authority  of  Almagro; 
the  refractory  were  ejected  without  ceremony  from 
their  offices,  and  others  of  the  Chili  faction  were 
substituted.  The  claims  of  the  new  aspirant  were 
fully  recognized  ;  and  young  Almagro,  parading  the 
streets  on  horseback,  and  escorted  by  a  well-armed 
body  of  cavaliers,  was  proclaimed  by  sound  of 
trumpet  governor  and  captain-general  of  Peru. 

Meanwhile,  the  mangled  bodies  of  Pizarro  and  his 
faithful  adherents  were  left  weltering  in  their  blood. 
Some  were  for  dragging  forth  the  governor's  corpse 
to  the  market-place,  and  fixing  his  head  upon  a  gib- 
bet. But  Almagro  was  secretly  prevailed  on  to 
grant  the  entreaties  of  Pizarro's  friends,  and  allow 
his  interment.  This  was  stealthily  and  hastily  per- 
formed, in  the  fear  of  momentary  interruption.  A 
feithful  attendant  and  his  wife,  with  a  few  black 
domestics,  wrapped  the  body  in  a  cotton  cloth  and 
removed  it  to  the  cathedral.  A  grave  was  hastily 
dug  in  an  obscure  corner,  the  services  were  hurried 
through,  and,  in  secrecy,  and  in  darkness  dispelled 


CH.  V.]  ACTS  OF  THE  CONSPIRATORS.  187 

only  by  the  feeble  glimmering  of  a  few  tapers  fur- 
nished by  these  humble  menials,  the  remains  of  Pi- 
zarro,  rolled  in  their  bloody  shroud,  were  consigned 
to  their  kindred  dust.  Such  was  the  miserable 
end  of  the  Conqueror  of  Peru,  —  of  the  man  who 
but  a  few  hours  before  had  lorded  it  over  the  land 
with  as  absolute  a  sway  as  was  possessed  by  its  he- 
reditary Incas.  Cut  off  in  the  broad  light  of  day, 
in  the  heart  of  his  own  capital,  in  the  very  midst  of 
those  who  had  been  his  companions  in  arms  and 
shared  with  him  his  triumphs  and  his  spoils,  he  per- 
ished like  a  wretched  outcast.  "  There  was  none, 
even,"  in  the  expressive  language  of  the  chronicler, 
"  to  say,  God  forgive  him  !  "18 

A  few  years  later,  when  tranquillity  was  restored 
to  the  country,  Pizarro's  remains  were  placed  in  a 
sumptuous  coffin  and  deposited  under  a  monument 
in  a  conspicuous  part  of  the  cathedral.  And  in 
1607,  when  time  had  thrown  its  friendly  mantle 
over  the  past,  and  the  memory  of  his  errors  and  his 
crimes  was  merged  in  the  consideration  of  the  great 
services  he  had  rendered  to  the  Crown  by  the  ex- 
tension of  her  colonial  empire,  his  bones  were  re- 
moved to  the  new  cathedral,  and  allowed  to  repose 
side  by  side  with  those  of  Mendoza,  the  wise  and 
good  viceroy  of  Peru.19 

18  « Murio  pidiendo  confesion,  i  Carta  del  Maestro,  Martin  de 

haciendo  la  Cruz,  sin  que  nadie  Arauco,  MS.  —  Carta  de  Fray 

dijese,  Dios  te  perdone."  Goma-  Vicente  Valverde,  desde  Tumbez, 

ra,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  144.  MS. 

MS/  de  Caravantes.  —  Zarate,  19  "  Sus  huesos  engerrados  en 

Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  8.  —  una-caxa  guarnecida  de  terciopelo 


188  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

Pizarro  was,  probably,  not  far  from  sixty-five 
years  of  age  at  the  time  of  his  death ;  though  this, 
it  must  be  added,  is  but  loose  conjecture,  since  there 
exists  no  authentic  record  of  the  date  of  his  birth.20 
He  was  never  married  ;  but  by  an  Indian  princess 
of  the  Inca  blood,  daughter  of  Atahuallpa  and 
granddaughter  of  the  great  Huayna  Capac,  he  had 
two  children,  a  son  and  a  daughter.  Both  survived 
him  ;  but  the  son  did  not  live  to  manhood.  Their 
mother,  after  Pizarro's  death,  wedded  a  Spanish 
cavalier,  named  Ampuero,  and  removed  with  him  to 
Spain.  Her  daughter  Francisca  accompanied  her, 
and  was  there  subsequently  married  to  her  uncle 
Hernando  Pizarro,  then  a  prisoner  in  the  Mota  del 
Medina.  Neither  the  title  nor  estates  of  the  Mar- 
quess Francisco  descended  to  his  illegitimate  off- 
spring. But  in  the  -third  generation,  in  the  reign 
of  Philip  the  Fourth,  the  title  was  revived  in  fa- 
vor of  Don  Juan  Hernando  Pizarro,  who,  out  of 
gratitude  for  the  services  of  his  ancestor,  was  created 
Marquess  of  the  Conquest,  Marques  de  la  Con- 
quista,  with  a  liberal  pension  from  government. 
His  descendants,  bearing  the  same  title  of  nobility, 
are  still  to  be  found,  it  is  said,  at  Truxillo,  in  the 
ancient  province  of  Estremadura,  the  original  birth- 
place of  the  Pizarros.21 

morado  con  passamanps  de  oro  que        See  also  the  Discurso,  Legal  y 

yo  he  visto."    MS.  de  Caravantes.  Politico,    annexed    by    Pizarro    y 

90  Ante,  Book  2,  chap.  2,  note  1.  Orellana    to    his  bulky  tome,   in 

21  MS.  de  Caravantes.  —  Quin-  which  that  cavalier  urges  the  claims 

tana,  Espanoles  Celebres,  torn.  II.,  of  Pizarro.     It  is  in  the  nature  of 

p.  417.  a  memorial  to  Philip  IV.  in  behalf 


CH.  V.]   ';'•-.*          PIZARRO'S   CHARACTER.  189 

Pizarro's  person  has  been  already  described.  He 
was  tall  in  stature,  well-proportioned,  and  with  a 
countenance  not  unpleasing.  Bred  in  camps,  with 
nothing  of  the  polish  of  a  court,  he  had  a  soldier- 
like bearing,  and  the  air  of  one  accustomed  to  com- 
mand. But  though  not  polished,  there  was  no  em- 
barrassment or  rusticity  in  his  address,  which,  where 
it  served  his  purpose,  could  be  plausible  and  even 
insinuating.  The  proof  of  it  is  the  favorable  im- 
pression made  by  him,  on  presenting  himself,  after 
his  second  expedition  —  stranger  as  he  was  to  all 
its  forms  and  usages  —  at  the  punctilious  court  of 
Castile. 

Unlike  many  of  his  countrymen,  he  had  no  pas- 
sion for  ostentatious  dress,  which  he  regarded  as  an 
incumbrance.  The  costume  which  he  most  affected 
on  public  occasions  was  a  black  cloak,  with  a  white 
hat,  and  shoes  of  the  same  color  ;  the  last,  it  is 
said,  being  in  imitation  of  the  Great  Captairr,  whose 
character  he  had  early  learned  to  admire  in  Italy, 
but  to  which  his  own,  certainly,  bore  very  faint 
resemblance.22 

of  Pizarro's  descendants,  in  which  viceregal  palace  at  Lima,  repre- 

the  writer,  after  setting  forth  the  sents  him  in  a  citizen's  dress,  with 

manifold  services  of  the  Conqueror,  a  sable  cloak,  —  the  capa  y  espada 

shows  how  little  his  posterity  had  of  a  Spanish  gentleman.  Each 

profited  by  the  magnificent  grants  panel  in  the  spacious  sola  de  los 

conferred  on  him  by  the  Crown.  Vireyes  was  reserved  for  the  por- 

The  argument  of  the  Royal  Conn-  trait  of  a  viceroy.  The  long  file 

seller  was  not  without  its  effect.  is  complete,  from  Pizarro  to  Pezue- 

22  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  la;  and  it  is  a  curious  fact,  noticed 

cap.  144. — Zarate,Conq.  del  Peru,  by  Stevenson,  that  the  last  panel 

lib.  4,  cap.  9.  was  exactly  filled  when  the  reign 

The  portrait  of  Pizarro,  in  the  of  the  viceroys  was  abruptly  ter- 


190  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV. 

He  was  temperate  in  eating,  drank  sparingly,  and 
usually  rose  an  hour  before  dawn.  He  was  punctu- 
al in  attendance  to  business,  and  shrunk  from  no 
toil.  He  had,  indeed,  great  powers  of  patient  en- 
durance. Like  most  of  his  nation,  he  was  fond  of 
play,  and  cared  little  for  the  quality  of  those  with 
whom  he  played ;  though,  when  his  antagonist  could 
not  afford  to  lose,  he  would  allow  himself,  it  is  said, 
to  be  the  loser ;  a  mode  of  conferring  an  obligation 
much  commended  by  a  Castilian  writer,  for  its  del- 
icacy.23 

Though  avaricious,  it  was  in  order  to  spend 
and  not  to  hoard.  His  ample  treasures,  more  am- 
ple than  those,  probably,  that  ever  before  fell  to 
the  lot  of  an  adventurer,24  were  mostly  dissipated 
in  his  enterprises,  his  architectural  works,  and 
schemes  of  public  improvement,  which,  in  a  coun- 
try where  gold  and  silver  might  be  said  to  have 
lost  their  value  from  their  abundance,  absorbed  an 
incredible  amount  of  money.  While  he  regarded 
the  whole  country,  in  a  manner,  as  his  own,  and 
distributed  it  freely  among  his  captains,  it  is  certain 
that  the  princely  grant  of  a  territory  with  twenty 
thousand  vassals,  made  to  him  by  the  Crown,  was 

initiated  by  the  Revolution.    (Resi-  ^  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 

dence   in  South  America,  voj.  I.  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  9. 

p.  228.)     It  is  a  singular  coinci-  a4  "  Hallo,   i   tuvo   mas  Oro,  i 

dence  that  the  same  thing  should  Plata,  que  otro  ningun  Espanol  de 

have   occurred  at  Venice,  where,  quantos  han   pasado  a   Indias,  ni 

tf  my  memory  serves  me,  the  last  que  ninguno  de  quantos  Capitanes 

niche  reserved  for  the  effigies  of  its  han  sido  por  el  Mundo."    Gomara, 

doges  was    just  filled,  when  the  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  144. 
ancient  aristocracy  was  overturned. 


CH.  V.] 


PIZARRO'S   CHARACTER. 


191 


never   carried  into  effect ;    nor   did   his   heirs  ever 
reap  the  benefit  of  it.25 

To  a  man  possessed  of  the  active  energies  of  Pi- 
zarro,  sloth  was  the  greatest  evil.  The  excitement 
of  play  was  in  a  manner  necessary  to  a  spirit  accus- 
tomed to  the  habitual  stimulants  of  war  and  adven- 
ture. ,  His  uneducated  mind  had  no  relish  for  more 
refined,  intellectual  recreation.  The  deserted  found- 
ling had  neither  been  taught  to  read  nor  write. 
This  has  been  disputed  by  some,  but  it  is  attested 
by  unexceptionable  authorities.26  Montesinos  says, 
indeed,  that  Pizarro,  on  his  first  voyage,  tried  to 
learn  to  read ;  but  the  impatience  of  his  temper 
prevented  it,  and  he  contented  himself  with  learn- 
ing to  sign  his  name.27  But  Montesinos  was  not  a 
contemporary  historian.  Pedro  Pizarro,  his  com- 
panion in  arms,  expressly  tells  us  he  could  neither 
read  nor  write  ;  ^  and  Zarate,  another  contempo- 


25  MS.    de    Caravantes.  —  Pi- 
zarro y  Orellana,  Discurso  Leg.  y  . 
Pol.,  ap.  Varones  Ilust.     Gonzalo 
Pizarro,    when   taken   prisoner  by ' 
President  Gasca,  challenged  him  to 
point  out  any  quarter  of  the  coun- 
try in  which  the  royal  grant  had 
been  carried  into  effect  by  a  specific 
assignment  of  land  to  his  brother. 
See  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 
2,  lib.  5,  cap.  36. 

26  Even  so  experienced  a  person 
as  Mufioz  seems  to  have  fallen  into 
this  error.     On   one   of  Pizarro 's 
letters  1  find  the  following  copy  of 
an  autograph  memorandum  by  this 
eminent  scholar  :  —  Carta  de  Fran- 


cisco   Pizarro,    su    letra    i    buena 
letra. 

27  "  En  este  viage  trato  Pizarro 
de  aprender  a  leer ;   no  le  dio  su 
viveza    lugar  a   ello  ;    contentose 
solo  con  saber  firmar,  de  lo  que  se 
veia  Almagro,  y  decia,  que  firmar 
sin   saber  leer  era  lo  mismo  que 
recibir  herida,  sin  poder  darla.    En 
adelante  firmo  siempre  Pizarro  por 
si,  y  por  Almagro  su  Secretario." 
Montesinos,   Annales,    MS.,    afio 
1525. 

28  "  Porque    el     marquez    don 
Francesco  Picarro  como  no  savia 
le*  ni  escrivir."     Pedro  Pizarro, 
Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


192  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boo*  IV. 

rary,  well  acquainted  with  the  Conquerors,  confirms 
this  statement,  and  adds,  that  Pizarro  could  not  so 
much  as  sign  his  name.29  This  was  done  by  his 
secretary  —  Picado,  in  his  latter  years  —  while  the 
governor  merely  made  the  customary  rubrica  or 
flourish  at  the  sides  of  his  name.  This  is  the  case 
with  the  instruments  I  have  examined,  in  which  his 
signature,  written  probably  by  his  secretary,  or  his 
title  of  Marques,  in  later  life  substituted  for  his 
name,  is  garnished  with  a  flourish  at  the  ends,  exe- 
cuted in  as  bungling  a  manner  as  if  done  by  the 
hand  of  a  ploughman.  Yet  we  must  not  estimate 
this  deficiency  as  we  should  in  this  period  of  general 
illumination,  —  general,  at  least,  in  our  own  fortu- 
nate country.  Reading  and  writing,  so  universal 
now,  in  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century 
might  be  'regarded  in  the  light  of  accomplishments  ; 
and  all  who  have  occasion  to  consult  the  autograph 
memorials  of  that  time  will  find  the  execution  of 
them,  even  by  persons  of  the  highest  rank,  too  often 
such  as  would  do  little  credit  to  a  schoolboy  of  the 
present  day. 

Though  bold  in  action  and  not  easily  turned  from 
his  purpose,  Pizarro  was  slow  in  arriving  at  a  decis- 


29  "  Siendo  personas,"  says  the  todos  los  Despachos,   que  hacia, 

author,   speaking-  both  of  Pizarro  asi  de  Governacion,  como  de  Re- 

and  Almagro,  "no  solamente,  no  partimientos  de  Indies,  libraba  ha- 

leidas,  pero  que  de  todo  punto  no  ciendo  el   dos  senales,  en   medio 

sabian  leer,  ni  aun  firmar,  que  en  de  las  quales  Antonio  Picado,  su 

ellos  fue    cosa  de   gran    defecto.  Secretario,   firmaba  el  nombre  de 

Fue  el  Marques  tan  con-  FrangiscoPigarro."   Zarate,  Conq. 

fiado  de  sus  Criados,  i  Amigos,  que  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  9. 


CH.-V.]  PIZARRO'S  CHARACTER.  193 

ion.  This  gave  him  an  appearance  of  irresolution 
foreign  to  his  character.30  Perhaps  the  conscious- 
ness of  this  led  him  to  adopt  the  custom  of  saying 
"  No,"  at  first,  to  applicants  for  favor ;  and  after- 
wards, at  leisure,  to  revise  his  judgment,  and  grant 
what  seemed  to  him  expedient.  He  took  the  op- 
posite course  from  his  comrade  Almagro,  who,  it 
was  observed,  generally  said  "  Yes,"  but  too  often 
failed  to  keep  his  promise.  This  was  characteristic 
of  the  careless  and  easy  nature  of  the  latter,  gov- 
erned by  impulse  rather  than  principle.31 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  speak  of  the  courage  of 
a  man  pledged  to  such  a  career  as  that  of  Pizarro. 
Courage,  indeed,  was  a  cheap  quality  among  the 
Spanish  adventurers,  for  danger  was  their  element. 
But  he  possessed  something  higher  than  mere  animal 
courage,  in  that  constancy  of  purpose  which  was 
rooted  too  deeply  in  his  nature  to  be  shaken  by  the 
wildest  storms  of  fortune.  It  was  this  inflexible 
constancy  which  formed  the  key  to  his  character, 
and  constituted  the  secret  of  his  success.  A  re- 
markable evidence  of  it  was  given  in  his  first  expe- 
dition, among  the  mangroves  and  dreary  marshes  of 

30  This  tardiness  of  resolve  has  do  algo  le  pedian  dezir  sierapre  de 
even  led  Herrera  to  doubt  his  reso-  no.  esto  dezia  el  que  hazia  por  no 
lution  altogether  ;  a  judgment  cer-  faltar  su  palabra,  y  no  obstahte  que 
tainly  contradicted  by  the  whole  dezia  no,  correspondia  con  hazer  lo 
tenor  of   his  history.      "  Porque  que  le  pedian  no  aviendo  inconve- 
aunque  era  astuto,  i  recatado,  por  nimente Don  Diego  de  Al- 
ia maior  parte  fue  de  animo  sus-  magro  hera  a  la  contra  que  a  todos 
penso,  i  no  mui  resolute."     Hist,  dezia  si,  y  con  pocos  lo  cumplia." 
General,  dec.  5,  lib.  7,  cap.  13.  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq., 

31  "  Tenia  por  costumbre  de  quan-  MS . 

VOL.    II.  25       - 


194  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boos  IV. 

Choco.  He  saw  his  followers  pining  around  him 
under  the  blighting  malaria,  wasting  before  an  invis- 
ible enemy,  and  unable  to  strike  a  stroke  in  their 
own  defence.  Yet  his  spirit  did  not  yield,  nor  did 
he  falter  in  his  enterprise. 

There  is  something  oppressive  to  the  imagination 
in  this  war  against  nature.  In  the  struggle  of  man 
against  man,  the  spirits  are  raised  by  a  contest  con- 
ducted on  equal  terms  ;  but  in  a  war  with  the  ele- 
ments, we  feel,  Uiat,  however  bravely  we  may  con- 
tend, we  can  have  no  power  to  control.  Nor  are 
we  cheered  on  by  the  prospect  of  glory  in  such,  a 
contest ;  for,  in  the  capricious  estimate  of  human 
glory,  the  silent  endurance  of  privations,  however 
painful,  is  little,  in  comparison  with  the  ostentatious 
trophies  of  victory.  The  laurel  of  the  hero  —  alas 
for  humanity  that  it  should  be  so  !  —  grows  best  on 
the  battle-field. 

This  inflexible  spirit  of  Pizarro  was  shown  still 
more  strongly,  when,  in  the  little  island  of  Gallo,  he 
drew  the  line  on  the  sand,  which  was  to  separate 
him  and  his  handful  of  followers  from  their  country 
and  from,  civilized  man.  He  trusted  that  his  own 
constancy  would  give  strength  to  the  feeble,  and 
rally  brave  hearts  around  him  for  the  prosecution 
of  his  enterprise. '  He  looked  with  confidence  to 
the  future,  and  he  did  not  miscalculate.  This  was 
heroic,  and  wanted  only  a  nobler  motive  for  its 
object  to  constitute  the  true  moral  sublime. 

Yet  the  same  feature  in  his  character*  was  dis- 
played in  a  manner  scarcely  less  remarkable,  when, 


CH.  V.]  PIZARRO'S  CHARACTER.  195 

landing  on  the  coast  and  ascertaining  the  real 
strength  and  civilization  of  the  Incas,  he  persisted 
in  marching  into  the  interior  at  the  head  of  a  force 
of  less  than  two  hundred  men.  In  this  he  undoubt- 
edly proposed  to  himself  the  example  of  Cortes,  so 
contagious  to  the  adventurous  spirits  of  that  day, 
and  especially  to  Pizarro,  engaged,  as  he  was,  in 
a  similar  enterprise.  Yet  the  hazard  assumed  by 
Pizarro  was  far  greater  than  that  of  the  Conqueror 
of  Mexico,  whose  force  was  nearly  three  times  as 
large,  while  the  terrors  of  the  Inca  name  —  how- 
ever justified  by  the  result  —  were  as  widely  spread 
as  those  of  the  Aztecs. 

It  was  doubtless  in  imitation  of  the  same  capti- 
vating model,  that  Pizarro  planned  the  seizure  of 
Atahuallpa.  But  the  situations  of  the  two  Spanish 
captains  were  as  dissimilar  as  the  manner  in  which 
their  acts  of  violence  were  conducted.  The  wanton 
massacre  of  the  Peruvians  resembled  that  perpe- 
trated by  Alvarado  in  Mexico,  and  might  have  been 
attended  with  consequences  as  disastrous,  if  the 
Peruvian  character  had  been  as  fierce  as  that  of  the 
Aztecs.32  But  the  blow  which  roused  the  latter  to 
madness  broke  the  tamer  spirits  of  the  Peruvians. 
It  was  a  bold  stroke,  which  left  so  much  to  chance, 
that  it  scarcely  merits  the  name  of  policy. 

When  Pizarro  landed  in  the  country,  he  found  it 
distracted  by  a  contest  for  the  crown.  It  would 
seem  to  have  been  for  his  interest  to  play  off  one 

32  See  Conquest  of  Mexico,  Book  4,  chap  8. 


196  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

party  against  the  other,  throwing  his  own  weight  into 
the  scale  that  suited  him.  Instead  of  this,  he  resort- 
ed to  an  act  of  audacious  violence  which  crushed 
them  both  at  a  blow.  His  subsequent  career  afford- 
ed no  scope  for  the  profound  policy  displayed  by 
Cortes,  when  he  gathered  conflicting  nations  under 
his  banner,  and  directed  them  against  a  common 
foe.  Still  less  did  he  have  the  opportunity  of  dis- 
playing the  tactics  and  admirable  strategy  of  his  ri- 
val. . Cortes  conducted  his  military  operations  on 
the  scientific  principles  of  a  great  captain  at  the 
head  of  a  powerful  host.  Pizarro  appears  only  as 
an  adventurer,  a  fortunate  knight-errant.  By  one 
bold  stroke,  he  broke  the  spell  which  had  so  long 
held  the  land  under  the  dominion  of  the  Incas. 
The  spell  was  broken,  and  the  airy  fabric  of  their 
empire,  built  on  the  superstition  of  ages,  vanished 
at  a  touch.  This  was  good  fortune,  rather  than 
the  result  of  policy. 

Pizarro  was  eminently  perfidious.  Yet  nothing  is 
more  opposed  to  sound  policy.  One  act  of  perfidy 
fully  established  becomes  the  ruin  of  its  author.  The 
man  who  relinquishes  confidence  in  his  good  faith 
gives  up  the  best  basis  for  future  operations.  Who 
will  knowingly  build  on  a  quicksand  ?  By  his  per- 
fidious treatment  of  Almagro,  Pizarro  alienated  the 
minds  of  the  Spaniards.  By  his  perfidious  treat- 
ment of  Atahuallpa,  and  subsequently  of  the  Inca 
Manco,  he  disgusted  the  Peruvians.  The  name 
of  Pizarro  became  a  by-word  for  perfidy.  Alma- 
gro took  his  revenge  in  a  civil  war ;  Manco  in  an 


CH.  V.]  PIZARRO'S   CHARACTER.  197 

insurrection  which  nearly  cost  Pizarro  his  domin- 
ion. The  civil  war  terminated  in  a  conspiracy 
which  cost  him  his  life.  Such  were  the  fruits  of  his 
policy.  Pizarro  may  be  regarded  as  a  cunning  man  ; 
but  not,  as  he  has  been  often  eulogized  by  his  coun- 
trymen, as  a  politic  one. 

When  Pizarro  obtained  possession  of  Cuzco,  he 
found  a  country  well  advanced  in  the  arts  of  civili- 
zation ;  institutions  under  which  the  people  lived 
in  tranquillity  and  personal  safety ;  the  mountains 
and  the  uplands  whitened  with  flocks  ;  the  valleys 
teeming  with  the  fruits  of  a  scientific  husbandry; 
the  granaries  and  warehouses  filled  to  overflowing ; 
the  whole  land  rejoicing  in  its  abundance  ;  and  the 
character  of  the  nation,  softened  under  the  influence 
of  the  mildest  and  most  innocent  form  of  supersti- 
tion, well  prepared  for  the  reception  of  a  higher  and 
a  Christian  civilization.  But,  far  from  introducing 
this,  Pizarro  delivered  up  the  conquered  races  to  his 
brutal  soldiery ;  the  sacred  cloisters  were  abandoned 
to  their  lust ;  the  towns  and  villages  were  given  up 
to  pillage  ;  the  wretched  natives  were  parcelled  out 
like  slaves,  to  toil  for  their  conquerors  in  the  mines  ; 
the  flocks  were  scattered,  and  wantonly  destroyed  ; 
the  granaries  were  dissipated ;  the  beautiful  con- 
trivances for  the  more  perfect  culture  of  the  soil 
were  suffered  to  fall  into  decay;  the  paradise  was 
converted  into  a  desert.  Instead  of  profiting  by  the 
ancient  forms  of  civilization,  Pizarro  preferred  to 
efface  every  vestige  of  them  from  the  land,  and  on 
:heir  ruin  to  erect  the  institutions  of  his  own  coun- 


« 
.     • 

198  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

try.  Yet  these  institutions  did  little  for  the  poor 
Indian,  held  in  iron  bondage.  It  was  little  to  him 
that  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  were  studded  with 
rising  communities  and  cities,  the  marts  of  a  flour- 
ishing commerce.  He  had  no  share  in  the  goodly 
heritage.  He  was  an  alien  in  the  land  of  his 
fathers. 

The  religion  of  the  Peruvian,  which  directed  him 
to  the  worship  of  that  glorious  luminary  which  is 
the  best  representative  of  the  might  and  beneficence 
of  the  Creator,  is  perhaps  the  purest  form  of  super- 
stition that  has  existed  among  men.  Yet  it  was 
much,  that,  under  the  new  order  of  things,  and 
through  the  benevolent  zeal  of  the  missionaries, 
some  glimmerings  of  a  nobler  faith  were  permitted 
to  dawn  on  his  darkened  soul.  Pizarro,  himself, 
cannot  be  charged  with  manifesting  any  overween- 
ing solicitude  for  the  propagation  of  the  Faith.  He 
was  no  bigot,  like  Cortes.  Bigotry  is  the  perver- 
sion of  the  religious  principle  ;  but  the  principle  itself 
was  wanting  in  Pizarro.  The  conversion  of  the 
heathen  was  a  predominant  motive  with  Cortes  in 
his  expedition.  It  was  not  a  vain  boast.  He  would 
have  sacrificed  his  life  for  it  at  any  time ;  and  more 
than  once,  by  his  indiscreet  zeal,  he  actually  did 
place  his  life  and  the  success  of  his  enterprise  in 
jeopardy.  It  was  his  great  purpose  to  purify  the 
land  from  the  brutish  abominations  of  the  Az- 
tecs, by  substituting  the  religion  of  Jesus.  This 
gave  to  his  expedition  the  character  of  a  crusade. 
It  furnished  the  best  apology  for  the  Conquest, 


CH.  V.]  PIZARRO'S   CHARACTER. JI^Il  199 

and  does  more  than  all  other  considerations  towards 
enlisting  our  sympathies  on  the  side  of  the  con- 
querors. 

But  Pizarro's  ruling  motives,  so  far  as  they 
can  be  scanned  by  human  judgment,  were  avarice 
and  ambition.  The  good  missionaries,  indeed,  fol- 
lowed in  his  train  to  scatter  the  seeds  of  spiritual 
truth,  and  the  Spanish  government,  as  usual,  di- 
rected its  beneficent  legislation  to  the  conversion  of 
the  natives.  But  the  moving  power  with  Pizarro 
and  his  followers  was  the  lust  of  gold.  This  was 
the  real  stimulus  to  their  toil,  the  price  of  perfidy, 
the  true  guerdon  of  their  victories.  This  gave  a 
base  and  mercenary  character  to  their  enterprise ; 
and  when  we  contrast  the  ferocious  cupidity  of  the 
conquerors  with  the  mild  and  inoffensive  manners 
of  the  conquered,  our  sympathies,  the  sympathies 
even  of  the  Spaniard,  are  necessarily  thrown  into 
the  scale  of  the  Indian.33 

But  as  no  picture  is  without  its  lights,  we  must 
not,  in  justice  to  Pizarro,  dwell  exclusively  on  the 
darker  features  of  his  portrait.  There  was  no  one 

33  The  following  vigorous  lines     Not  to  be  wearied,  not  to  be  deterred, 

of  Sorthey  condense,  in  a  small    ^e3^^±^m 

compass,  the  most  remarkable  traits     Slew  or  enslaved  its  unoffending  sons, 

of    Pizarro.       The    poet's    epitaph     And  wealth  and  power' and  fame  were  his 

may  certainly  be  acquitted  of  the  ,        Awards. 

J  H  There  is  another  world,  beyond  the  grave, 

imputation,  generally  well  deserved,  According  to  their  deeds  where  men  are 
of  flattery  towards  the  subject  of  it.  judged. 

O  Reader !  if  thy  daily  bread  be  earned 

"FOR  A  COLUMN  AT  TRUXILLO.  By  daily  labor,  —  yea,  however  low, 

"  Pizarro  here  was  born  ;  a  greater  name  However  wretched,  be  thy  lot  assigned, 

The  list  of  Glory  boasts  not.  Toil  and  Pain,  Thank  thou,  with  deepest  gratitude,  the  God 

Famine,  and  hostile  Elements,  and  Hosts  Who  made  thee,  that  thou  art  not  such  as 
Embattled,  failed  to  check  him  in  his  course,  he. " 


,  * 

200  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boos  IV. 

of  her  sons  to  whom  Spain  was  under  larger  obli- 
gations for  extent  of  empire ;  for  his  hand  won  for 
her  the  richest  of  the  Indian  jewels  that  once  spar- 
kled in  her  imperial  diadem.  When  we  contemplate 
the  perils  he  braved,  the  sufferings  he  patiently 
endured,  the  incredible  obstacles  he  overcame,  the 
magnificent  results  he  effected  with  his  single  arm, 
as  it  were,  unaided  by  the  government,  —  though 
neither  a  good,  nor  a  great  man  in  the  highest 
sense  of  that  term,  it  is  impossible  not  to  regard 
him  as  a  very  extraordinary  one. 

Nor  can  we  fairly  omit  to  notice,  in  extenuation 
of  his  errors,  the  circumstances  of  his  early  life; 
for,  like  Almagro,  he  was  the  son  of  sin  and  sor- 
row, early  cast  upon  the  world  to  seek  his  fortunes 
as  he  might.  In  his  young  and  tender  age  he  was 
to  take  the  impression  of  those  into  whose  society 
he  was  thrown.  And  when  was  it  the  lot  of  the 
needy  outcast  to  fall  into  that  of  the  wise  and  the 
virtuous  ?  His  lot  was  cast  among  the  licentious 
inmates  of  a  camp,  the  school  of  rapine,  whose  only 
law  was  the  sword,  and  who  looked  on  the  wretched 
Indian  and  his  heritage  as  their  rightful  spoil. 

Who  does  not  shudder  at  the  thought  of  what  his 
own  fate  might  have  been,  trained  in  such  a  school  ? 
The  amount  of  crime  does  not  necessarily  show  the 
criminality  of  the  agent.  History,  indeed,  is  con- 
cerned^ with  the  former,  that  it  may  be  recorded  as 
a  warning  to  mankind ;  but  it  is  He  alone  who 
knowreth  the  heart,  the  strength  of  the  temptation, 
and  the  means  of  resisting  it,  that  can  determine 
the  measure  of  the  guilt. 


CHAPTER    VI. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  CONSPIRATORS.  —  ADVANCE  OF  VACA  DE  CASTRO 
—  PROCEEDINGS  OF  ALMAGRO.  —  PROGRESS  OF  THE  GOVERNOR.  - — 
THE  FORCES  APPROACH  EACH  OTHER.  —  BLOODY  PLAINS  OF  CHU- 
PAS.  —  CONDUCT  OF  VACA  DE  CASTRO. 

1541  — 1543. 


THE  first  step  of  the  conspirators,  after  securing 
possession  of  the  capital,  was  to  send  to  the  dif- 
ferent cities,  proclaiming  the  revolution  which  had 
taken  place,  and  demanding  the  recognition  of  the 
young  Almagro  as  governor  of  Peru.  Where  the 
summons  was  accompanied  by  a  military  force,  as  at 
Truxillo  and  Arequipa,  it  was  obeyed  without  much 
cavil.  But  in  other  cities  a  colder  assent  was  given, 
and  in  some  the  requisition  was  treated  with  con- 
tempt. In  Cuzco,  the  place  of  most  importance 
next  to  Lima,  a  considerable  number  of  the  Alma- 
gro faction  secured  the  ascendency  of  their  party ; 
and  such  of  the  magistracy  as  resisted  were  ejected 
from  their  offices  to  make  room  for  others  of  a  more 
accommodating  temper.  But  the  loyal  inhabitants 
of  the  city,  dissatisfied  with  this  proceeding,  privately 
sent  to  one  of  Pizarro's  captains,  named  Alvarez  de 
Holguin,  who  lay  with  a  considerable  force  in  the 
neighbourhood ;  and  that  officer,  entering  the  place, 

VOL.  n.  26 


f 

202  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

soon  dispossessed  the  new  dignitaries  of  their  hon- 
ors, and  restored  the  ancient  capital  to  its  alle- 
giance. 

The  conspirators  experienced  a  still  more  deter- 
mined opposition  from  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  one  of 
the  principal  captains  of  Pizarro,  —  defeated,  as  the 
reader  will  remember,  by  the  elder  Almagro  at  the 
bridge  of  Abancay,  —  and  now  lying  in  the  north 
with  a  corps  of  about  two  hundred  men,  as  good 
troops  as  any  in  the  land.  That  officer,  on  receiving 
tidings  of  his  generaPs  assassination,  instantly  wrote 
to  the  Licentiate  Vaca  de  Castro,  advising  him  of 
the  state  of  affairs  in  Peru,  and  urging  him  to  quick- 
en his  march  towards  the  south.1 

This  functionary  had  been  sent  out  by  the  Span- 
ish Crown,  as  noticed  in  a  preceding  chapter,  to 
cooperate  with  Pizarro  in  restoring  tranquillity  to 
the  country,  with  authority  to  assume  the  govern- 
ment himself,  in  case  of  that  commander's  death. 
After  a  long  and  tempestuous  voyage,  he  had  land- 
ed, in  the  spring  of  1541,  at  the  port  of  Buena 
Ventura,  and,  disgusted  with  the  dangers  of  the  sea, 
preferred  to  continue  his  wearisome  journey  by  land. 
But  so  enfeebled  was  he  by  the  hardships  he  had 
undergone,  that  it  was  full  three  months  before  he 
reached  Popayan,  where  he  received  the  astounding 
tidings  of  the  death  of  Pizarro.  This  was  the 


1  pirate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  del  Maestro,   Martin  de   Arauco, 

cap.  13,  —  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  MS.  —  Carta  de  Fray  Vicente  Val- 

dec.  6,  lib.  10,  cap.  7. — Declara-  verde,  desde  Tumbez,  MS. 
cion.de  Uscategui,  MS. — Carta 


CH.  VI.]  ADVANCE  OF   VACA   DE  CASTRO.  203 

contingency  which  had  been  provided  for,  with 
such  judicious  forecast,  in  his  instructions.  Yet 
he  was  sorely  perplexed  by  the  difficulties  of  his 
situation.  He  was  a  stranger  in  the  land,  with  a 
very  imperfect  knowledge  of  the  country,  without 
an  armed  force  to  support  him,  without  even  the 
military  science  which  might  be  supposed  necessary 
to  avail  himself  of  it.  He  knew  nothing  of  the 
degree  of  Almagro's  influence,  or  of  the  extent  to 
which  the  insurrection  had  spread,  —  nothing,  in 
short,  of  the  dispositions  of  the  people  among  whom 
he  was  cast.  \o' 

In  such  an  emergency,  a  feebler  spirit  might 
have  listened  to  the  counsels  of  those  who  advised  to 
return  to  Panama,  and  stay  there  until  he  had  mus- 
tered a  sufficient  force  to  enable  him  to  take  the 
field  against  the  insurgents  with  advantage.  But  the 
courageous  heart  of  Vaca  de  Castro  shrunk  from  a 
step  which  would  proclaim  his  incompetency  to  the 
task  assigned  him.  He  had  confidence  in  his  own 
resources,  and  in  the  virtue  of  the  commission 
under  which  he  acted.  He  relied,  too,  on  the  ha- 
bitual loyalty  of  the  Spaniards ;  and,  after  mature 
deliberation,  he  determined  to  go  forward,  and  trust 
to  events  for  accomplishing  the  objects  .of  his  mis- 
sion. 

He  was  confirmed  in  this  purpose  by  the  advices 
he  now  received  from  Alvarado  ;  and  without  longer 
delay,  he  continued  his  march  towards  Quito.  Here 
he  was  well  received  by  Gonzalo  Pizarro's  lieuten- 
ant, who  had  charge  of  the  place  during  his  com- 


204  CIVIL  WARS  OF-  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV. 

mander's  absence  on  his  expedition  to  the  Amazon. 
The  licentiate  was  also  joined  by  Benalcazar,  the 
conqueror  of  Quito,  who  brought  a  small  reinforce- 
ment, and  offered  personally  to  assist  him  in  the 
prosecution  of  his  enterprise.  He  now  displayed 
the  royal  commission,  empowering  him,  on  Pizarro's 
death,  to  assume  the  government.  That  contingen- 
cy had  arrived,  and  Vaca  de  Castro  declared  his 
purpose  to  exercise  the  authority  conferred  on  him. 
At  the  same  time,  he  sent  emissaries  to  the  princi- 
pal cities,  requiring  their  obedience  to  him  as  the 
lawful  representative  of  the  Crown,  —  taking  care 
to  employ  discreet  persons  on  the  mission,  whose 
character  would  have  weight  with  the  citizens. 
He  then  continued  his  march  slowly  towards  the 
south.2 

He  was  willing  by  his  deliberate  movements  to 
give  time  for  his  summons  to  take  effect,  and  for 
the  fermentation  caused  by  the  late  extraordinary 
events  to  subside.  He  reckoned  confidently  on  the 
loyalty  which  made  the  Spaniard  unwilling,  unless 
in  cases  of  the  last  extremity,  to  come  into  collision 
with  the  royal  authority ;  and,  however  much  this 


2  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  country  known  as   New  Toledo, 

6,  lib.  10,  cap.  4.  —  Garta  de  Ben-  and  bequeathed  to  him  by  his  father 

alcazar  al  Emperador,  desdeOali,  "  Porque  yo  le  avise  muchas  veces 

MS.,  20  Septiembre,  1542.  no   entrase  en  la  tierra  corao  Go- 

Benalcazar  urged  Vaca  de  Castro  vernador,  sino  como  Juez  de  Y.  M. 

to  assume  only  the  title  of  Judge,  que  venia  a  desagraviar  a  los  agra- 

and  not  that  of  Governor,  which  viados,  porque  todos  lo  rescibirian 

would  conflict  with  the  pretensions  de  buena  gana."     Ubi  supra, 
^f  Almagro  to  that  part  of  the 


.  .""'•  '•'.'• 

CH.  VI.]  PROCEEDINGS  OF  ALMAGRO.  205 

popular  sentiment  might  be  disturbed  by  temporary 
gusts  of  passion,  he  trusted  to  the  habitual  current 
of  their  feelings  for  giving  the  people  a  right  di- 
rection. In  this  he  did  not  miscalculate ;  for  so 
deep-rooted  was  the  principle  of  loyalty  in  the  an- 
cient Spaniard,  that  ages  of  oppression  and  misrule 
could  alone  have  induced  him  to  shake  off  his  alle- 
giance. Sad  it  is,  but  not  strange,  that  the  length 
of  time  passed  under  a  bad  government  has  not 
qualified  him  for  devising  a  good  one. . 

While  these  events  were  passing  in  the  north, 
Almagro's  faction  at  Lima  was  daily  receiving  new 
accessions  of  strength.  For,  in  addition  to  those 
who,  from  the  first,  had  been  avowedly  of  his  fa- 
ther's party,  there  were  many  others  who,  from 
some-  cause  or  other,  had  conceived  a  disgust  for 
Pizarro,  and  who  now  willingly  enlisted  under  the 
banner  of  the  chief  that  had  overthrown  him. 

The  first  step  of  the  young  general,  or  rather  of 
Rada,  who  directed  his  movements,  was  to  secure 
the  necessary  supplies  for  the  troops,  most  of  whom, 
having  long  been  in  indigent  circumstances,  were 
wholly  unprepared  for  service.  Funds  to  a  consider- 
able amount  were  raised,  by  seizing  on  the  moneys 
of  the  Crown  in  the  hands  of  the  treasurer.  Pi- 
zarro's  secretary,  Picado,  was  also  drawn  from  his. 
prison,  and  interrogated  as  to  the  place  where  his 
master's  treasures  were  deposited.  But,  although 
put  to  the  torture,  he  would  not — or,  as  is  probable, 
could  not — give  information  on  the  subject;  and  the 
conspirators,  who  had  a  long  arrear  of  injuries  to 


206  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV. 

settle  with  him,  closed  their  proceedings  by  publicly 
beheading  him  in  the  great  square  of  Lima.3 

Valverde,  Bishop  of  Cuzco,  as  he  himself  assures 
us,  vainly  interposed  in  his  behalf.  It  is  singular, 
that,  the  last  time  this  fanatical  prelate  appears  on 
the  stage,  it  should  be  in  the  benevolent  character 
of  a  supplicant  for  mercy.4  Soon  afterwards,  he 
was  permitted,  with  the  judge,  Velasquez,  and  some 
other  adherents  of  Pizarro,  to  embark  from  the  port 
of  Lima.  We  have  a  letter  from  him,  dated  at 
Tumbez,  in  November,  1541  ;  almost  immediately 
after  which  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians, 
and  with  his  companions  was  massacred  at  Puna. 
A  violent  death  not  unfrequently  closed  the  stormy 
career  of  the  American  adventurer.  Valverde  was 
a  Dominican  friar,  and,  like  Father  Olmedo  in  the 
suite  of  Cortes,  had  been  by  his  commander's  side 
throughout  the  whole,  of  his  expedition.  But  he 
did  not  always,  like  the  good  Olmedo,  use  his  in- 
fluence to  stay  the  uplifted  hand  of  the  warrior. 
At  least,  this  was  not  the  mild  aspect  in  which  he 
presented  himself  at  the  terrible  massacre  of  Caxa- 
malca.  Yet  some  contemporary  accounts  represent 


s  Pedro  Pizarro,-  Descub.  y  da  e  a  todos  sus  capitanes,  i  les 

Conq.,  MS.  —  Carta  de  Barrio  puse  delante  el  servicio  de  Dios  i 

Nuevo,  MS.  —  Carta  de  Fray  de  S.  M.  i  que  bastase  en  lo  fecho 

Vicente  Valverde,  desde  Tumbez,  por  respeto  de  Dios,  humillandome 

MS.  a  sus  pies  porque  no  lo  matasen  : 

4  "  Siendo  informado  que  anda-  i  no  basto  que  luego  dende  a  pocos 

van  ordenando  la  muerte  a  Antonio  dias  lo  sacaron  a  la  plaza  desta 

Picado  secretario  del  Marques  que  cibdad  donde  le  cortaron  la  ca- 

tenian  preso,  fui  a  Don  Diego  e  a  beza."  Carta  de  Fray  Vicente  de 

su  Capitan  General  Joan  de  Herra-  Valverde,  desde  Tumbez,  MS. 


CH.  VI.]  PROCEEDINGS  OF  ALMAGRO.  207 

him,  after  he  had  been  installed  in  his  episcopal 
office,  as  unwearied  in  his  labors  to  convert  the 
natives,  and  to  ameliorate  their  condition  ;  and  his 
own  correspondence  with  the  government,  after  that 
period,  shows  great  solicitude  for  these  praiseworthy 
objects.  Trained  in  the  severest  school  of  monastic 
discipline,  which  too  often  closes  the  heart  against 
the  common  charities  of  life,  he  could  not,  like  the 
benevolent  Las  Casas,  rise  so  far  above  its  fanatical 
tenets  as  to  regard  the  heathen  as  his  brother,  while 
in  the  state  of  infidelity  ;  and,  in  the  true  spirit  of 
that  school,  he  doubtless  conceived  that  the  sanctity 
of  the  end  justified  the  means,  however  revolting  in 
themselves.  Yet  the  same  man,  who  thus  freely 
shed  the  blood  of  the  poor  native  to  secure  the 
triumph  of  his  faith,  would  doubtless  have  as  freely 
poured  out  his  oWn  in  its  defence.  The  character 
was  no  uncommon  one  in  the  sixteenth  century.5 

Almagro's  followers,  having  supplied  themselves 
with  funds,  made  as  little  scruple  to  appropriate  to 
their  own  use  such  horses  and  arms,  of  every  de- 
scription, as  they  could  find  in  the  city.  And  this 
they  did  with  the  less  reluctance,  as  the  inhabitants 
for  the  most  part  testified  no  good-will  to  their 


5   "  Quel    Senor    obispo    Fray  paz  e  sosiego  destos  reynos,  sino  a 

Vicente  de  Balverde  como  persona  sug  intereses    propios  dando  ma] 

que  jamas  ha  tenido  fin  ni  zelo  al  ejemplo  a  todos."     (Carta  de  Al- 

servicio   de  Dios  ni  de  S.  M.  ni  magro  a  la  Audiencia  de  Panama, 

menos  en  la  conversion  de  los  na-  MS.,  8  de  Nov.  1541.)  The  writer, 

turales  en  los  poner  e  dotrinar  en  it  must  be  remembered,  was  his 

las  cosas  de  nuestra  santa  fee  ca-  personal  enemy. 
tholica,  ni  menos  en  entender  en  la 


208  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boos  IV. 

cause.  While  thus  employed,  Almagro  received  in- 
telligence that  Holguin  had  left  Cuzco  with  a  force 
of  near  three  hundred  men,  with  which  he  was 
preparing  to  effect  a  junction  with  Alvarado  in  the 
north.  It  was  important  to  Almagro's  success  that 
he  should  defeat  this  junction.  If  to  procrastinate 
was  the  policy  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  it  was  clearly 
that  of  Almagro  to  quicken  operations,  and  to  bring 
matters  to  as  speedy  an  issue  as  possible ;  to 
march  at  once  against  Holguin,  whom  he  might  ex- 
pect easily  to  overcome  with  his  superior  numbers  ; 
then  to  follow  up  the  stroke  by  the  still  easier  defeat 
of  Alvarado,  when  the  new  governor  would  be,  in 
a  manner,  at  his  mercy.  It  would  be  easy  to  beat 
these  several  bodies  in  detail,  which,  once  united, 
would  present  formidable  odds.  Almagro  and  his 
party  had  already  arrayed  themselves  against  the 
government  by  a  proceeding  too  atrocious,  and 
which  struck  too  directly  at  the  royal  authority,  for 
its  perpetrators  to  flatter  themselves  with  the  hopes 
of  pardon.  Their  only  chance  was  boldly  to  follow 
up  the  blow,  and,  by  success,  to  place  themselves  in 
so  formidable,  an  attitude  as  to  excite  the  apprehen- 
sions of  government.  The  dread  of  its  too  potent 
vassal  might  extort  terms  that  would  never  be  con- 
ceded to  his  prayers. 

But  Almagro  and  his  followers  shrunk  from  this 
open  collision  with  the  Crown.  They  had  taken 
up  rebellion  because  it  lay  in  their  path,  not  be- 
cause they  had  wished  it.  They  had  meant  only  to 
avenge  their  personal  wrongs  on  Pizarro,  and  not  to 


Cfl.  VI.]  PROCEEDINGS  OF   ALMAGRO.  209 

defy  the  royal  authority.  When,  therefore,  some  of 
the  more  resolute,  who  followed  things  fearlessly 
to  their  consequences,  proposed  to  march  at  once 
against  Vaca  de  Castro,  and,  by  striking  at  the 
head,  settle  the  contest  by  a  blow,  it  was  almost 
universally  rejected  ;  and  it  was  not  till  after 
long  debate  that  it  was  finally  determined  to  move 
against  Holguin,  and  cut  off  his  communication 
with  Alonso  de  Alvarado. 

Scarcely  had  Almagro  commenced  his  march  on 
Xauxa,  where  he  proposed  to  give  battle  to  his  ene- 
my, than  he  met  wi,th  a  severe  misfortune  in  the 
death  of  Juan  de  Rada.  He  was  a  man  somewhat 
advanced  in  years  ;  and  the  late  exciting  scenes,  in 
which  he  had  taken  the  principal  part,  had  been  too 
much  for  a  frame  greatly  shattered  by  a  life  of  ex- 
traordinary hardship.  He  was  thrown  into  a  fever, 
of  which  he  soon  after  died.  By  his  death,  Alma- 
gro sustained  an  inestimable  loss ;  for,  besides  his 
devoted  attachment  to  his  young  leader,  he  was,  by 
his  large  experience,  and  his  cautious  though  cour- 
ageous character,  better  qualified  than  any  other 
cavalier  in  the  army  to  conduct  him  safely  through 
the  stormy  sea  on  which  he  had  led  him  to  embark. 

Among  the  cavaliers  of  highest  consideration  af- 
ter Rada's  death,  the  two  most  aspiring  were  Chris- 
toval  de  Sotelo,  and  Garcia  de  Alvarado ;  both  pos- 
sessed of  considerable  military  talent,  but  the  latter 
marked  by  a  bold,  presumptuous  manner,  which 
might  remind  one  of  his  illustrious  namesake,  who 
achieved  much  higher  renown  under  the  banner  of 

VOL.  n.  27 


210  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boox  IV. 

Cortes.  Unhappily,  a  jealousy  grew  up  between 
these  two  officers;  that  jealousy,  so  common  among 
the  Spaniards,  that  it  may  seem  a  national  charac- 
teristic ;  an  impatience  of  equality,  founded  on  a 
false  principle  of  honor,  which  has  ever  been  the 
fruitful  source  of  faction  among  them,  whether  under 
a  monarchy  or  a  republic. 

This  was  peculiarly  unfortunate  for  Almagro, 
whose  inexperience  led  him  to  lean  for  support  on 
others,  and  who,  in  the  present  distracted  state  of 
his  council,  knew  scarcely  where  to  turn  for  it.  In 
the  delay  occasioned  by  these  dissensions,  his  little 
army  did  not  reach  the  valley  of  Xauxa  till  after  the 
enemy  had  passed  it.  Almagro  followed  close,  leav- 
ing behind  his  baggage  and  artillery  that  he  might 
move  the  lighter.  But  the  golden  opportunity  was 
lost.  The  rivers,  swollen  by  autumnal  rains,  im- 
peded his  pursuit  ;  and,  though  his  light  troops  came 
up  with  a  few  stragglers  of  the  rear-guard,  Holguin 
succeeded  in  conducting  his  forces  through  the  dan- 
gerous passes  of  the  mountains,  and  in  effecting  a 
junction  with  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  near  the  northern 
seaport  of  Huaura. 

Disappointed  in  his  object,  Almagro  prepared  to 
march  on  Cuzco,  —  the  capital,  as  he  regarded  it, 
of  his  own  jurisdiction,  —  to  get  possession  of  that 
city,  and  there  make  preparations  to  meet  his  adver- 
sary in  the  field.  Sotelo  was  sent  forward  with  a 
small  corps  in  advance.  He  experienced  no  oppo- 
sition from  the  now  defenceless  citizens  ;  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  place  was  again  restored  to  the 


& 


CH.  VI.]  PROCEEDINGS   OF  ALMAGRO.  211 

hands  of  the  men  of  Chili,  and  their  young  leader 
soon  appeared  at  the  head  of  his  battalions,  and 
established  his  winter-quarters  in  the  Inca  capital. 

Here,  the  jealousy  of  the  rival  captains  broke  out 
into  an  open  feud.  It  was  ended  by  the  death  of 
Sotelo,  treacherously  assassinated  in  his  own  apart- 
ment by  Garcia  de  Alvarado.  Almagro,  greatly  out- 
raged by  this  atrocity,  was  the  more  indignant,  as 
he  felt  himself  too  weak  to  punish  the  offender.  He 
smothered  his  resentment  for  the  present,  affecting  to 
treat  the  dangerous  officer  with  more  distinguished 
favor.  But  Alvarado  was  not  the  dupe  of  this  spe- 
cious behaviour.  He  felt  that  he  had  forfeited  the 
confidence  of  his  commander.  In  revenge,  he  laid 
a  plot  to  betray  him ;  and  Almagro,  driven  to  the 
necessity  of  self-defence,  imitated  the  example  of 
his  officer,  by  entering  his  house  with  a  party  of 
armed  men,  who,  laying  yiolent  hands  on  the  in- 
surgent,  slew  him  on  the  spot.6 

This  irregular  proceeding  was  followed  by  the 
best  consequences.  The  seditious  schemes  of  Alva- 
rado perished  with  him.  The  seeds  of  insubordina- 
tion were  eradicated,  and  from  that  moment  Alma- 
gro experienced  only  implicit  obedience  and  the 
most  loyal  support  from  his  followers.  From  that 
hour,  too,  his  own  character  seemed  to  be  changed ; 
he  relied  far  less  on  others  than  on  himself,  and  de- 

6    Pedro     Pizarro,    Descub.    y  —  Carta  de  Barrio  Nuevo,  MS.  — 

Conq.,   MS.  —  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Herrera,    Hist.    General,   dec.    6, 

Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.   10-14.  — Go-  lib.   10,  cap.  13;  dec.  7,  lib.  3, 

mara,  Hist,  delaslnd.,  cap.  147.  cap.  1,  5. 
—  Declaration  de  Uscategui,  MS. 


212  CIVIL   WARS   OF   THE   CONQUERORS.      [Boas  IV. 

veloped  resources  not  to  have  been  anticipated  in 
one  of  his  years  ;  for  he  had  hardly  reached  the  age 
of  twenty-two.7  From  this  time  he  displayed  an 
energy  and  forecast,  which  proved  him,  in  despite  of 
his  youth,  not  unequal  to  the  trying  emergencies  of 
the  situation  in  which  it  was  his  unhappy  lot  to  be 
placed. 

He  instantly  set  about  providing  for  the  wants  of 
his  men,  and  strained  every  nerve  to  get  them  hi 
good  fighting  order  for  the  approaching  campaign. 
He  replenished  his  treasury  with  a  large  amount  of 
silver  which  he  drew  from  the  mines  of  La  Plata. 
Saltpetre,  obtained  in  abundance  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Cuzco,  furnished  the  material  for  gun- 
powder. He  caused  cannon,  some  of  large  dimen- 
sions, to  be  cast  under  the  superintendence  of  Pedro 
de  Candia,  the  Greek,  who,  it  may  be  remembered, 
had  first  come  into  the  country  with  Pizarro,  and 
who,  with  a  number  of  his  countrymen,  —  Levan- 
tines, as  they  were  called,  —  was  well  acquainted 
with  this  manufacture.  Under  their  care,  fire-arms 
were  made,  together  with  cuirasses  and  helmets,  in 
which  silver  was  mingled  with  copper,8  and  of  so 
excellent  a  quality,  that  they  might  vie,  says  an  old 

7  "  Hic.0  mas  que  su  edad  re-  regido,  demas  de  esto,  todas  las 
queria,  porque  seria  de  edad  de  annas  de  la  Tierra ;   de  manera, 
veinte  i  dos  aBos."     Zarate,  Conq.  que  el  que    menos  Armas    tenia 
del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  20.  entre  su  Gente,  era  Cota,  i  Cora- 

8  "  Y  demas  de  esto  hieo  armas  cinas,  6  Coselete,  i  Celadas  de  la 
para  la  Gente  de  su  Real,  que  no  mesma  Pasta,  que  los  Indies  hacen 
las,  tenia,  de  pasta  de  Plata,  i  Co-  diestramente,  por  muestras  de  las 
bre,  mezclado,  de  que  salen  mui  de   Milan."      Zarate,    Conq.    del 
buenos  Coseletes :    haviendo  cor-  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  14. 


C«.  VI.]  PROCEEDINGS  OF  ALMAGRO.  213 

soldier  of  the  time,  with  those  from  the  workshops 
of  Milan.9  Almagro  received  a  seasonable  supply, 
moreover,  from  a  source  scarcely  to  have  been  ex- 
pected. This  was  from  Manco,  the  wandering  Inca, 
who,  detesting  the  memory  of  Pizarro,  transferred 
to  the  young  Almagro  the  same  friendly  feelings 
which  he  had  formerly  borne  to  his  father ;  height- 
ened, it  may  be,  by  the  consideration  that  Indian 
blood  flowed  in  the  veins  of  the  young  commander. 
From  this  quarter  Almagro  obtained  a  liberal  supply 
of  swords,  spears,  shields,  and  arms  and  armour  of 
every  description,  chiefly  taken  by  the  Inca  at  the 
memorable  siege  of  Cuzco.  He  also  received  the 
gratifying  assurance,  that  the  latter  would  support 
him  with  a  detachment  of  native  troops  when  he 
opened  the  campaign. 

Before  making  a  final  appeal  to  arms,  however, 
Almagro  resolved  to  try  the  effect  of  negotiation 
with  the  new  governor.  In  the  spring,  or  early  in 
the  summer,  of  1542,  he  sent  an  embassy  to  the  lat- 
ter, then  at  Lima,  in  which  he  deprecated  the  ne- 
cessity of  taking  arms  against  an  officer  of  the 
Crown.  His  only  desire,  he  said,  was  to  vindicate 
his  own  rights  ;  to  secure  the  possession  of  New 
Toledo,  the  province  bequeathed  to  him  by  his 
father,  and  from  which  he  had  been  most  unjustly 
excluded  by  Pizarro.  He  did  not  dispute  the  gov- 
ernor's authority  over  New  Castile,  as  the  country 

9  "  Hombres  de  armas  con  tan    tura  Beltran  al  Emperador,  MS., 
buenas  celadas  borgofiegas  como  se    desde  Vilcas,  8  Octubre,  1542. 
hacen  en  Milan."     Carta  de  Yen- 


'^L 
214  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.       [BOOK  IV 

was  designated  which  had  been  assigned  to  the 
marquess ;  and  he  concluded  by  proposing  that  each 
party  should  remain  within  his  respective  territory 
until  the  determination  of  the  Court  of  Castile  could 
be  made  known  to  them.  To  this  application, 
couched  in  respectful  terms,  Almagro  received  no 
answer. 

Frustrated  in  his  hopes  of  a  peaceful  accommoda- 
tion, the  young  captain  now  saw  that  nothing  was 
left  but  the  arbitrament  of  arms.  Assembling  his 
troops,  preparatory  to  his  departure  from  the  capital, 
he  made  them  a  brief  address.  He  protested  that 
the  step  which  he  and  his  brave  companions  were 
about  to  take  was  not  an  act  of  rebellion  against 
the  Crown.  It  was  forced  on  them  by  the  conduct 
of  the  governor  himself.  The  commission  of  that 
officer  gave  him  no  authority  over  the  territory  of 
New  Toledo,  settled  on  Almagro's  father,  and  by  his 
father  bequeathed  to  him.  If  Vaca  de  Castro,  by 
exceeding  the  limits  of  his  authority,  drove  him  to 
hostilities,  the  blood  spilt  in  the  quarrel  would  lie 
on  the  head  of  that  commander,  not  on  his.  "  In 
the  assassination  of  Pizarro,"  he  continued,  c.«  we 
took  that  justice  into  our  own  hands  which  elsewhere 
was  denied  us.  It  is  the  same  now,  in  our  contest 
with  the  royal  governor.  We  are  as  true-hearted 
and  loyal  subjects  of  the  Crown  as  he  is."  And  he 
concluded  by  invoking  his  soldiers  to  stand  by  him 
heart  and  hand  in  the  approaching  contest,  in  which 
they  were  all  equally  interested  with  himself. 

The  appeal  was  not  made  to  an  insensible  audi- 


CH.  VI.]  PROCEEDINGS  OF  ALMAGRO.  215 

ence.  There  were  few  among  them  who  did  not 
feel  that  their  fortunes  were  indissolubly  connected 
with  those  of  their  commander ;  and  while  they  had 
little  to  expect  from  the  austere  character  of  the 
governor,  they  were  warmly  attached  to  the  per- 
son of  their  young  chief,  who,  with  all  the  popu- 
lar qualities  of  his  father,  excited  additional  sympa- 
thy from  the  circumstances  of  his  age  and  his  for- 
lorn condition.  Laying  their  hands  on  the  cross, 
placed  on  an  altar  raised  for  the  purpose,  the  officers 
and  soldiers  severally  swore  to  brave  every  peril 
with  Almagro,  and  remain  true  to  him  to  the  last. 

In  point  of  numbers,  his  forces  had  not  greatly 
strengthened  since  his  departure  from  Lima.  He 
mustered  but  little  more  than  five  hundred  in  all ; 
but  among  them  were  his  father's  veterans,  well 
seasoned  by  many  an  Indian  campaign.  He  had 
about  two  hundred  horse,  many  of  them  clad  uv 
complete  mail,  a  circumstance  not  too  common  in 
these  wars,  where  a  stuffed  doublet  of  cotton  was 
often  the  only  panoply  of  the  warrior.  His  infantry, 
formed  of  pikemen  and  arquebusiers,  was  excellently 
armed.  But  his  strength  lay  in  his  heavy  ordnance, 
consisting  of  sixteen  pieces,  eight  large  and  eight 
smaller  guns,  or  falconets,  as  they  were  called, 
forming,  says  one  who  saw  it,  a  beautiful  park  of  ar- 
tillery, that  would  have  made  a  brave  show  on  the 
citadel  of  Burgos.10  The  little  army,  in  short, 

10  "El  artilleria  hera  suficiente  38  de  la  informacion  hecha  en  el 

para  hazer  bateria  en  el  Castillo  de  Cuzco  en  1543,  a  favor  de  Vaca  de 

Burgos."  Dicho  del  Capitan  Fran-  Castro,  MS. 
cisco  de  Carvajal  sobre  la  pregunta 


216  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

though  not  imposing  from  its  numbers,  was  under 
as  good  discipline,  and  as  well  appointed,  as  any 
that  ever  fought  on  the  fields  of  Peru  ;  much  better 
than  any  which  Almagro's  own  father  or  Pizarro 
ever  led  into  the  field  and  won  their  conquests  with. 
Putting  himself  at  the  head  of  his  gallant  company, 
the  chieftain  sallied  forth  from  the  walls  of  Cuzco 
about  midsummer,  in  1542,  and  directed  his  march 
towards  the  coast  in  expectation  of  meeting  the 
enemy.11 

While  the  events  detailed  in  the  preceding  pages 
were  passing,  Vaca  de  Castro,  whom  we  left  at 
Quito  in  the  preceding  year,  was  advancing  slowly 
towards  the  south.  His  first  act,  after  leaving  that 
city,  showed  his  resolution  to  enter  into  no  compro- 
mise with  the  assassins  of  Pizarro.  Benalcazar, 
the  distinguished  officer  whom  I  have  mentioned  as 
having  early  given  in  his  adherence  to  him,  had  pro- 
tected one  of  the  principal  conspirators,  his  personal 
friend,  who  had  come  into  his  power,  and  had  facili- 
tated his  escape.  The  governor,  indignant  at  the 
proceeding,  would  listen  to  no  explanation,  but 
ordered  the  offending  officer  to  return  to  his  own 
district  of  Popayan.  It  was  a  bold  step,  in  the  pre- 
carious state  of  his  own  fortunes. 

As  the  governor  pursued  his  march,  he  was  well 
received  by  the  people  on  the  way ;  and  when  he 

11    Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y  Emperador,  San  Joan  de  la  Fron- 

€onq.,MS.— Declaration delJsca-  tera,   MS.,    24   de   Sep.  1542.— 

tegui,    MS.  —  Gareilasso,     Com.  Herrera,   Hist.   General,   dec.    7, 

Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  13.—  lib.  3,  cap.  1,  2. 
Garta  del  Cabildo  de  Arequipa  al 


I*  * 


CH.  VI.]  PROGRESS   OF  THE   GOVERNOR.  217 

entered  the  cities  of  San  Miguel  and  of  Truxillo,  he 
was  welcomed  with  loyal  enthusiasm  by  the  inhabit 
tants,  who  readily  acknowledged  his  authority, 
though  they  showed  little  alacrity  to  take  their 
chance  with  him  in  the  coming  struggle. 

After  lingering  a  long  time  in  eachyof  these 
places,  he  resumed  his  march  and  reachejj/j^ie  camp 
of  Alonso  de  Alvarado  at  Huaura,^^y  in  1542. 
Holguin  had  established  his  quarters  at  some  little 
distance  from  his  rival ;  for  a  jetafousy  had  sprung 
up,  as  usual,  between  these  two  captains,  who  both 
aspired  to  the  supreme  command  of  Captain-Gen- 
eral of  the  army.  Th^,  office  of  governor,  conferred 
on  Vaca  de  Castro,;*might  seem  to  include  that  of 
commander-in-chief  of  the  forces.  But  De  Castro 
was  a  scholar,  bred  to  the  law ;  and,  whatever  au- 
thority he  might  arrogate  to  himself  in  civil  matters, 
the  two  captains  imagined  that  the  military  depart- 
ment he  would  resign  into  the  hands  of  others. 
They  little  knew  the  character  of  the  man. 

Though  possessed  of  no  more  military  science 
than  belonged  to  every  cavalier  in  that  martial  age, 
the  governor  knew  that  to  avow  his  ignorance,  and 
to  resign  the  management  of  affairs  into  the  hands 
of  others,  would  greatly  impair  his  authority,  if  not 
bring  him  into  contempt  with  the  turbulent  spirits 
among  whom  he  was  now  thrown.  He  had  both 
sagacity  and  spirit,  and  trusted  to  be  able  to  supply 
his  own  deficiencies  by  the  experience  of  others. 
His  position  placed  the  services  of  the  ablest  men  in 
the  country  at  his  disposal,  and  with  the  aid  of  their 

VOL.    II.  28 


- 

•  ** 


218  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boox  IV. 

counsels  he  felt  quite  competent  to  decide  on  his 
plan  of  operations,  and  to  enforce  the  execution 
of  it.  He  knew,  moreover,  that  the  only  way  to 
allay  the  jealousy  of  the  two  parties  in  the  pres- 
ent crisis  was  to  assume  himself  the  office  which 
was  the  cause  of  their  dissension. 

Still  he  approached  his  ambitious  officers  with 
great  caution  ;  and  the  representations,  which  he 
made  through  some  judicious  persons  who  had  the 
most  intimate  access  to  them,  were  so  successful, 
that  both  were  in  a  short  time  prevailed  on  to  relin- 
quish their  pretensions  in  his  favor.  Holguin,  the 
more  unreasonable  of  the  two,  then  waited  on  him 
in  his  rival's  quarters,  where  the  governor  had  the 
further  satisfaction  to  reconcile  him  to  Alonso  de 
Alvarado.  It  required  some  address,  as  their  jeal- 
ousy of  each  other  had  proceeded  to  such  lengths 
that  a  challenge  had  passed  between  them. 

Harmony  being  thus  restored,  the  licentiate  passed 
over  to  Holguin's  camp,  where  he  was  greeted  with 
salvoes  of  artillery,  and  loud  acclamations  of  "  Viva 
el  Rey  "  from  the  loyal  soldiery.  Ascending  a  plat- 
form covered  with  velvet,  he  made  an  animated 
harangue  to  the  troops  ;  his  commission  was  read 
aloud  by  the  secretary ;  and  the  little  army  tendered 
their  obedience  to  him  as  the  representative  of  the 
Crown. 

Vaca  de  Castro's  next  step  was  to  send  off  the 
greater  part  of  his  force,  in  the  direction  of  Xauxa, 
while,  at  the  head  of  a  small  corps,  he  directed  his 
march  towards  Lima.  Here  he  was  received  with 


CH.  VI.]  THE  FORCES  APPROACH  EACH  OTHER.     219 

lively  demonstrations  of  joy  by  the  citizens,  who 
were  generally  attached  to  the  cause  of  Pizarro,  the 
founder  and  constant  patron  of  their  capital.  In- 
deed, the  citizens  had  lost  no  time  after  Almagro's 
departure  in  expelling  his  creatures  from  the  munici- 
pality, and  reasserting  their  allegiance.  With  these 
favorable  dispositions  towards  himself,  the  governor 
found  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  a  considerable  loan 
of  money  from  the  wealthier  inhabitants.  But  he 
was  less  successful,  at  first,  in  his  application  for 
horses  and  arms,  since  the  harvest  had  been  too 
faithfully  gleaned,  already,  by  the  men  of  Chili.  As, 
however,  he  prolonged  his  stay  some  time  in  the 
capital,  he  obtained  important  supplies,  before  he 
left  it,  both  of  arms  and  ammunition,  while  he  added 
to  his  force  by  a  considerable  body  of  recruits.12 

As  he  was  thus  employed,  he  received  tidings  that 
the  enemy  had  left  Cuzco,  and  was  on  his  march 
towards  the  coast.  Quitting  Los  Reyes,  therefore, 
with  his  trusty  followers,  Vaca  de  Castro  marched  at 
once  to  Xauxa,  the  appointed  place  of  rendezvous. 
Here  he  mustered  his  forces,  and  found  that  they 
amounted  to  about  seven  hundred  men.  The  caval- 
ry, in  which  lay  his  strength,  was  superior  in  num- 
bers to  that  of  his  antagonist,  but  neither  so  well 
mounted  or  armed.  It  included  many  cavaliers  of 
birth,  and  well-tried  soldiers,  besides  a  number  who, 


12    Declaracion    de     Uscategui,  Carta   de   Barrio   Nuevo,  MS.  — 

MS. —  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Carta  de  Benalcazar  al  Emperador, 

Conq.,  MS.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  Ge-  MS. 
neral,   dec.    7,   lib.   1,   cap.    1.  — 


220  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boox  IV. 

having  great  interests  at  stake,  as  possessed  of  large 
estates  in  the  country,  had  left  them  at  the  call  of 
government,  to  enlist  under  its  banners.13  His  in- 
fantry, besides  pikes,  was  indifferently  well  supplied 
with  fire-arms ;  but  he  had  nothing  to  show  in  the 
way  of  artillery  except  three  or  four  ill-mounted  fal- 
conets. Yet,  notwithstanding  these  deficiencies,  the 
royal  army,  if  so  insignificant  a  force  can  deserve 
that  name,  was  so  far  superior  in  numbers  to  that 
of  his  rival,  that  the  one  might  be  thought,  on  the 
whole,  to  be  no  unequal  match  for  the  other.14 

The  reader,  familiar  with  the  large  masses  em- 
ployed in  European  warfare,  may  smile  at  the  pal- 
try forces  of  the  Spaniards.  But  in  the  New  World, 
where  a  countless  host  of  natives  went  for  little, 
five  hundred  well-trained  Europeans  were  regarded 
as  a  formidable  body.  No  army,  up  to  the  period 
before  us,  had  ever  risen  to  a  thousand.  Yet  it  is 


13  The  Municipality  of  Arequi-  Carbajal  notices  the  politic  man- 
pa,  most  of  whose  members  were  ner  in  which  his  commander  bribed 
present  in  the  army,  stoutly  urge  recruits  into  his  service,  —  paying 
their  claims  to  a  compensation  for  them  with  promises  and  fair  words 
thus  promptly  leaving  their  estates,  when    ready    money    failed    him. 
and  taking  up  arms  at  the  call  of  "  Dando  a  unos  dineros,  e  a  otros 
government.      Without    such   re-  armas  i  caballos,  i  a  otros  palabras, 
ward,  they  say,  their  patriotic  ex-  i  a  otros  promesas,  i  a  otros  gra- 
ample  will  not  often  be  followed,  ziosas  respuestas  de  lo  que  con  el 
The  document,  which  is  important  negoziaban  para  tenerlos  a   todos 
for  its  historical  details,  may  be  muy  conttentos  i  presttos  en  el  ser- 
found  in  the  Castilian,  in  Appendix,  vicio  de  S.  M.  quando  fuese  menes- 
No.  13.  tter."      Dicho  del  Capitan  Fran- 

14  Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y  cisco  de  Carbajal  sobre  la  informa- 
Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,   Conq.  del  cion  hecha  en  el  Cuzco  en  1543,  & 
Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  15.  —  Carta  de  favor  de  Vaca  de  Castro,  MS. 
Barrio  Nuevo,  MS. 


CH.  VI.]     THE  FORCES  APPROACH  EACH  OTHER.  221 

not  numbers,  as  I  have  already  been  led  to  remark, 
that  give  importance  to  a  conflict ;  but  the  conse- 
quences that  depend  on  it,  —  the  magnitude  of  the 
stake,  and  the  skill  and  courage  of  the  players. 
The  more  limited  the  means,  even,  the  greater 
may  be  the  science  shown  in  the  use  of  them ; 
until,  forgetting  the  poverty  of  the  materials,  we 
fix  our  attention  on  the  conduct  of  the  actors,  and 
the  greatness  of  the  results* 

While  at  Xauxa,  Vaca  de  Castro  received  an 
embassy  from  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  returned  from  his 
expedition  from  the  "  Land  of  Cinnamon,"  in  which 
that  chief  made  an  offer  of  his  services  in  the  ap- 
proaching contest.  The  governor's  answer  showed 
that  he  was  not  wholly  averse  to  an  accommodation 
with  Almagro,  provided  it  could  be  effected  without 
compromising  the  royal  authority.  He  was  willing, 
perhaps,  to  avoid  the  final  trial  by  battle,  when  he 
considered,  that,  from  the  equality  of  the  contending 
forces,  the  issue  must  be  extremely  doubtful.  He 
knew  that  the  presence  of  Pizarro  in  the  camp,  the 
detested  enemy  of  the  Almagrians,  would  excite 
distrust  in  their  bosoms  that  would  probably  baffle 
every  effort  at  accommodation.  Nor  is  it  likely  that 
the  governor  cared  to  have  so  restless  a  spirit  intro- 
duced into  his  own  councils.  He  accordingly  sent 
to  Gonzalo,  thanking  him  for  the  promptness  of  his 
support,  but  courteously  declined  it,  while  he  advised 
him  to  remain  in  his  province,  and  repose  after  the 
fatigues  of  his  wearisome  expedition.  At  the  same 
time,  he  assured  him  that  he  would  not  fail  to  call  for 


222  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

his  services  when  occasion  required  it.  —  The  haugh- 
ty cavalier  was  greatly  disgusted  by  the  repulse.15 

The  governor  now  received  such  an  account  of 
Almagro's  movements  as  led  him  to  suppose  that  he 
was  preparing  to  occupy  Guamanga,  a  fortified  place 
of  considerable  strength,  about  thirty  leagues  from 
Xauxa.^  Anxious  to  secure  this  post,  he  broke  up 
his  encampment,  and  by  forced  marches,  conducted 
in  so  irregular  a  manner  as  must  have  placed  him  in 
great  danger  if  his  enemy  had  been  near  to  profit 
by  it,  he  succeeded  in  anticipating  Almagro,  and 
threw  himself  into  the  place  while  his  antagonist 
was  at  Bilcas,  some  ten  leagues  distant. 

At  Guamanga,  Vaca  de  Castro  received  another 
embassy  from  Almagro,  of  similar  import  with  the 
former.  The  young  chief  again  deprecated  the  ex- 
istence of  hostilities  between  brethren  of  the  same 
family,  and  proposed  an  accommodation  of  the  quar- 
rel on  the  same  basis  as  before.  To  these  proposals 
the  governor  now  condescended  to  reply.  It  might 
be  thought,  from  his  answer,  that  he  felt  some 
compassion  for  the  youth  and  inexperience  of  Alma- 
gro, and  that  he  was  willing  to  distinguish  between 
him  and  the  principal  conspirators,  provided  he 
could  detach  him  from  their  interests.  But  it  is 
more  probable  that  he  intended  only  to  amuse  his 
enemy  by  a  show  of  negotiation,  while  he  gained 
time  for  tampering  with  the  fidelity  of  his  troops. 

He   insisted   that  Almagro   should  deliver  up   to 

15  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.        16  Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap. 
4,  cap.  15.  85. 


CH.  VI.]   THE  FORCES  APPROACH  EACH  OTHER.     223 

him  all  those  immediately  implicated  in  the  death  of 
Pizarro,  and  should  then  disband  his  forces.  On 
these  conditions  the  government  would  pass  over  his 
treasonable  practices,  and  he  should  be  reinstated  in 
the  royal  favor.  Together  with  this  mission,  Vaca 
de  Castro,  it  is  reported,  sent  a  Spaniard,  disguised 
as  an  Indian,  who  was  instructed  to  communicate 
with  certain  officers  in  Almagro's  camp,  and  prevail 
on  them,  if  possible,  to  abandon  his  cause  and  re- 
turn to  their  allegiance.  Unfortunately,  the  disguise 
of  the  emissary  was  detected.  He  was  seized,  put 
to  the  torture,  and,  having  confessed  the  whole 
of  the  transaction,  was  hanged  as  a  spy. 

Almagro  laid  the  proceeding  before  his  captains. 
The  terms  proffered  by  the  governor  were  such 
as  no  man  with  a  particle  of  honor  in  his  nature 
could  entertain  far  a  moment ;  and  Almagro's  in- 
dignation, as  well  as  that  of  his  companions,  was 
heightened  by  the  duplicity  of  their  enemy,  who 
could  practise  such  insidious  arts,  while  ostensibly 
engaged  in  a  fair  and  open  negotiation.  Fearful, 
perhaps,  lest  the  tempting  offers  of  their  antagonist 
might  yet  prevail  over  the  constancy  of  some  of  the 
weaker  spirits  among  them,  they  demanded  that  all 
negotiation  should  be  broken  off,  and  that  they 
should  be  led  at  once  against  the  enemy.1* 


17  Dicho  del  Capitan  Francisco  Herrera,    Hist.    General,   dec;   7, 

de  Carbajal   sobre  la  informacion  lib.  3,  cap.  8.  —  Carta  de  Ventura 

hecha  en  el  Cuzco  en  1543,  a  favor  Beltran,  MS.  —  Gomara,  Hist,  de 

de  Vaca  de  Castro,  MS. — Zarate,  las  Ind.,  cap.  149. 
Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  16.  — 


*      v "  • 

'-  * 


224  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [Boo*  IV. 

The  governor,  meanwhile,  finding  the  broken 
country  around  Guamanga  unfavorable  for  his  caval- 
ry, on  which  he  mainly  relied,  drew  off  his  forces  to 
the  neighbouring  lowlands,  known  as  the  Plains  of 
Chupas.  It  was  the  tempestuous  season  of  the 
year,  and  for  several ,  days  the  storm  raged  wildly 
among  the  hills,  and,  sweeping  along  their  sides  into 
the  valley,  poured  down  rain,  sleet,  and  snow  on 
the  miserable  bivouacs  of  the  soldiers,  till  they  were 
drenched  to  the  skin  and  nearly  stiffened  by  the 
cold.18  At  length,  on  the  -sixteenth  of  September, 
1542,  the  scouts  brought  in  tidings  that  Almagro's 
troops  were  advancing,  with  the  intention,  apparent- 
ly, of  occupying  the  highlands  around  Chupas.  The 
war  of  the  elements  had  at  last  subsided,  and  was 
succeeded  by  one  of  those  brilliant  days  which  are 
found  only  in  the  tropics.  The  royal  camp  was 
early  in  motion,  as  Vaca  de  Castro,  desirous  to  se- 
cure the  heights  that  commanded  the  valley,  detach- 
ed a  body  of  arquebusiers  on  that  service,  supported 
by  a  corps  of  cavalry,  which  he  soon  followed  with 
the  rest  of  the  forces.  On  reaching  the  eminence, 
news  was  brought  that  the  enemy  had  come  to  a 
halt,  and  established  himself  in  a  strong  position  at 
less  than  a  league's  distance. 

It  was  now  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  sun  was 
not  more  than  two  hours  above  the  horizon.  The 
governor  hesitated  to  begin  the  action  when  they 

K  "  Tuvieron  tan  gran  tempe-  ciendo  con  dia  claro,  i  sereno." 
stad  de  agua,  Truenos,  i  Nieve,  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  7,  lib. 
que  pensaron  perecer  ;  i  araane-  3,  cap.  8. 


UH.  VI.]  BLOODY   PLAINS  OF   CHUPAS.  225 

must  so  soon  be  overtaken  by  night.  But  Alonso 
de  Alvarado  assured  him  that  "  now  was  the  time  ; 
for  the  spirits  of  his  men  were  hot  for  fight,  and  it 
was  better  to  take  the  benefit  of  it  than  to  damp 
their  ardor  by  delay."  The  governor  acquiesced, 
exclaiming  at  the  same  time,  — "  O  for  the  might 
of  Joshua,  to  stay  the  sun  in  his  course  !  "  19  He 
then  drew  up  his  little  army  in  order  of  battle,  and 
made  his  dispositions  for  the  attack. 

In  the  centre  he  placed  his  infantry,  consisting  of 
arquebusiers  and  pikemen,  constituting  the  battle,  as 
it  was  called.  On  the  flanks,  he  established  his 
cavalry,  placing  the  right  wing,  together  with  the 
royal  standard,  under  charge  of  Alonso  de  Alvarado, 
and  the  left  under  Holguin,  supported  by  a  gallant 
body  of  cavaliers.  His  artillery,  too  insignificant  to 
be  of  much  account,  was  also  in  the  centre.  He 
proposed  himself  to  lead  the  van,  and  to  break  the 
first  lance  with  the  enemy ;  but  from  this  chival- 
rous display  he  was  dissuaded  by  his  officers,  who 
reminded  him  that  too  much  depended  on  his  life  to 
have  it  thus  wantonly  exposed.  The  governor  con- 
tented himself,  therefore,  with  heading  a  body  of 
reserve,  consisting  of  forty  horse,  to  act  on  any 
quarter  as  occasion  might  require.  This  corps, 
comprising  the  flower  of  his  chivalry,  was  chiefly 
drawn  from  Alvarado's  troop,  greatly  to  the  discon- 
tent of  that  captain.  The  governor  himself  rode  a 

19  "  Y  asi  Vaca  de  Castro  signio  tener  el  poder  de  Josue,  para  dete- 
su  parescer,  temiendo  toda  via  la  ner  el  Sol."  Zarate,  Conq.  del 
falta  del  Dia,  i  dijo,  que  quisiera  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  18. 

VOL.    II.  29 


,41 


226  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boox  IV. 

coal-black  charger,  and  wore  a  rich  surcoat  of  bro- 
cade over  his  mail,  through  which  the  habit  and  em- 
blems of  the  knightly  order  of  St.  James,  conferred 
on  him  just  before  his  departure  from  Castile,  were 
conspicuous.20  It  was  a  point  of  honor  with  the 
chivalry  of  the  period  to  court  danger  by  displaying 
their  rank  in  the  splendor  of  their  military  attire 
and  the  caparisons  of  their  horses. 

Before  commencing  the  assault,  Vaca  de  Castro 
addressed  a  few  remarks  to  his  soldiers,  in  order  to 
remove  any  hesitation  that  some  might  yet  feel,  who 
recollected  the  displeasure  shown  by  the  emperor  to 
the  victors  as  well  as  the  vanquished  after  the  battle 
of  Salinas.  He  told  them  that  their  enemies  were 
rebels.  They  were  in  arms  against  him,  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  Crown,  and  it  was  his  duty  to  quell 
this  rebellion  and  punish  the  authors  of  it.  He  then 
caused  the  law  to  be  read  aloud,  proclaiming  the 
doom  of  traitors.  By  this  law,  Almagro  and  his 
followers  had  forfeited  their  lives  and  property,  and 
the  governor  promised  to  distribute  the  latter  among 
such  of  his  men  as  showed  the  best  claim  to  it  by 
their  conduct  in  the  battle.  This  last  politic  prom- 
ise vanquished  the  scruples  of  the  most  fastidious  ; 


20  "  I  visto   esto  por  el  dicho  i  con  una  ropa  de  brocade  encima 

sefior   Governador,  mando  dar    al  de  las  armas  con  el  abito  de  Sant- 

arma  a  mui  gran  priesa,  i  mando  a  iago  en  los   pechos."     Dicho  del 

este   testigo    que    sacase  toda    la  Capitan  Francisco  de  Carbajal  so- 

gente  al  campo,  i  el  se  entro  en  su  bre  la  informacion    hecha   en    el 

tienda  a  -se  armar,  i  dende  a  poco  Cuzco  en  1543,  a  favor  de  Vaca  de 

salio   della  encima  de  un  cavallo  Castro,  MS. 
morcillo  rabicano  armado  en  bianco 


CH.  VI.]  BLOODY   PLAINS  OF  CHUPAS.  227 

and,  having  completed  his  dispositions  in  the  most 
judicious  and  soldier-like  manner,  Vaca  de  Castro 
gave  the  order  to  advance.21 

As  the  forces  turned  a  spur  of  the  hills  which  had 
hitherto  screened  them  from  their  enemies,  they 
came  in  sight  of  the  latter,  formed  along  the  crest 
of  a  gentle  eminence,  with  their  snow-white  ban- 
ners, the  distinguishing  color  of  the  Almagrians, 
floating  above  their  heads,  and  their  bright  arms 
flinging  back  the  broad  rays  of  the  evening  sun. 
Almagro's  disposition  of  his  troops  was  not  unlike 
that  of  his  adversary.  In  the  centre  was  his  .ex- 
cellent artillery,  covered  by  his  arquebusiers  and 
spearmen ;  while  his  cavalry  rode  on  the  flanks. 
The  troops  on  the  left  he  proposed  to  lead  in  per- 
son. He  had  chosen  his  position  with  judgment,  as 
the  character  of  the  ground  gave  full  play  to  his 
guns,  which  opened  an  effective  fire  on  the  assailants 
as  they  drew  near.  Shaken  by  the  storm  of  shot, 
Vaca  de  Castro  saw  the  difficulty  of  advancing  in 
open  view  of  the  hostile  battery.  He  took  the 
counsel,  therefore,  of  Francisco  de  Carbajal,  who  un- 
dertook to  lead  the  forces  by  a  circuitous,  but  safer, 
route.  This  is  the  first  occasion  on  which  the  name 


21  The  governor's  words,  says  determinadamente  se  partieron  de 

Jarbajal,  who  witnessed  their  ef-  alii  para  ir  a  los  enemigos  como  si 

feet,  stirred  the  heart  of  the  troops,  fueron  a  fiestas   donde  estuvieran 

so  that  they  went  to  the  battle  as  convidados."     Dicho  del   Capitan 

*o   a  ball.      "  En  pocas   palabras  Francisco  de  Carbajal,  sobre  la  1n- 

3omprehendio    tan    grandes  cosas  formacion  hecha  en   el  Cuzco  en 

jue  la  gente  de  S.  M.  covro  tan  1543,'  a  favor  de  Vaca  de  Castro, 

^rande   anirao  con   ellas,  que  tan  MS. 


228  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV 

of  this  veteran  appears  in  these  American  wars, 
where  it  was  afterwards  to  acquire  a  melancholy 
notoriety.  He  had  come  to  the  country  after  the 
campaigns  of  forty  years  in  Europe,  where  he  had 
studied  the  art  of  war  under  the  Great  Captain, 
Gonsalvo  de  Cordova.  Though  now  far  advanced 
in  age,  he  possessed  all  the  courage  and  indomitable 
energy  of  youth,  and  well  exemplified  the  lessons  he 
had  studied  under  his  great  commander. 

Taking  advantage  of  a  winding  route  that  sloped 
round  the  declivity  of  the  hills,  he  conducted  the 
troops  in  such  a  manner,  that,  until  they  approached 
quite  near  the  enemy,  they  were  protected  by  the 
intervening  ground.  While  thus  advancing,  they 
were  assailed  on  the  left  flank  by  the  Indian  battal- 
ions under  Paullo,  the  Inca  Manco's  brother ;  but 
a  corps  of  musketeers,  directing  a  scattering  fire 
among  them,  soon  rid  the  Spaniards  of  this  annoy- 
ance. When,  at  length,  the  royal  troops,  rising 
above  the  hill,  again  came  into  view  of  Almagro's 
lines,  the  artillery  opened  on  them  with  fatal  effect. 
It  was  but  for  a  moment,  however,  as,  from  some 
unaccountable  cause,  the  guns  were  pointed  at  such 
an  angle,  that,  although  presenting  an  obvious  mark, 
by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  shot  passed  over  their 
heads.  Whether  this  was  the  result  of  treachery,  or 
merely  of  awkwardness,  is  uncertain.  The  artillery 
was  under  charge  of  the  engineer,  Pedro  de  Can- 
dia.  This  man,  who,  it  may  be  remembered,  was 
one  of  the  thirteen  that  so  gallantly  stood  by  Pizar- 
ro  in  the  island  of  Gallo,  had  fought  side  by  side 


: 

" 

CH.  VI.]  BLOODY   PLAINS  OF   CHUPAS.  229 

with  his  leader  through  the  whole  of  the  Conquest. 
He  had  lately,  however,  conceived  some  disgust 
with  him,  and  had  taken  part  with  the  faction  of 
Almagro.  The  death  of  his  old  commander,  he 
may  perhaps  have  thought,  had  settled  all  their 
differences,  and  he  was  now  willing  to  return  to  his 
former  allegiance.  At  least,  it  is  said,  that,  at  this 
very  time,  he  was  in  correspondence  with  Vaca  de 
Castro.  Almagro  himself  seems  to  have  had  no 
doubt  of  his  treachery.  For,  after  remonstrating  in 
vain  with  him  on  his  present  conduct,  he  ran  him 
through  the  body,  and  the  unfortunate  cavalier  fell 
lifeless  on  the  field.  Then,  throwing  himself  on  one 
of  the  guns,  Almagro  gave  it  a  new  direction,  and 
that  so  successfully,  that,  .when  it  was  discharged, 
it  struck  down  several  of  the  cavalry.22. 

The  firing  now  took  better  effect,  and  by  one 
volley  a  whole  file  of  the  royal  infantry  was  swept 
off,  and  though  others  quickly  stepped  in  to  fill  up 
the  ranks,  the  men,  impatient  of  their  sufferings, 
loudly  called  on  the  troopers,  who  had  halted  for  a 
moment,  to  quicken  their  advance.23  This  delay 


22    Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y  de  Ventura  Beltran,   MS.  —  De- 

Conq.,   MS. — Zarate,   Conq.  del  claracion    de    Uscategui,    MS. — 

Peru,  lib.   4,  cap.  17-19. — Na-  Gomara,   Hist,    de  las  Ind.,  cap. 

harro,   Relacion  Sumaria,  MS. —  149. 

Herrera,    Hist.    General,    dec.    7,  According  to  Garcilasso,  whose 

lib.  3,  cap.  11. — Dicho  del  Capitan  guns  usually  do   more   execution 

Francisco  de  Carbajal  sobre  la  in-  than  those  of  any  'other  authority, 

formacion  hecha  en  el   Cuzco   en  seventeen  men  were  killed  by  this 

1543,  a  favor  de  Vaca  de  Castro,  wonderful  shot.     See  Com.  Real., 

MS.  —  Carta  del  Cabildo  de  Are-  Parte  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  16. 

quipa  al  Emperador,  MS.  —  Carta  ^   The  officers  drove  the  men. 


230  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

had  been  caused  by  Carbajal's  desire  to  bring  his 
own  guns  to  bear  on  the  opposite  columns.  But  the 
design  was  quickly  abandoned  ;  the  clumsy  ord- 
nance was  left  on  the  field,  and  orders  were  given 
to  the  cavalry  to  charge  ;  the  trumpets  sounded,  and, 
crying  their  war-cries,  the  bold  cavaliers  struck  their 
spurs  into  their  steeds^  and  rode  at  full  speed  against 
the  enemy. 

Well  had  it  been  for  Almagro,  if  he  had  remained 
firm  on  the  post  which  gave  him  such  advantage. 
But  from  a  false  point  of  honor,  he  thought  it  de- 
rogatory to  a  brave  knight  passively  to  await  the 
assault,  and,  ordering  his  own  men  to  charge,  the 
hostile  squadrons,  rapidly  advancing  against  each 
other,  met  midway  on  the  plain.  The  shock  was 
terrible.  Horse  and  rider  reeled  under  the  force  of 
it.  The  spears  flew  into  shivers ; M  and  the  cava- 
liers, drawing  their  swords,  or  wielding  their  maces 
and  battle-axes,  —  though  some  of  the  royal  troopers 
were  armed  only  with  a  common  axe,  —  dealt  their 
blows  with  all  the  fury  of  civil  hate.  It  was  a 
fearful  struggle,  not  merely  of  man  against  man, 

according  to  Zarate,   at  the  point  quedando  muchos  muertos,  i  caidos 

of  their  swords,  to  take  the  places  de    ambas    partes."      (Ibid.,    ubi 

of  their  fallen  comrades.    "  Porque  supra.)     Zarate  writes  on  this  oc- 

vn  tiro  llevo  toda  vna  hilera,  e  hi$o  casion  with  the  spirit  and  strength 

abrir  el  Escuadron,  i  los  Capitanes  of  Thucydides.     He  was  not  pres- 

pusieron  gran  diligencia  en  hacerlo  ent,  but  came  into  the  country  the 

cerrar,   amenagando  de  muerte   a  following  year,  when  he   gleaned 

los  Soldados,  con  las  Espadas  des-  the  particulars  of  the  battle  from 

envainadas,   i   se    cerro."     Conq.  the  best  informed  persons  there,  to 

del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  1.  whom  his  position  gave  him  ready 

24  "  Se   encontraron   de  suerte,  access, 
que  casi  todas  las  lane,  as  quebraron, 


CH.  VI.]  BLOODY   PLAINS  OF  CHUPAS.  231 

but,  to  use  the  words  of  an  eyewitness,  of  brother 
against  brother,  and  friend  against  friend.25  No 
quarter  was  asked  ;  for  the  wrench  that  had  been 
strong  enough  to  tear  asunder  the  dearest  ties  of 
kindred  left  no  hold  for  humanity.  The  excellent 
arms  of  the  Almagrians  counterbalanced  the  odds  of 
numbers ;  but  the  royal  partisans  gained  some  ad- 
vantage by  striking  at  the  horses  instead  of  the 
mailed  bodies  of  their  antagonists. 

The  infantry,  meanwhile,  on  both  sides,  kept  up 
a  sharp  cross-fire  from  their  arquebuses,  which  did 
execution  on  the  ranks  of  the  cavaliers,  as  well  as  on 
one  another.  But  Alrnagro's  battery  of  heavy  guns, 
now  well  directed,  mowed  down  the  advancing  col- 
umns of  foot.  The  latter,  staggering,  began  to 
fall  back  from  the  terrible  fire,  when  Francisco  de 
Carbajal,  throwing  himself  before  them,  cried  out, 
"  Shame  on  you,  my  men  !  Do  you  give  way  now  ? 
I  am  twice  as  good  a  mark  for  the  enemy  as  any  of 
you ! "  He  was  a  very  large  man  ;  and,  throwing 
off  his  steel  helmet  and  cuirass,  that  he  might  have 
no  advantage  over  his  followers,  he  remained  lightly 
attired  in  his  cotton  doublet,  when,  swinging  his 
partisan  over  his  head,  he  sprang  boldly  forward 
through  blinding  volumes  of  smoke  and  a  tempest 

25  It  is    the    language   of  the  gente  mas  cruel  batalla,  donde  her- 

Conquerors   themselves,   who,    in  manos  a   hermanos,   ni  deudos  a 

their  letter  to  the  Emperor,  com-  deudos,  ni  amigos  a  amigos  no  se 

pare  the  action  to  the  great  battle  davan  vida  uno  a  otro."    Carta  del 

of  Ravenna.     "  Fue  tan   renida  i  Cabildo  de  Arequipa  al  Emperador, 

porfiada,  que  despues  de  la  de  Re-  MS. 
bena,  no  se  ha  visto  entre  tan  poca 

, 


232  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [Boo*  IV. 

of  musket-balls,  and,  supported  by  the  bravest  of 
his  troops,  overpowered  the  gunners,  and  made 
himself  master  of  their  pieces. 

The  shades  of  night  had  now,  for  some  time, 
been  coming  thicker  and  thicker  over  the  field. 
But  still  the  deadly  struggle  went  on  in  the  dark- 
ness, as  the  red  and  white  badges  intimated  the 
respective  parties,  and  their  war-cries  rose  above  the 
din,  —  "  Vaca  de  Castro  y  el  Rey," —  "  Almagro  y 
el  Rey,"  —  while  both  invoked  the  aid  of  their  mili- 
tary apostle  St.  James.  Holguin,  who  commanded 
the  royalists  on  the  left,  pierced  through  by  two 
musket-balls,  had  been  slain  early  in  the  action. 
He  had  made  himself  conspicuous  by  a  rich  sobrc- 
vest  of  white  velvet  over  his  armour.  Still  a  gallant 
band  of  cavaliers  maintained  the  fight  so  valiantly 
on  that  quarter,  that  the  Almagrians  found  it  diffi- 
cult to  keep  their  ground.26 

It  fared  differently  on  the  right,  where  Alonso 
de  Alvarado  commanded.  He  was  there  encoun- 
tered by  Almagro  in  person,  who  fought  worthy  of 
his  name.  By  repeated  charges  on  his  opponent, 
he  endeavoured  to  bear  down  his  squadrons,  so 
much  worse  mounted  and  worse  armed  than  his 
own.  Alvarado  resisted  with  undiminished  cour- 
age ;  but  his  numbers  had  been  thinned,  as  we  have 


26    The  battle  was  so   equally  talla  estuvo  mui  gran  rato  en  peso 

contested,   says    Beltran,    one   of  sin   conoscerse   vitoria   de    la  una 

Vaca  de  Castro's  captains,  that  it  parte  a  la  otra."     Carta  de  Ven- 

was  long  doubtful  on  which  side  tura  Beltran,  MS. 
victory  was  to  incline.     "  I  la  ba- 


** 


CH.  VI.]  BLOODY   PLAINS  OF   CHUPAS.  233 

seen,  before  the  battle,  to  supply  the  governor's 
reserve,  and,  fairly  overpowered  by  the  superior 
strength  of  his  adversary,  who  had  already  won 
two  of  the  royal  banners,  he  was  slowly  giving 
ground.  "Take,  but  kill  not!  "  shouted  the  gener- 
ous young  chief,  who  felt  himself  sure  of  victory.27 

But  at  this  crisis,  Vaca  de  Castro,  who,  with 
his  reserve,  had  occupied  a  rising  ground  that  com- 
manded the  field  of  action,  was  fully  aware  that 
the  time  had  now  come  for  him  to,  take  part  in  the 
struggle.  He  had  long  strained  his  eyes  through 
the  gloom  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  com- 
batants, and  received  constant  tidings  how  the 
fight  was  going.  He  no  longer  hesitated,  but,  call- 
ing on  his  men  to  follow,  led  off  boldly  into  the 
thickest  of  the  melee  to  the  support  of  his  stout- 
hearted officer.  The  arrival  of  a  new  corps  on  the 
field,  all  fresh  for  action,  gave  another  turn  to  the 
tide.28  Alvarado's  men  took  heart  and  rallied.  Al- 
magro's,  though  driven  back  by  the  fury  of  the 
assault,  quickly  returned  against  their  assailants. 
Thirteen  of  Vaca  de  Castro's  cavaliers  fell  dead 
from  their  saddles.  But  it  was  the  last  effort  of  the 
Almagrians.  Their  strength,  though  not  their  spirit, 
failed  them.  They  gave  way  in  all  directions,  and, 

27  "  Gritaba,  Victoria;  i  decia,  day  by  this  movement,    and  the 

Prender   i    no  matar."     Herrera,  writers  express  their  "  admiration 

Hist.  General,  dec.  7,  lib.  3,  cap.  of  the   gallantry  and   courage   he 

11.  displayed, .  so  little   to  have  been 

98  The  letter  of  the  municipality  expected  from  his  age  and  profes- 

of  Arequipa  gives    the    governor  sion."     See  the  original  in  Appen 

credit  for  deciding  the  fate  of  the  dix,  No.  13. 

VOL.    II.  30 

" 

•£ 


234  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

mingling  together  in  the  darkness,  horse,  foot,  and 
artillery,  they  trampled  one  another  down,  as  they 
made  the  best  of  their  way  from  the  press  of  their 
pursuers.  Almagro  used  every  effort  to  stay  them. 
He  performed  miracles  of  valor,  says  one  who  wit- 
nessed them ;  but  he  was  borne  along  by  the  tide, 
and,  though  he  seemed  to  court  death,  by  the  free- 
dom with  which  he  exposed  his  person  to  danger, 
yet  he  escaped  without  a  wound. 

Others  there  were  of  his  company,  and  among 
them  a  young  cavalier  named  Geronimo  de  Alvarado, 
who  obstinately  refused  to  quit  the  field  ;  and  shout- 
ing out,  — "  We  slew  Pizarro  !  we  killed  the  ty- 
rant !  "  they  threw  themselves  on  the  lances  of  their 
conquerors,  preferring  death  on  the  battle-field  t< 
the  ignominious  doom  of  the  gibbet.29 

It  was  nine  o'clock  when  the  battle  ceased, 
though  the  firing  was  heard  at  intervals  over  the 
field  at  a  much  later  hour,  as  some  straggling  party 
of  fugitives  were  overtaken  by  their  pursuers.  Yet 
many  succeeded  in  escaping  in  the  obscurity  of 
night,  while  some,  it  is  said,  contrived  to  elude  pur- 
suit in  a  more  singular  way;  tearing  off  the  badges 
from  the  corpses  of  their  enemies,  they  assumed 
them  for  themselves,  and,  mingling  in  the  ranks  as 
followers  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  joined  in  the  pursuit. 

That  commander,  at   length,  fearing   some   un- 


29  "  Se  arrojaron  en  los  Enemi-  mate  al  Marques;  i  asi  anduvieron 

gos,  como  desesperados,  hiriendo  a  hasta,  que  los  hicieron  peda^os." 

todas  partes,  diciendo  cada  vno  por  Zarate,   Conq.   del    Peru,   lib.   4, 

su   nombre:    Yo  soi  Fulano,  que  cap.  19. 


CH    VI.]  BLOODY   PLAINS  OF  CHUPAS.  235 

toward  accident,  and  that  the  fugitives,  should  they 
rally  again  under  cover  of  the  darkness,  might  inflict 
some  loss  oh  their  pursuers,  caused  his  trumpets  to 
sound,  and  recalled  his  scattered  forces  under  their 
banners.  All  night  they  remained  under  arms  on 
the  field,  which,  so  lately  the  scene  of  noisy  strife, 
was  now  hushed  in  silence,  broken  only  by  the 
groans  of  the  wounded  and  the  dying.  The  natives, 
who  had  hung,  during  the  fight,  like  a  dark  cloud, 
round  the  skirts  of  the  mountains,  contemplating 
with  gloomy  satisfaction  the  destruction  of  their  ene- 
mies, now  availed  themselves  of  the  obscurity  to 
descend,  like  a  pack  of  famished  wolves,  upon  the 
plains,  where  they  stripped  the  bodies  of  the  slain, 
and  even  of  the  living,  but  disabled  wretches,  who 
had  in  vain  dragged  themselves  into  the  bushes  foi 
concealment.  The  following  morning,  Vaca  de  Cas- 
tro gave  orders  that  the  wounded  —  those  who  had 
not  perished  in  the  cold  damps  of  the  night — should 
be  committed  to  the  care  of  the  surgeons,  while  the 
priests  were  occupied  with  administering  confession 
and  absolution  to  the  dying.  Four  large  graves  or 
pits  were  dug,  in  which  the  bodies  of  the  slain  — 
the  conquerors  and  the  conquered — were  heaped  in- 
discriminately together.  But  the  remains  of  Alvarez 
de  Holguin  and  several  other  cavaliers  of  distinction 
were  transported  to  Guamanga,  where  they  were 
buried  with  the  solemnities  suited  to  their  rank  ; 
and  the  tattered  banners  won  from  their  vanquished 
countrymen  waved  over  their  monuments,  the  mel- 
ancholy trophies  of  their  victory. 


*<*• 


236  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

The  number  of  killed  is  variously  reported,  — 
from  three  hundred  to  five  hundred  on  both  sides.30 
The  mortality  was  greatest  among  the  conquerors, 
who  suffered  more  from  the  cannon  of  the  enemy 
before  the  action,  than  the  latter  suffered  in  the 
rout  that  followed  it.  The  number  of  wounded  was 
still  greater ;  and  full  half  of  the  survivors  of  Alma- 
gro's  party  were  made  prisoners.  Many,  indeed, 
escaped  from  the  field  to  the  neighbouring  town 
of  Guamanga,  where  they  took  refuge  in  the 
churches  and  monasteries.  But  their  asylum  was 
not  respected,  and  they  were  dragged  forth  and 
thrown  into  prison.  Their  brave  young  commander 
fled  with  a  few  followers  only  to  Cuzco,  where  he 
was  instantly  arrested  by  the  magistrates  whom  he 
had  himself  placed  over  the  city.31 

At  Guamanga,  Vaca  de  Castro  appointed  a  com- 
mission, with  the  Licentiate  de  la  Gama  at  its  head, 
for  the  trial  of  the  prisoners ;  and  justice  was  not 


30  Zarate  estimates  the  number  MS.  —  Carta  del  Cabildo  de  Are- 
at  three  hundred.     Uscategui,  who  quipa  al  Emperador,  MS.  —  Carta 
belonged  to  the  Almagrian  party,  de  Barrio  Nuevo,  MS.  —  Gomara, 
and  Garcilasso,  both  rate  it  as  high  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  149.  —  Gar- 
as  five  hundred.  cilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib. 

31  The   particulars  of   the    ac-  3,  cap.  15-18. — Declaracion  de 
tion  are  gathered  from  Pedro  Pi-  Uscategui,  MS. 

zarro,    Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. —         Many  of  these  authorities  were 

Carta  de  Ventura  Beltran,  MS.  —  personally   present   on    the   field ; 

Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  and  it  is  rare  that  the  details  of  a 

17-20.  —  Naharro,  Relacion  Su-  battle  are   drawn   from    more   au- 

maria,    MS. — Dicho   del  Capitan  thentic  testimony.    The  student  of 

Francisco  de  Carbajal  sobre  la  in-  history  will  not  be  surprised  that 

formacion  hecha  en  el  Cuzco  en  in  these  details  there  should  be  the 

1543,  a  favor  de  Vaca  de  Castro,  greatest  discrepancy. 


CH.  VI.]  CONDUCT  OF   VACA   DE  CASTRO.  237 

satisfied,  till  forty  had  been  condemned  to  death, 
and  thirty  others  —  some  of  them  with  the  loss  of 
one  or  more  of  their  members  —  sent  into  banish- 
ment.32 Such  severe  reprisals  have  been  too  com- 
mon with  the  Spaniards  in  their  civil  feuds.  Strange 
that  they  should  so  blindly  plunge  into  these,  with 
this  dreadful  doom  for  the  vanquished ! 

From  the  scene  of  this  bloody  tragedy,  the  gov- 
ernor proceeded  to  Cuzco,  which  he  entered  at  the 
head  of  his  victorious  battalions,  with  all  the  pomp 
and  military  display  of  a  conqueror.  He  main- 
tained a  corresponding  state  in  his  way  of  living, 
at  the  expense  of  a  sneer  from  some,  who  sarcasti- 
cally contrasted  this  ostentatious  profusion  with  the 
economical  reforms  he  subsequently  introduced  into 
the  finances.33  But  Vaca  de  Castro  was  sensible 
of  the  effect  of  this  outward  show  on  the  people 
generally,  and  disdained  ho  means  of  giving  au- 
thority to  his  office.  His  first  act  was  to  determine 
the  fate  of  his  prisoner,  Almagro.  A  council  of 
war  was  held.  Some  were  for  sparing  the  unfortu- 
nate chief,  in  consideration  of  his  youth,  and  the 
strong  cause  of  provocation  he  had  received.  But 

32    Declaracion    de    Uscategui,  would  have  had  no  reason  to  com- 

MS.  —  Carta  de  Ventura  Beltran,  plain  ;  but  what  was  omitted  then  is 

MS.  —  Zarate,   Conq.    del   Peru,  made  up  now,  since  the  governor 

lib.  4,  cap.  21.  goes  on  quartering  every  day  some 

The  loyal  burghers  of  Arequipa  one  or  other  of  the  traitors  who 

seem  to  have  been  well  contented  escaped  from  the  field."     See  the 

with  these  executions.     "  If  night  original  in  Appendix,  No.  13. 
had  not  overtaken  us,"  they  say,        &  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec. 

alluding  to  the  action,  in  their  let-  7,  lib.  4,  cap.  1. 
ter  to  the  emperor,  "  your  Majesty 


238  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

the  majority  were  of  opinion  that  such  mercy  could 
not  be  extended  to  the  leader  of  the  rebels,  and 
that  his  death  was  indispensable  to  the  permanent 
tranquillity  of  the  country. 

When  led  to  execution  in  the  great  square  of 
Cuzco,  —  the  same  spot  where  his  father  had  suffer- 
ed but  a  few  years  before,  —  Almagro  exhibited  the 
most  perfect  composure,  though,  as  the  herald  pro- 
claimed aloud  the  doom  of  the  traitor,  he  indignant- 
ly denied  that  he  was  one.  He  made  no  appeal  for 
mercy  to  his  judges,  but  simply  requested  that  his 
bones  might  be  laid  by  the  side  of  his  father's.  He 
objected  to  having  his  eyes  bandaged,  as  was  cus- 
tomary on  such  occasions,  and,  after  confession,  he 
devoutly  embraced  the  cross,  and  submitted  his  neck 
to  the  stroke  of  the  executioner.  His  remains, 
agreeably  to  his  request,  were  transported  to  the 
monastery  of  La  Merced,  where  they  were  deposited 
side  by  side  with  those  of  his  unfortunate  parent.34 

There  have  been  few  names,  indeed,  in  the  page 
of  history,  more  unfortunate  than  that  of  Alrnagro. 
Yet  the  fate  of  the  son  excites  a  deeper  sympathy 
than  that  of  the  father ;  and  this,  not  merely  on  ac- 
count of  his  youth,  and  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  his  situation.  He  possessed  many  of  the  good 
qualities  of  the  elder  Almagro,  with  a  frank  and 
manly  nature,  in  which  the  bearing  of  the  soldier 
was  somewhat  softened  by  the  refinement  of  a  bet- 

34  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Relacion  Sumaria,  MS. —  Herre- 
Conq.,  MS.  —  Zarate,  Conq.  del  ra,  Hist.  General,  dec.  7,  lib.  6, 
Peru,  lib.  4,  cap.  21. —  Naharro,  cap.  1. 


CH.  VI.]  CONDUCT  OF   VACA  DE  CASTRO.  239 

ter  education  than  is  to  be  found  in  the  license  of  a 
camp.  His  career,  though  short,  gave  promise  of 
considerable  talent,  which  required  only  a  fair  field 
for  its  development.  But  he  was  the  child  of  mis- 
fortune, and  his  morning  of  life  was  overcast  by 
clouds  and  tempests.  If  his  character,  naturally 
benignant,  sometimes  showed  the  fiery  sparkles  of 
the  vindictive  Indian  temper,  some  apology  may  be 
found,  not  merely  in  his  blood,  but  in  the  circum- 
stances of  his  situation.  He  was  more  sinned 
against  than  sinning;  and,  if  conspiracy  could, ever 
find  a  justification,  it  must  be  in  a  case  like  his, 
where,  borne  down  by  injuries  heaped  on  his  parent 
and  himself,  he  could  obtain  no  redress  from  the 
only  quarter  whence  he  had  a  right  to  look  for  it. 
With  him,  the  name  of  Almagro  became  extinct, 
and  the  faction  of  Chili,  so  long  the  terror  of  the 
land,  passed  away  for  ever.  ft 

While  these  events  were  occurring  in  Cuzco,  the 
governor  learned  that  Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  arrived  at 
Lima,  where  he  showed  himself  greatly  discontented 
with  the  state  of  things  in  Peru.  He  loudly  com- 
plained that  the  government  of  the  country,  after 
his  brother's  death,  had  not  been  placed  in  his 
hands ;  and,  as  reported  by  some,  he  was  now  medi- 
tating schemes  for  getting  possession  of  it.  Vaca 
de  Castro  well  knew  that  there  would  be  no  lack  of 
evil  counsellors  to  urge  Gonzalo  to  this  desperate 
step ;  and,  anxious  to  extinguish  the  spark  of  insur- 
rection before  it  had  been  fanned  by  these  turbulent 
spirits  into  a  flame,  he  detached  a  strong  body  to 


240  CIVIL  WARS  OF   THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boos  IV. 

Lima  to  secure  that  capital.  At  the  same  time  he 
commanded  the  presence  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  in 
Cuzco. 

That  chief  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  disregard 
the  summons  ;  and  shortly  after  entered  the  Inca 
capital,  at  the  head  of  a  well-armed  body  of  cava- 
liers. He  was  at  once  admitted  into  the  governor's 
presence,  when  the  latter  dismissed  his  guard,  re- 
marking that  he  had  nothing  to  fear  from  a  brave 
and  loyal  knight  like  Pizarro.  He  then  questioned 
him  as  to  his  late  adventures  in  Canelas,  and  showed 
great  sympathy  for  his  extraordinary  sufferings.  He 
took  care  not  to  alarm  his  jealousy  by  any  allusion 
to  his  ambitious  schemes,  and  concluded  by  recom- 
mending him,  now  that  the  tranquillity  of  the  coun- 
try was  reestablished,  to  retire  and  seek  the  repose 
he  so  much  needed,  on  his  valuable  estates  at  Char- 
cas.  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  finding  no  ground  opened 
for  a  quarrel  with  the  cool  and  politic  governor,  and 
probably  feeling  that  he  was, -at  least  not  now,  in 
sufficient  strength  to  warrant  it,  thought  it  prudent 
to  take  the  advice,  and  withdrew  to  La  Plata,  where 
he  busied  himself  in  working  those  rich  mines  of 
silver  that  soon  put  him  in  condition  for  a  more 
momentous  enterprise  than  any  he  had  yet  at- 
tempted.35 

Thus  rid  of  his  formidable  competitor,  Vaca  de 
Castro  occupied  himself  with  measures  for  the  set- 

35   Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y    cap.  3.  — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
Conq.,  MS.  — Herrera,  Hist.  Ge-    lib.  4,  cap.  22. 
neral,  dec.  7,  lib.  4,  cap.  1 ;  lib.  6, 


CH.  VI.]  CONDUCT  OF   VACA   DE  CASTRO.  241 

tlement  of  the  country.  He  began  with  his  army,  a 
part  of  which  he  had  disbanded.  But  many  cava- 
liers still  remained,  pressing  their  demands  for  a 
suitable  recompense  for  their  services.  These  they 
were  not  disposed  to  undervalue,  and  the  governor 
was  happy  to  rid  himself  of  their  importunities  by 
employing  them  on  distant  expeditions,  among 
which  was  the  exploration  of  the  country  watered 
by  the  great  Rio  de  la  Plata.  The  boiling  spirits 
of  the  high-mettled  cavaliers,  without  some  such 
vent,  would  soon  have  thrown  the  whole  country 
again  into  a  state  of  fermentation. 

His  next  concern  was  to  provide  laws  for  the  bet- 
ter government  of  the  colony.  He  gave  especial 
care  to  the  state  of  the  Indian  population ;  and 
established  schools  for  teaching  them  Christianity. 
By  various  provisions,  he  endeavoured  to  secure 
them  from  the  exactions  of  their  conquerors,  and  he 
encouraged  the  poor  natives  to  transfer  their  own 
residence  to  the  communities  of  the  white  men. 
He  commanded  the  caciques  to  provide  supplies  for 
the  tambos,  or  houses  for  the  accommodation  of  trav- 
ellers, which  lay  in  their  neighbourhood,  by  which 
regulation  he  took  away  from  the  Spaniards  a  plau- 
sible apology  for  rapine,  and  greatly  promoted  fa- 
cility of  intercourse.  He  was  watchful  over  the 
finances,  much  dilapidated  in  the  late  troubles,  and 
in  several  instances  retrenched  what  he  deemed 
excessive  repartimientos  among  the  Conquerors. 
This  last  act  exposed  him  to  much  odium  from 
the  objects  of  it.  But  his  measures  were  so  just 

VOL.    II.  31 


242  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

and  impartial,  that  he  was  supported  by  public 
opinion.36 

Indeed,  Vaca  de  Castro's  conduct,  from  the  hour 
of  his  arrival  in  the  country,  had  been  such  as  to 
command  respect,  and  prove  him  competent  to  the 
difficult  post  for  which  he  had  been  selected.  With- 
out funds,  without  troops,  he  had  found  the  country, 
on  his  landing,  in  a  state  of  anarchy ;  yet,  by  cour- 
age and  address,  he  had  gradually  acquired  sufficient 
strength  to  quell  the  insurrection.  Though  no  sol- 
dier, he  had  shown  undaunted  spirit  and  presence 
of  mind  in  the  hour  of  action,  and  made  his  military 
preparations  with  a  forecast  and  discretion  that 
excited  the  admiration  of  the  most  experienced 
veterans. 

If  he  may  be  thought  to  have  abused  the  advan- 
tages of  victory  by  cruelty  towards  the  conquered, 
it  must  be  allowed  that  he  was  not  influenced  by 
any  motives  of  a  personal  nature.  He  was  a  law- 
yer, bred  in  high  notions  of  royal  prerogative.  Re- 
bellion he  looked  upon  as  an  unpardonable  crime ; 
and,  if  his  austere  nature  was  unrelenting  in  the 
exaction  of  justice,  he  lived  in  an  iron  age,  when 
justice  was  rarely  tempered  by  mercy. 

In  his  subsequent  regulations  for  the  settlement 
of  the  country,  he  showed  equal  impartiality  and 
wisdom.  The  colonists  were  deeply  sensible  of  the 
benefits  of  his  administration,  and  afforded  the  best 
commentary  on  his  services  by  petitioning  the  Court 

36  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  7,  lib.  6,  cap.  2. 


CH.  VI.]  CONDUCT  OF   VACA   DE   CASTRO.  243 

of  Castile  to  continue  him  in  the  government  of 
Peru.37  Unfortunately,  such  was  not  the  policy  of 
the  Crown. 

37  "  I  asi  lo  escrivieron  al  Rei  la  sona,  que  procedia  con  rectitud,  i 

Ciudad  del  Cuzco,  la  Villa  de  la  que    ia    entendia  el  Govierno  de 

Plata,  i  otras  Comunidades,  supli-  aquellos  Reinos."     Herrera,  Ibid., 

candole,  que  los  dexase  por  Gover-  loc.  cit. 
nador  a  Vaca  de  Castro,  como  Per- 


CHAPTER    VII. 

ABUSES  BY  THE  CONQUERORS.  —  CODE  FOR  THE  COLONIES. — GREAT 
EXCITEMENT  IN  PERU.  —  BLASCO  NUNEZ  THE  VICEROY.— His  SE- 
VERE POLICY. — OPPOSED  BY  GONZALO  PIZARRO. 

1543—1544. 

BEFORE  continuing  the  narrative  of  events  in 
Peru,  we  must  turn  to  the  mother-country,  where 
important  changes  were  in  progress  in  respect  to  the 
administration  of  the  colonies. 

Since  his  accession  to  the  Crown,  Charles  the 
Fifth  had  been  chiefly  engrossed  by  the  politics  of 
Europe,  where  a  theatre  was  opened  more  stimu- 
lating to  his  ambition  than  could  be  found  in  a 
struggle  with  the  barbarian  princes  of  the  New 
World.  In  this  quarter,  therefore,  an  empire  almost 
unheeded,  as  it  were,  had  been  suffered  to  grow 
up,  until  it  had  expanded  into  dimensions  greater 
than  those  of  his  European  dominions,  and  destined 
soon  to  become  far  more  opulent.  A  scheme  of 
government  had,  it  is  true,  been  devised,  and  laws 
enacted  from  time  to  time  for  the  regulation  of  the 
colonies.  But  these  laws  were  often  accommodated 
less  to  the  interests  of  the  colonies  themselves,  than 
to  those  of  the  parent  country ;  and,  when  contrived 
in  a  better  spirit,  they  were  but  imperfectly  execut- 


CH.  VII.]  ABUSES  BY   THE   CONQUERORS.  245 

ed ;  for  the  voice  of  authority,  however  loudly  pro- 
claimed at  home,  too  often  died  away  in  feeble 
echoes  before  it  had  crossed  the  waters. 

This  state  of  things,  and,  indeed,  the  manner  in 
which  the  Spanish  territories  in  the  New  World  had 
been  originally  acquired,  were  most  unfortunate  both 
for  the  conquered  races  and  their  masters.  Had 
the  provinces  gained  by  the  Spaniards  been  the  fruit 
of  peaceful  acquisition,  —  of  barter  and  negotiation, 
—  or  had  their  conquest  been  achieved  under  the 
immediate  direction  of  government,  the  interests  of 
the  natives  would  have  been  more  carefully  protect- 
ed. From  the  superior  civilization  of  the  Indians  in 
the  Spanish  American  colonies,  they  still  continued 
after  the  Conquest  to  remain  on  the  ground,  and  to 
mingle  in  the  same  communities,  with  the  white 
men ;  in  this  forming  an  obvious  contrast  to  the 
condition  of  our  own  aborigines,  who,  shrinking 
from  the  contact  of  civilization,  have  withdrawn, 
as  the  latter  has  advanced,  deeper  and  deeper  into 
the  heart  of  the  wilderness.  But  the  South  Ameri- 
can Indian  was  qualified  by  his  previous  institutions 
for  a  more  refined  legislation  than  could  be  adapted 
to  the  wild  hunters  of  the  forest ;  and,  had  the  sov- 
ereign been  there  in  person  to  superintend  his  con- 
quests, he  could  never  have  suffered  so  large  a 
portion  of  his  vassals  to  be  wantonly  sacrificed  to 
the  cupidity  and  cruelty  of  the  handful  of  adven- 
turers who  subdued  them. 

But,  as  it  was,  the  affair  of  reducing  the  country 
was  committed  to  the  hands  of  irresponsible  indi- 


246  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

victuals,  soldiers  of  fortune,  desperate  adventurers, 
who  entered  on  conquest  as  a  game,  which  they 
were  to  play  in  the  most  unscrupulous  manner,  with 
little  care  but  to  win  it.  Receiving  small  encour- 
agement from  the  government,  they  were  indebted 
to  their  own  valor  for  success ;  and  the  right  of  con- 
quest, they  conceived,  extinguished  every  existing 
right  in  the  unfortunate  natives.  The  lands,  the 
persons,  of  the  conquered  races  were  parcelled  out 
and  appropriated  by  the  victors  as  the  legitimate 
spoils  of  victory;  and  outrages  were  perpetrated 
every  day,  at  the  contemplation  of  which  humanity 
shudders. 

These  outrages,  though  nowhere  perpetrated  on 
so  terrific  a  scale  as  in  the  islands,  where,  in  a  few 
years,  they  had  nearly  annihilated  the  native  popula- 
tion, were  yet  of  sufficient  magnitude  in  Peru  to 
call  down  the  vengeance  of  Heaven  on  the  heads 
of  their  authors;  and  the  Indian  might  feel  that 
this  vengeance  was  not  long  delayed,  when  he  be- 
held his  oppressors,  wrangling  over  their  miserable 
spoil,  and  turning  their  swords  against  each  other. 
Peru,  as  already  mentioned,  was  subdued  by  ad- 
venturers, for  the  most  part,  of  a  lower  and  more 
ferocious  stamp  than  those  who  followed  the  banner 
of  Cortes.  The  character  of  the  followers  partook, 
in  some  measure,  of  that  of  the  leaders  in  their  re- 
spective enterprises.  It  was  a  sad  fatality  for  the 
Incas  ;  for  the  reckless  soldiers  of  Pizarro  were  bet- 
ter suited  to  contend  with  the  fierce  Aztec  than  with 
the  more  refined  and  effeminate  Peruvian.  Intoxi- 


CH.  VII.]  ABUSES  BY  THE  CONQUERORS.  247 

cated  by  the  unaccustomed  possession  of  power, 
and  without  the  least  notion  of  the  responsibilities 
which  attached  to  their  situation  as  masters  of  the 
land,  they  too  often  abandoned  themselves  to  the 
indulgence  of  every  whim  which  cruelty  or  caprice 
could  dictate.  Not  unfrequently,  says  an  unsuspi- 
cious witness,  I  have  seen  the  Spaniards,  long  after 
the  Conquest,  amuse  themselves  by  hunting  down 
the  natives  with  bloodhounds  for  mere  sport,  or  in 
order  to  train  their  dogs  to  the  game  ! l  The  most 
unbounded  scope  was  given  to  licentiousness.  The 
young  maiden  was  torn  without  remorse  from  the 
arms  of  her  family  to  gratify  the  passion  of  her  brutal 
conqueror.2  The  sacred  houses  of  the  Virgins  of 
the  Sun  were  broken  open  and  violated,  and  the 
cavalier  swelled  his  harem  with  a  troop  of  Indian 
girls,  making  it  seem  that  the  Crescent  would  have 
been  a  much  more  fitting  symbol  for  his  banner  than 
the  immaculate  Cross.3 

But  the  dominant  passion  of  the  Spaniard  was 
the  lust  of  gold.  For  this  he  shrunk  from  no  toil 
himself,  and  was  merciless  in  his  exactions  of  labor 


1  "  Espanoles    hai    que    crian  tra  su  voluntad,  diciendo :   For  la 
perros  carnieeros  i  los  avezan  a  presente  daraos  licencia  a  vos  Fu- 
matar  Indies,  lo  qual  procuran  a  lano,  para  que  os  podais  servir  de 
las  veces  -por  pasatiempo,  i  ver  si  tal  Indio  6  de  tal  India  e  lo  podais 
lo  hacen  bien  los  perros."    Rela-  tomar  e  sacar  donde  quiera  que  lo 
cion  que  dio  el  Provisor  Morales  hallaredes."      Rel.    del    Provisor 
sobre  las  cosas  que  convenian  pro-  Morales,  MS. 

varse  en  el  Peru,  MS.  3   "  Es    general    el    vicio    del 

2  "  Que  los  Justicias  dan  cedulas  amancebamiento  con  Indias,  i  algu- 
de  Anaconas  que  por  otros  termi-  nos  tienen  cantidad  dellas  como  en 

^nos  los  hacen  esclavos  e  vivir  con-  serrallo."    Ibid.,  MS. 


248  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

,^M>  jJ 

from  his  Indian  slave.  Unfortunately,  Peru  abound- 
ed in  mines  which  too  well  repaid  this  labor ;  and 
human  life  was  the  item  of  least  account  in  the 
estimate  of  the  Conquerors.  Under  his  Incas,  the 
Peruvian  was  never  suffered  to  be  idle  ;  but  the 
task  imposed  on  him  was  always  proportioned  to  his 
strength.  He  had  his  seasons  of  rest  and-  refresh- 
ment, and  was  well  protected  against  the  inclem- 
ency of  the  weather.  Every  care  was  shown  for 
his  personal  safety.  But  the  Spaniards,  while  they 
taxed  the  strength  of  the  native  to  the  utmost,  de- 
prived him  of  the  means  of  repairing  it,  when  ex- 
hausted. They  suffered  the  provident  arrangements 
of  the  Incas  to  fall  into  decay.  The  granaries 
were  emptied;  the  flocks  were  wasted  in  riotous 
living.  They  were  slaughtered  to  gratify  a  mere 
epicurean  whim,  and  many  a  llama  was  destroyed 
solely  for  the  sake  of  the  brains,  —  a  dainty  morsel, 
much  coveted  by  the  Spaniards.4  So  reckless  was 
the  spirit  of  destruction  after  the  Conquest,  says 
Ondegardo,  the  wise  governor  of  Cuzco,  that  in 
four  years  more  of  these  animals  perished  than  in 
four  hundred,  in  the  times  of  the  Incas.5  The 
flocks,  once  so  numerous  over  the  broad  table-lands, 
were  now  thinned  to  a  scanty  number,  that  sought 
shelter  in  the  fastnesses  of  the  Andes.  The  poor 

4  "  Muchos  Espanoles  ban  muer-  5  "  Se  puede  afirmar  que  hicie- 

to  i  matan   increible  cantidad  de  ron  mas  dafio  los  Espanoles    en 

ovejas  por  corner  solo  los   sesos,  solos  quatro  anos  que  el  Inga  en 

hacer  pasteles  del  tuetano  i  cande-  quatrocientos."     Ondegardo,   Rel. 

las  de  la   grasa.     De  ai  hambre  Seg.,  MS. 
general."     Ibid.,  MS. 


CH.  VII.]  ABUSES   BY   THE   CONQUERORS. 


249 


Indian,  without  food,  without  the  warm  fleece  which 
furnished  him  a  defence  against  the  cold,  now 
wandered  half-starved  and  naked  over  the  plateau. 
Even  those  who  had  aided  the  Spaniards  in  the 
conquest  fared  no  better ;  and  many  an  Inca  noble 
roamed  a  mendicant  over  the  lands  where  he  once 
held  rule,  and  if  driven,  perchance,  by  his  necessi- 
ties, to  purloin  something  from  the  superfluity  of  his 
conquerors,  he  expiated  it  by  a  miserable  death.6 

It  is  true,  there  were  good  men,  missionaries, 
faithful  to>  their  calling,  who  wrought  hard  in  the 
spiritual  conversion  of  the  native,  and  who,  touched 
by  his  misfortunes,  would  gladly  have  interposed 
their  arm  to  shield  him  from  his  oppressors.7  But 


6  *•  Ahora  no  tienen  que  comer 
ni  donde  sembrar,  i  asi  van  a  hur- 
tallo  como  solian,  delito  por  que 
han  aorcado  a  muchos."  Rel.  del 
Provisor  Morales,  MS. 

This,  and  some  of  the  preceding 
citations,  as  the  reader  will  see,' 
have  been  taken  from  the  MS.  of 
the  Bachelor  Luis  de  Morales,  who 
lived  eighteen  or  twenty  years  in 
Cuzco ;  and,  in  1541,  about  the 
time  of  Vaca  de  Castro's  coming  to 
Peru,  prepared  a  Memorial  for  the 
government,  embracing  a  hundred 
and  nine  chapters.  It  treats  of  the 
condition  of  the  country,  and  the 
remedies  which  suggested  them- 
selves to  the  benevolent  mind  of  its 
author.  The  emperor's  notes  on  the 
margin  show  that  it  received  atten- 
tion at  court.  There  is  no  reason, 
as  far  as  I  am  aware,  to  distrust  the 
testimony  of  the  writer,  and  Munoz 
VOL.  II.  32 


has  made  some  sensible  extracts 
from  it  for  his  inestimable  collection. 

7  Father  Naharro  notices  twelve 
missionaries,  some  of  his  own  or- 
der, whose  zealous  labors  and  mir- 
acles for  the  conversion  of  the  Ind- 
ians he  deems  worthy  of  com- 
parison with  those  of  the  twelve 
Apostles  of  Christianity.  It  is  a 
pity  that  history,  while  it  has  com- 
memorated the  names  of  so  many 
persecutors  of  the  poor  heathen, 
should  have  omitted  those  of  their 
benefactors. 

"  Tomo  su  divina  Magestad  por 
instrumento  12  solos  religiosos  po- 
bres,  descalzos  i  desconocidos,  5 
del  orden  de  la  Merced,  4  de  Pre- 
dicadores,  i  3  de  San  Francisco, 
obraron  lo  mismo  que  los  12  apo- 
stolos  en  la  conversion  de  todo  el 
universe  mundo."  Naharro,  Re- 
lacion  Sumaria,  MS. 


250  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

too  often  the  ecclesiastic  became  infected  by  the 
genera]  spirit  of  licentiousness ;  and  the  religious 
fraternities,  who  led  a  life  of  easy  indulgence  on  the 
lands  cultivated  by  their  Indian  slaves,  were  apt  to 
think  less  of  the  salvation  of  their  souls  than  of 
profiting  by  the  labor  of  their  bodies.8 

Yet  still  there  were  not  wanting  good  and  wise 
men  in  the  colonies,  who,  from  time  to  time,  raised 
the  voice  of  remonstrance  against  these  abuses,  and 
who  carried  their  complaints  to  the  foot  of  the 
throne.  To  the  credit  of  the  government,  it  must 
also  be  confessed,  that  it  was  solicitous  to  obtain 
such  information  as  it  could,  both  from  its  own 
officers,  and  from  commissioners  deputed  expressly 
for  the  purpose,  whose  voluminous  communications 
throw  a  flood  of  light  on  the  internal  condition  of 
the  country,  and  furnish  the  best  materials  for  the 
historian.9  But  it  was  found  much  easier  to  get  this 
information  than  to  profit  by  it. 

8  "Todoslos  conventos  de  Do-  This    statement  of  the  licentiate 

minicos  i  Mercenarios  tienen  re-  shows  a  different  side  of  the  pic- 

partimientos.     Ninguno  dellos  ha  ture  from  that  above  quoted  from 

dotrinado  ni  convertido  un  Indio.  Father  Naharro.     Yet    they  are 

Procuran  sacar  dellos  quanto  pue-  not  irreconcilable.     Human  nature 

den,  trabajarles  en  grangerias  ;  con  has  both  its  lights  and  its  shadows, 

esto  i  con  otras  limosnas  enrique-  9  I  have  several  of  these  Me- 

cen.    Mai  egemplo.    Ademas  con-  morials  or  Relaciones,  as  they  are 

vendra  no  pasen  frailes  sino  prece-  called,  in  my  possession,  drawn  up 

diendo  diligente  examen  de  vida  i  by  residents  in  answer  to  queries 

dotrina."     (Relacion  de  las  cosas  propounded  by  government.   These 

que  S.  M.  deve  pro  veer  para  los  queries,  while  their  great  object  is 

reynos  del  Peru,  embiada  desde  los  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  existing 

Reyes  a  la  Corte  por  el  Licenciado  abuses,  and  to  invite  the  suggestion 

Martel  Santoyo,  de  quien  va  firma-  of  remedies,  are  often  directed  to 

da  en  principios  de   1542,  MS.)  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  ancient 


LH.  VII.]  CODE  FOR  THE  COLONIES.  251 

In  1541,  Charles  the  Fifth,  who  had  been  much 
occupied  by  the  affairs  of  Germany,  revisited  his  an- 
cestral dominions,  where  his  attention  was  impera- 
tively called  to  the  state  of  the  colonies.  Several 
memorials  in  relation  to  it  were  laid  before  him  ; 
but  no  one  pressed  the  matter  so  strongly  on  the 
royal  conscience  as  Las  Casas,  afterwards  Bish- 
op of  Chiapa.  This  good  ecclesiastic,  whose  long 
life  had  been  devoted  to  those  benevolent  labors 
which  gained  him  the  honorable  title  of  Protector 
of  the  Indians,  had  just  completed  his  celebrated 
treatise  on  the  Destruction  of  the  Indies,  the  most 
remarkable  record,  probably,  to  be  found,  of  human 
wickedness,  but  which,  unfortunately,  loses  much  of 
its  effect  from  the  credulity  of  the  writer,  and  his 
obvious  tendency  to  exaggerate. 

In  1542,  Las  Casas  placed  his  manuscript  in  the 
hands  of  his  royal  master.  That  same  year,  a  coun- 
cil was  called  at  Valladolid,  composed  chiefly  of 
jurists  and  theologians,  to  devise  a  system  of  laws 
for  the  regulation  of  the  American  colonies. 

Las  Casas  appeared  before  this  body,  and  made 
an  elaborate  argument,  of  which  a  part  only  has 

Incas.     The  responses,  therefore,  reports  without  a  deep  conviction 

are  of  great  value  to  the  historical  of  the  pains  taken  by  the  Crown 

inquirer.     The  most  important  of  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  the  abuses 

these  documents  in  my  possession  in  the  domestic  government  of  the 

is  that  by  Ondegardo,  governor  of  colonies,  and  their  honest  purpose 

Cuzco,  covering  near  four  hundred  to    amend    them.     Unfortunately, 

folio  pages,  once  forming  part  of  in  this  laudable  purpose  they  were 

Lord  Kingsborough's  valuable  col-  not  often  seconded  by  the  colonists 

ection.     It  is  impossible  to  peruse  themselves, 
these  elaborate  and  conscientious 


252  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boou  IV. 

been  given  to  the  public.  He  there  assumes,  as  a 
fundamental  proposition,  that  the  Indians  were  by 
the  law  of  nature  free ;  that,  as  vassals  of  the 
Crown,  they  had  a  right  to  its  protection,  and  should 
be  declared  free  from  that  time,  without  exception 
and  for  ever.10  He  sustains  this  proposition  by  a 
great  variety  of  arguments,  comprehending  the  sub- 
stance of  most  that  has  been  since  urged  in  the 
same  cause  by  the  friends  of  humanity.  He  touch- 
es on  the  ground  of  expediency,  showing,  that, 
without  the  interference  of  government,  the  Indian 
race  must  be  gradually  exterminated  by  the  syste- 
matic oppression  of  the  Spaniards.  In  conclusion, 
he  maintains,  that,  if  the  Indians,  as  it  was  pre- 
tended, would  not  labor  unless  compelled,  the  white 
man  would  still  find  it  for  his  interest  to  cultivate 
the  soil ;  and  that  if  he  should  not  be  able  to  do 
so,  that  circumstance  would  give  him  no  right  over 
the  Indian,  since  God  does  not  allow  evil  that  good 
may  come  of  it.11 — This  lofty  morality,  it  will  be  re- 


10   The  perpetual  emancipation  servieios,  dandolos  por  causa  para 

of  the  Indians  is  urged  in  the  most  que  los  dexen  servir  de  los  indios 

emphatic  manner  by  another  bishop,  como  de  esclavos  :    V.  M.  se  los 

also  a  Dominican,  but  bearing  cer-  tiene  mui  bien  pagados  en  los  pro- 

tainly  very  little  resemblance  to  Las  vechos  que  han  avido  desta  tierra, 

Casas.     Fray  Valverde  makes  this  y  no  los  ha  de  pagar  con  hazer  a 

one  of  the  prominent  topics  in  a  sus  vasallos  esclavos."     Carta  de 

communication,  already  cited,  to  the  Valverde  al  Emperador,  MS. 

government,  the  general  scope  of  n  "  La  loi  de  Dieu  defend  de 

which  must  be  admitted  to  do  more  faire  le  mal  pour  qu'il  en  resulte 

credit  to  his  humanity  than  some  dubien."     CEuvres  de  Las  Casas, 

of  the  passages  recorded  of  him  in  eveque  de  Chiapa,  trad,  par  Llo- 

history.  — "  A  V.  M.  representa-  rente,   (Paris,    1822,)   torn.   I.   p. 

ran  alia  los  conquistadores  muchos  251. 


CH.  VII.]  CODE  FOR  THE  COLONIES.  253 

membered,  was  from  the  lips  of  a  Dominican,  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  one  of  the  order  that  founded 
the  Inquisition,  and  in  the  very  country  where  the 
fiery  tribunal  was  then  in  most  active  operation ! 12 

The  arguments  of  Las  Casas  encountered  all  the 
opposition  naturally  to  be  expected  from  indiffer- 
ence, selfishness,  and  bigotry.  They  were  also  re- 
sisted by  some  persons  of  just  and  benevolent  views 
in  his  audience,  who,  while  they  admitted  the  gen- 
eral correctness  of  his  reasoning,  and  felt  deep  sym- 
pathy for  the  wrongs  of  the  natives,  yet  doubted 
whether  his  scheme  of  reform  was  not  fraught  with 
greater  evils  than  those  it  was  intended  to  correct. 
For  Las  Casas  was  the  uncompromising  friend  of 
freedom.  He  intrenched  himself  strongly  on  the 
ground  of  natural  right ;  and,  like  some  of  the  re- 
formers of  our  own  day,  disdained  to  calculate  the 
consequences  of  carrying  out  the  principle  to  its  full 
and  unqualified  extent.  His  earnest  eloquence,  in- 
stinct with  the  generous  love  of  humanity,  and  for- 
tified by  a  host  of  facts,  which  it  was  not  easy  to 
assail,  prevailed  over  his  auditors.  The  result  of 
their  deliberations  was  a  code  of  ordinances,  which, 
however,  far  from  being  limited  to  the  wants  of  the 

12  It  is  a  curious  coincidence,  ics  of  such  interest  to  humanity, 

that  this  argument  of  Las  Casas  should  not  have  been  more  freely 

should  have  been  first  published —  consulted,    or   at   least    cited,    by 

in  a  translated  form,  indeed  —  by  those  who  have  since  trod  in  his 

a    secretary    of    the    Inquisition,  footsteps.     They  are    an    arsenal 

Llorente.     The   original    still    re-  from  which    many  a    serviceable 

mains  in  MS.     It  is  singular  that  weapon  for  the  good  cause  might 

these  volumes,  containing  the  views  be  borrowed, 
of  this  great  philanthropist  on  top- 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

natives,  had  particular  reference  to  the  European 
population,  and  the  distractions  of  the  country. 
It  was  of  general  application  to  all  the  American 
colonies.  It  will  be  necessary  here  only  to  point 
out  some  of  the  provisions  having  immediate  refer- 
ence to  Peru. 

The  Indians  were  declared  true  and  loyal  vassals 
of  the  Crown,  and  their  freedom  as  such  was  fully 
recognized.  Yet,  to  maintain  inviolate  the  guaran- 
ty of  the  government  to  the  Conquerors,  it  was  de- 
cided, that  those  lawfully  possessed  of  slaves  might 
still  retain  them  ;  but,  at  the  death  of  the  present 
proprietors,  they  were  to  revert  to  the  Crown. 

It  was  provided,  however,  that  slaves,  in  any 
event,  should  be  forfeited  by  all  those  who  had 
shown  themselves  unworthy  to  hold  them  by  neglect 
or  ill-usage  ;  by  all  public  functionaries,  or  such  as 
had  held  offices  under  the  government ;  by  eccle- 
siastics and  religious  corporations  ;  and  lastly,  —  a 
sweeping  clause,  —  by  all  who  had  taken  a  criminal 
part  in  the  feuds  of  Almagro  and  Pizarro. 

It  was  further  ordered,  that  the  Indians  should  be 
moderately  taxed ;  that  they  should  not  be  compelled 
to  labor  where  they  did  not  choose,  and  that  where, 
from  particular  circumstances,  this  was  made  neces- 
sary, they  should  receive  a  fair  compensation.  It 
was  also  decreed,  that,  as  the  repartimientos  of  land 
were  often  excessive,  they  should  in  such  cases  be 
reduced ;  and  that,  where  proprietors  had  been  guilty 
of  a  notorious  abuse  of  their  slaves,  their  estates 
should  be  forfeited  altogether. 


Ce.  VII.]  CODE  FOR  THE  COLONIES.  255 

As  Peru  had  always  shown  a  spirit  of  insubordi- 
nation, which  required  a  more  vigorous  interposition 
of  authority  than  was  necessary  in  the  other  colo- 
nies, it  was  resolved  to  send  a  viceroy  to  that  coun- 
try, who  should  display  a  state,  and  be  armed  with 
powers,  that  might  make  him  a  more  fitting  repre- 
sentative of  the  sovereign.  He  was  to  be  accom- 
panied by  a  Royal  Audience,  consisting  of  four 
judges,  with  extensive  powers  of  jurisdiction,  both 
criminal  and  civil,  who,  besides  a  court  of  justice, 
should  constitute  a  sort  of  council  to  advise  with  and 
aid  the  viceroy.  The  Audience  of  Panama  was  to 
be  dissolved,  and  the  new  tribunal,  with  the  vice- 
king's  court,  was  to  be  established  at  Los  Reyes,  or 
Lima,  as  it  now  began  to  be  called, — henceforth  the 
metropolis  of  the  Spanish  empire  on  the  Pacific.13 

Such  were  some  of  the  principal  features  of  this 
remarkable  code,  which,  touching  on  the  most  del- 
icate relations  of  society,  broke  up  the  very  founda- 
tions of  property,  and,  by  a  stroke  of  the  pen,  as  it 
were,  converted  a  nation  of  slaves  into  freemen. 
It  would  have  required,  we  may  suppose,  but  little 
forecast  to  divine,  that  in  the  remote  regions  of 
America,  and  especially  in  Peru,  where  the  colo- 
nists had  been  hitherto  accustomed  to  unbounded 
license,  a  reform,  so  salutary  in  essential  points, 
could  be  enforced  thus  summarily  only  at  the  price 


13  The  provisions  of  this  cele-  writers.     Herrera  gives   them  in 

brated  code  are  to  be  found,  with  extenso.     Hist.   General,    dec.    7, 

more  or  less  —  generally  less  —  ac-  lib.  6,  cap.  5. 
curacy,  in  the  various  contemporary 


256  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

of  a  revolution.  —  Yet  the  ordinances  received  the 
sanction  of  the  emperor  that  same  year,  and  in 
November,  1543,  were  published  at  Madrid.14 

No  sooner  was  their  import  known  than  it  was 
conveyed  by  numerous  letters  to  the  colonists,  from 
their  friends  in  Spain.  The  tidings  flew  like  wild- 
fire over  the  land,  from  Mexico  to  Chili.  Men  were 
astounded  at  the  prospect  of  the  ruin  that  awaited 
them.  In  Peru,  particularly,  there  was  scarcely  one 
that  could  hope  to  escape  the  operation  of  the  law. 
Few  there  were  who  had  not  taken  part,  at  some 
time  or  other,  in  the  civil  feuds  of  Almagro  and 
Pizarro ;  and  still  fewer  of  those  that  remained  that 
would  not  be  entangled  in  some  one  or  other  of 
the  insidious  clauses  that  seemed  spread  out,  like  a 
web,  to  ensnare  them. 

The  whole  country  was  thrown  into  commotion. 
Men  assembled  tumultuously  in  the  squares  and 
public  places,  and,  as  the  regulations  were  made 
known,  they  were  received  with  universal  groans 
and  hisses.  "  Is  this  the  fruit,"  they  cried,  "  of  all 
our  toil?  Is  it  for  this  that  we  have  poured  out 
our  blood  like  water  ?  Now  that  we  are  broken 
down  by  hardships  and  sufferings,  to  be  left  at  the 
end  of  our  campaigns  as  poor  as  at  the  beginning ! 
Is  this  the  way  government  rewards  our  services  in 
mi'i*<  &&  |#  ?Jttc  v. 

l*  Las  Casas  pressed  the  matter  elusive  condition  of  converting  the 

home  on  the  royal  conscience,  by  heathen,   and   that  the   Almighty 

representing  that   the   Papal  See  would  hold  him  accountable  for  the 

conceded  the  right  of  conquest  to  execution  of  this  trust.     CEuvres 

the  Spanish  sovereigns  on  the  ex-  de  Las  Casas,  ubi  supra. 


CH.  VII.]  GREAT   EXCITEMENT   IN   PERU.       ,  257 

whining  for  it  an  empire  ?  The  government  has  done 
little  to  aid  us  in  making  the  conquest,  and  for  what 
we  have. we  may  thank  our  own  good  swords;  and 
with  these  same  swords,"  they  continued,  warming 
into  menace,  "  we  know  how  to  defend  it."  Then, 
stripping  up  his  sleeve,  the  war-worn  veteran  bared 
his  arm,  or,  exposing  his  naked  bosom,  pointed  to 
his  scars,  as  the  best  title  to  his  estates.15 

The  governor,  Vaca  de  Castro,  watched  the  storm 
thus  gathering  from  all  quarters,  with  the  deepest 
concern.  He  was  himself  in  the  very  heart  of  .dis- 
affection ;  for  Cuzco,  tenanted  by  a  mixed  and  law- 
less population,  was  so  far  removed  into  the  depths 
of  the  mountains,  that  it  had  much  less  intercourse 
with  the  parent  country,  and  was  consequently 
much  less  under  her  influence,  than  the  great  towns 
on  the  coast.  The  people  now  invoked  the  govern- 
or to  protect  them  against  the  tyranny  of  the  Court ; 
but  he  endeavoured  to  calm  the  agitation  by  repre- 
senting, that  by  these  violent  measures  they  would 
only  defeat  their  own  object.  He  counselled  them 
to  name  deputies  to  lay  their  petition  before  the 


15  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  a  reduce  the    country    to    beggary. 

Pedro  de  Valdivia,  MS.,  desde  Los  Benalcazar  was  a  conqueror,  and 

Reyes,  31  de  Oct.,  1538.  —  Zarate,  one  of  the  most  respectable  of  his 

Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  1. —  caste.     His  argument  is  a    good 

Herrera,   Hist.   General,    dec.    7,  specimen  of  the  reasoning  of  his 

lib.  6,  cap.  10,  11.  party  on  this  subject,  and  presents 

Benalcazar,  in  a  letter  to  Charles  a  decided  counterblast  to  that  of 

the  Fifth,  indulges  in  a  strain  of  Las  Casas.    Carta  de  Benalcazar  al 

invective   against  the    ordinances,  Emperador,  MS.,  desde  Cali,  20 

which,  by  stripping  the  planters  of  de  Diciembre,  1544. 
their  Indian  slaves,  must  inevitably 

VOL.    II.  33 


258  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

Crown,  stating  the  impracticability  of  the  present 
scheme  of  reform,  and  praying  for  the  repeal  of  it ; 
and  he  conjured  them  to  wait  patiently  for  the  ar- 
rival of  the  viceroy,  who  might  be  prevailed  on  to 
suspend  the  ordinances  till  further  advices  could  be 
received  from  Castile. 

But  it  was  not  easy  to  still  the  tempest;  and  the 
people  now  eagerly  looked  for  some  one  whose  in- 
terests and  sympathies  might  lie  with  theirs,  and 
whose  position  in  the  community  might  afford  them 
protection.  The  person  to  whom  they  naturally 
turned  in  this  crisis  was  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  the  last 
in  the  land  of  that  family  who  had  led  the  armies  of 
the  Conquest, — a  cavalier  whose  gallantry  and  pop- 
ular manners  had  made  him  always  a  favorite  with 
the  people.  He  was  now  beset  with  applications 
to  interpose  in  their  behalf  with  the  government, 
and  shield  them  from  the  oppressive  ordinances. 

But  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  at  Charcas,  busily  occu- 
pied in  exploring  the  rich  veins  of  Potosi,  whose 
silver  fountains,  just  brought  into  light,  were  soon 
to  pour  such  streams  of  wealth  over  Europe. 
Though  gratified  with  this  appeal  to  his  protection, 
the  cautious  cavalier  was  more  intent  on  providing 
for  the  means  of  enterprise  than  on  plunging  pre- 
maturely into  it ;  and,  while  he  secretly  encouraged 
the  malecontents,  he  did  not  commit  himself  by  tak- 
ing part  in  any  revolutionary  movement.  At  the 
same  period,  he  received  letters  from  Vaca  de  Cas- 
tro, —  whose  vigilant  eye  watched  all  the  aspects  of 
the  time,  —  cautioning  Gonzalo  and  his  friends  not 


CH.  VII.]  BLASCO  NUfrEZ  THE  VICEROY.  259 

to  be  seduced,  by  any  wild  schemes  of  .reform,  from 
their  allegiance.  And,  to  check  still  further  these 
disorderly  movements,  he  ordered  his  alcaldes  to 
arrest  every  man  guilty  of  seditious  language,  and 
bring  him  at  once  to  punishment.  By  this  firm 
yet  temperate  conduct  the- minds  of  the  populace 
were  overawed,  and  there  was  a  temporary  lull  in 
the  troubled  waters,  while  all  looked  anxiously  for 
the  coming  of  the  viceroy.16 

The  person  selected  for  this  critical  post  was  a 
knight  of  Avila,  named  Blasco  Nunez  Vela.  He 
was  a  cavalier  of  ancient  family,  handsome  in  per- 
son, though  now  somewhat  advanced  in  years,  and 
reputed  brave  and  devout.  He  had  filled  some 
offices  of  responsibility  to  the  satisfaction  of  Charles 
the  Fifth,  by  whom  he  was  now  appointed  to  this 
post  in  Peru.  The  selection  did  no  credit  to  the 
monarch's  discernment. 

It  may  seem  strange  that  this  important  place 
should  not  have  been  bestowed  on  Vaca  de  Castro, 
already  on  the  spot,  and  who  had  shown  himself 
so  well  qualified  to  fill^  it.  But  ever  since  that 
officer's  mission  to  Peru,  there  had  been  a  series 
of  assassinations,  insurrections,  and  civil  wars,  that 
menaced  the  wretched  colony  with  ruin ;  and, 
though  his  wise  administration  had  now  brought 
things  into  order,  the  communication  with  the  In- 
dies was  so  tardy,  that  the  results  of  his  policy  were 

16  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  — Zarate,  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  a  Val- 
Conq.  del  Peru,  ubi  supra.  —  Pedro  divia,  MS.  —  Montesinos,  Annales, 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.  —  MS.,  ano  1543. 


260  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boo*  IV. 

not  yet  fully  disclosed.  As  it  was  designed,  more- 
over, to  make  important  innovations  in  the  govern- 
ment, it  was  thought  better  to  send  some  one  who 
would  have  no  personal  prejudices  to  encounter, 
from  the  part  he  had  already  taken,  and  who. 
coming  directly  from  the  Court,  and  clothed  with 
extraordinary  powers,  might  present  himself  with 
greater  authority  than  could  one  who  had  become 
familiar  to  the  people  in  an  inferior  capacity.  The 
monarch,  however,  wrote  a  letter  with  his  own 
hand  to  Vaca  de  Castro,  in  which  he  thanked  that 
officer  for  his  past  services,  and  directed  him,  after 
aiding  the  new  viceroy  with  the  fruits  of  his  large 
experience,  to  return  to  Castile,  and  take  his  seat 
in  the  Royal  Council.  Letters  of  a  similar  compli- 
mentary kirid  were  sent  to  the  loyal  colonists  who 
had  stood  by  the  governor  in  the  late  troubles  of 
the  country.  Freighted  with  these  testimonials,  and 
with  the  ill-starred  ordinances,  Blasco  Nunez  em- 
barked at  San  Lucar,  on  the  3d  of  November,  1543. 
He  was  attended  by '  the  four  judges  of  the  Au- 
dience,  and  by  a  numerous  retinue,  that  he  might 
appear  in  the  state  befitting  his  distinguished  rank.17 
About  the  middle  of  the  following  January,  1544, 
the  viceroy,  after  a  favorable  passage,  landed  at 
Nombre  de  Dios.  He  found  there  a  vessel  laden 
with  silver  from  the  Peruvian  mines,  ready  to  sail 
for  Spain.  His  first  act  was  to  lay  an  embargo  on 

!7  Carta  de  Gonzalo   Pizarro   a    Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte 
Valdivia,  MS.  —  Herrera,    Hist.     1,  lib.  1,  cap.  6.  —  Zarate,  MS. 
General,  dec.  7,  lib.  6,  cap.  9.  — 


* 
I 


CH.  VII.]  HIS   SEVERE  POLICY.  261 

it  for  the  government,  as  containing  the  proceeds 
of  slave  labor.  After  this  extraordinary  measure, 
taken  in  opposition  to  the  advice  of  the  Audience, 
he  crossed  the  Isthmus  to  Panama.  Here  he  gave 
sure  token  of  his  future  policy,  by  causing  more 
than  three  hundred  Indians,  who  had  been  brought 
by  their  owners  from  Peru,  to  be  liberated  and  sent 
back  to  their  own  country.  This  high-handed 
measure  created  the  greatest  sensation  in  the  city, 
and  was  strongly  resisted  by  the  judges  of  the  Audi- 
ence. They  besought  him  not  to  begin  thus  precipi- 
tately to  execute  his  commission,  but  to  wait  till  his 
arrival  in  the  colony,*  when  he  should  have  taken 
time  to  acquaint  himself  somewhat  with  the  country, 
and  with  the  temper  of  the  people.  But  Blasco 
Nunez  coldly  replied,  that  "he  had  come,  not  to 
tamper  with  the  laws,  nor  to  discuss  their  merits, 
but  to  execute  them,  —  and  execute  them  he  would, 
to  the  letter,  whatever  might  be  the  consequence. " ls 
This  answer,  and  the  peremptory  tone  in  which  it 
was  delivered,  promptly  adjourned  the  debate ;  for 
the  judges  saw.  that  debate  was  useless  with  one 
who  seemed  to  consider  all  remonstrance  as  an  at- 
tempt to  turn  him  from  his  duty,  and  whose  ideas 
of  duty  precluded  all  discretionary  exercise  of  au- 
thority, even  where  the  public  good  demanded  it. 


18  "  Estas  y  otras  cosas  le  dixo  de  executar  las  ordenan$as  como 

el  Licenciado  Carate :  que  no  fueron  en  ellas  se  contenia  :  sin  esperar 

al  gusto  del  Virey  :  antes  se  enojo  para  ello  terminos  algunos,  ni  dila- 

mucho  por  ello,   y  respondio  con  clones."     Fernandez,    Hist,     del 

alguna  aspereza :  jurando,  que  auia  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  6. 


262  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

Leaving  the  Audience,  as  one  of  its  body  was  ill, 
at  Panama,  the  viceroy  proceeded  on  his  way,  and, 
coasting  down  the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  on  the  fourth 
of  March  he  disembarked  at  Tumbez.  He  was 
well  received  by  the  loyal  inhabitants ;  his  authority 
was  publicly  proclaimed,  and  the  people  were  over- 
awed by  the  display  of  a  magnificence  and  state 
such  as  had  not  till  then  been  seen  in  Peru.  He 
took  an  early  occasion  to  intimate  his  future  line  of 
policy  by  liberating  a  number  of  Indian  slaves  on 
the  application  of  their  caciques.  He  then  proceed- 
ed by  land  towards  the  south,  and  showed  his  deter- 
mination to  conform  in  his  own  person  to  the  strict 
letter  of  the  ordinances,  by  causing  his  baggage  to 
be  carried  by  mules,  where  it  was  practicable  ;  and 
where  absolutely  necessary  to  make  use  of  Indians, 
he  paid  them  fairly  for  their  services.19 

The  whole  country  was  thrown  into  consternation 
by  reports  of  the  proceedings  of  the  viceroy,  and 
of  his  conversations,  most  unguarded,  which  were 
eagerly  circulated,  and,  no  doubt,  often  exagger- 
ated. Meetings  were  again  called  in  the  cities. 
Discussions  were  held  on  the  expediency  of  resisting 
his  further  progress,  and  a  deputation  of  citizens 
from  Cuzco,  who  were  then  in  Lima,  strongly  urged 
the  people  to  close  the  gates  of  that  capital  against 
him.  But  Vaca  de  Castro  had  also  left  Cuzco  for 
the  latter  city,  on  the  earliest  intimation  of  the  vice- 
is  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  zalo  Pizarro  a  Valdivia,  MS.  — 
5,  cap.  2.  —  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano 
Peru,  ubi  supra.  —  Carta  de  Gon-  1544. 


CH.  VII.]  OPPOSED  BY  GONZALO  PIZARRO.  263 

roy's   approach,  and,   with  some  difficulty,  he  pre- 
vailed on  the  inhabitants  not  to  swerve  from  their  . 
loyalty,  but  to  receive  their  new  ruler  with  suitable 
honors,  and  trust  to  his  calmer  judgment  for  post- 
poning the  execution  of  the  law  till  the  case  could  ; 
be  laid  before  the  throne.  1 

But  the  great  body  of  the  Spaniards,  after  what 
they  had  heard,  had  slender  confidence  in  the  relief 
to  be  obtained  from  this  quarter.  They  now  turned 
with  more  eagerness  than  ever  towards  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro;  and  letters  and  addresses  poured  in  upon  him 
from  ail  parts  of  the  country,  inviting  him  to  take  on 
himself  the  office  of  their  protector.  These  applica- 
tions found  a  more  favorable  response  than  on  the 
former  occasion. 

There  were,  indeed,  many  motives  at  work  to 
call  Gonzalo  into  action.  It  was  to  his  family, 
mainly,  that  Spain  was  indebted  for  this  extension 
of  her  colonial  empire  ;  and  he  had  felt  deeply  ag- 
grieved that  the  government  of  the  colony  should  be 
trusted  to  other  hands  than  his.  He  had  felt  this  on 
the  arrival  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  and  much  more  so 
when  the  appointment  of  a  viceroy  proved  it  to 
be  the  settled  policy  of  the  Crown  to  exclude  his 
family  from  the  management  of  affairs.  His  brother 
Hernando  still  languished  in  prison,  and  he  himself 
was  now  to  be  sacrificed  as  the  principal  victim  of 
the  fatal  ordinances*  For  who  had  taken  so  promi- 
nent a  part  in  the  civil  war  with  the  elder  Almagro  ? 
And  the  viceroy  was  currently  reported —  it  may 
have  been  scandal  —  to  have  intimated  that  Pizarro 


264  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [ BOOK  IV. 

would  be  dealt  with  accordingly.20  Yet  there  was 
no  one  in  the  country  who  had  so  great  a  stake,  who 
had  so  much  to  lose  by  the  revolution.  Abandoned 
thus  by  the  government,  he  conceived  that  it  was 
now  time  to  take  care  of  himself. 

Assembling  together  some  eighteen  or  twenty 
cavaliers  in  whom  he  most  trusted,  and  taking  a 
large  amount  of  silver.,  drawn  from  the  mines,  he 
accepted  the  invitation  to  repair  to  Cuzco.  As  he 
approached  this  capital,  he  was  met  by  a  numer- 
ous body  of  the  citizens,  who  came  out  to  welcome 
him,  making  the  air  ring  with  their  shouts,  as  they 
saluted  him  with  the  title  of  Procurator- General  of 
Peru.  The  title  was  speedily  confirmed  by  the  mu- 
nicipality of  the  city,  who  invited  him  to  head  a 
deputation  to  Lima,  in  order  to  state  their  griev- 
ances to  the  viceroy,  and  solicit  the  present  suspen- 
sion of  the  ordinances. 

But  the  spark  of  ambition  was  kindled  in  the 
bosom  of  Pizarro.  He  fek  strong  in  the  affections 
of  the  people ;  and,  from  the  more  elevated  position 
in  which  he  now  stood,  his  desires  took  a  loftier  and 


30  "  It  was  not  fair,"  the  viceroy  dos  en  la  batalla  de  las  Salinas  i  en 

said,  "  that  the  country  should  re-  las  diferencias  de  Almagro,  i  que 

main  longer  in  the  hands  of  mulet-  una  tierra  como  esta  no  era  justo 

eers  and  swineherds,  (alluding  to  que  estuviese  en  poder  de  gente 

the  origin  of  the  Pizarros,)  and  he  tan  vaxa  que  llamava  el  a  los  desta 

would  take  measures  to  restore  it  tierra  porqueros  i  arrieros,  sino  que 

to  the  Crown."  estuviese  toda  en  la  Corona  real." 

"  Que  asi  me  la  havia  de  cortar  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  a  Valdi- 

a  mi  i  a  todos  los  que  havian  seido  via,  MS. 
notablemente,  como  el  decia,  culpa- 


CH.  VII.]          OPPOSED  BY   GONZALO  PIZARRO.  265" 

more  unbounded  range.  Yet,  if  he  harboured  a 
criminal  ambition  in  his  breast,  he  skilfully  veiled  it 
from  others,  —  perhaps  from  himself.  The  only  ob- 
ject he  professed  to  have  in  view  was  the  good  of 
the  people  ; 21  a  suspicious  phrase,  usually  meaning 
the  good  of  the  individual.  He  now  demanded 
permission  to  raise  and  organize  an  armed  force, 
with  the  further  title  of  Captain -General.  His 
views  were  entirely  pacific  ;  but  it  was  not  safe,  un- 
less strongly  protected,  to  urge  them  on  a  person 
of  the  viceroy's  impatient  and  arbitrary  temper.  It 
was  further  contended  by  Pizarro's  friends,  that 
such  a  force  was  demanded,  to  rid  the  country  of 
their  old  enemy,  the  Inca  Manco,  who  hovered  in 
the  neighbouring  mountains  with  a  body  of  warriors, 
ready,  at  the  first  opportunity,  to  descend  on  the 
Spaniards.  The  municipality  of  Cuzco  hesitated, 
as  well  it  might,  to  confer  powers  so  far  beyond  its 
legitimate  authority.  But  Pizarro  avowed  his  pur- 
pose, in  case  of  refusal,  to  decline  the  office  of  Pro- 
curator ;  and  the  efforts  of  his  partisans,  backed  by 
those  of  the  people,  at  length  silenced  the  scruples 
of  the  magistrates,  who  bestowed  on  the  ambitious 
chief  the  military  command  to  which  he  aspired. 
Pizarro  accepted  it  with  the  modest  assurance, 
that  he  did  so  "  purely  from  regard  to  the  inter- 
ests of  the  king,  of  the  Indies,  and,  above  all,  of 
Peru  " ! 22 

21  "  Diciendo  que  no  queria  na-  rera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  7,  lib.  7, 

da  para  si,  sino  para  el  beneficio  cap.  20. 

universal,  i  que  por  todos  havia  de  ^  "  Acepte  lo  por  ver  que  en 

poner  todas  sus  fuer§as."     Her-  ello  hacia  servicio  a  Dios  i  a  S.  M. 
VOL.   II.                     34 


266  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV. 

i  gran  bien  a  esta  tierra  i  general-  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  4,  8.  —  Fer- 

mente  a  todas  las  Indias."     Car-  nandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1, 

ta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  a  Valdivia,  lib.  1,  cap.  8.  —  Carta  de  Gonzalo 

MS.  Pizarro  a  Valdivia,   MS.  —  Mon- 

Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  7,  tesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1544. 
lib.  7,  cap.  19, 20.— Zarate,  Conq. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

THE  VICEROY  ARRIVES  AT  LIMA.  —  GONZALO  PIZARRO  MARCHES  FROM 
Cuzco.  —  DEATH  OF  THE  INCA  MANCO.  —  RASH  CONDUCT  OF 
THE  VICEROY. —  SEIZED  AND  DEPOSED  BY  THE  AUDIENCE. —  GON- 
ZALO PROCLAIMED  GOVERNOR  OF  PERU. 

1544. 

WHILE  the  events  recorded  in  the  preceding 
pages  were  in  progress,  Blasco  Nunez  had  been 
journeying  towards  Lima.  But  the  alienation  which 
his  conduct  had  already  caused  in  the  minds  of  the 
colonists  was  shown  in  the  cold  reception  which  he 
occasionally  experienced  on  the  route,  and  in  the 
scanty  accommodations  provided  for  him  and  his 
retinue.  In  one  place  where  he. took  up  his  quar- 
ters, he  found  an  ominous  inscription  over  the  door : 
—  "  He  that  takes  my  property  must  expect  to  pay 
for  it  with  his  life."  *  Neither  daunted,  nor  diverted 
from  his  purpose,  the  inflexible  viceroy  held  on  his 
way  towards  the  capital,  where  the  inhabitants,  pre- 
ceded by  Vaca  de  Castro  and  the  municipal  authori- 
ties, came  out  to  receive  him.  He  entered  in  great 
state,  under  a  canopy  of  crimson  cloth,  embroidered 
with  the  arms  of  Spain,  and  supported  by  stout  poles 

1  "A  quien  me  viniere  a  quitar    Herrera,   Hist.    General,  dec.   7, 
mi  hacienda,  quitarle  he  la  vida."     lib.  7,  cap,  18. 


268  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV. 

or  staves  of  solid  silver,  which  were  borne  by  the 
members  of  the  municipality.  A  cavalier,  holding 
a  mace,  the  emblem  of  authority,  rode  before  him  ; 
and  after  the  oaths  of  office  were  administered  in 
the  council-chamber,  the  procession  moved  towards 
the  cathedral,  where  Te  Deum  was  sung,  and  Blasco 
Nunez  was  installed  in  his  new  dignity  of  viceroy 
of  Peru.2 

His  first  act  was  to  proclaim  his  determination  in 
respect  to  the  ordinances.  He  had  no  warrant  to 
suspend  their  execution.  He  should  fulfil  his  com- 
mission ;  but  he  offered  to  join  the  colonists  in  a 
memorial  to  the  emperor,  soliciting  the  repeal  of  a 
code  which  he  now  believed  would  be  for  the  in- 
terests neither  of  the  country  nor  of  the  Crown.3 
With  this  avowed  view  of  the  subject,  it  may  seem 
strange  that  Blasco  Nunez  should  not  have  taken 

2  "  Entro  en  la  cibdad  de  Lima  de  las  guardar  y  cumplir  todas  sus 

a  17  de  Mayo  de  1544  :  saliole  a  libertades  y  provisiones  de  S.  M.  ; 

recibir  todo  el  pueblo  a  pie   y  a  y  luego  fueron  desta  manera  hasta 

caballo  dos  tiros  de   ballesta  del  la  iglesia,  salieron  los  clerigos  con 

pueblo,  y  a  la  entrada  de  la  cibdad  la  cruz  a  la  puerta  y  le  metieron 

estaba  un   arco   triunfal  de   verde  dentro  cantando  Te  deum  laudamus, 

con  las  Armas  de   Espafia,  y  las  y  despuesque  obodicho  su  oracion, 

de  la  misma  cibdad  ;    estaban  le  fue  con  el  cabildo  y  toda  la  ciudad 

esperando   el  Regimiento  y  Justi-  a  su  palacio  donde  fue  recebido  y 

cia,  y  oficiales  del  Rey  con  ropas  hizo  un  parlamento  breve  en  que 

largas,  hasta  en  pies  de  carmesi,  contento  a  toda  la  gente."     Rela- 

y    un    palio    del    mesmo    carmesi  cion  de  los  sucesos  del  Peru  desde 

aforrado   en   lo  mesmo,  con  ocho  que  entro  el  virrey  Blasco  Nunez 

baras  guarnecidas  de  plata  y  toma-  acaecidos  en  mar  y  tierra,  MS. 
ronle  debajo  todos  a  pie,  cada  Re-        3  "  Porque  llanamente  el  confe- 

gidor  y  justicia  con  una  bara  del  saba,   que  asi  para  su  Magestad, 

palio,  y  el  Virrey  en  su  caballo  como  para  aquellos  Reinos,  eran 

con  las  mazas  delante  tomaronle  perjudiciales."     Zarate,  Conq.  del 

juramento  en  un  libro  misal,  y  juro  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  5. 


CH.  VIII.]    GONZALO  PIZARRO  MARCHES  FROM  CUZCO.  269 

the  responsibility  of  suspending  the  law  until  his 
sovereign  could  be  assured  of  the  inevitable  conse- 
quences of  enforcing  it.  The  pacha  of  a  Turkish 
despot,  who  had  allowed  himself  this  latitude  for  the 
interests  of  his  master,  might,  indeed,  have  reckoned 
on  the  bowstring.  But  the  example  of  Mendoza, 
the  prudent  viceroy  of  Mexico,  who  adopted  this 
course  in  a  similar  crisis,  and  precisely  at  the  same 
period,  showed  its  propriety  under  existing  circum- 
stances. The  ordinances  were  suspended  by  him 
till  the  Crown  could  be  warned  of  the  consequences 
of  enforcing  them,  —  and  Mexico  was  saved  from 
revolution.4  But  Blasco  Nunez  had  not  the  wisdom 
of  Mendoza. 

The  public  apprehension  was  now  far  from  being 
allayed.  'Secret  cabals  were  formed  in  Lima,  and 
communications  held  with  the  different  towns.  No 
distrust,  however,  was  raised  in  the  breast  of  the 
viceroy,  and,  when  informed  of  the  preparations  of 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  he  took  no  other  step  than  to  send 
a  message  to  his  camp,  announcing  the  extraordinary 
powers  with  which  he  was  himself  invested,  and 
requiring  that  chief  to  disband  his  forces.  He 
seemed  to  think  that  a  mere  word  from  him  would 
be  sufficient  to  dissipate  rebellion.  But  it  required 
more  than  a  breath  to  scatter  the  iron  soldiery 
of  Peru. 

Gonzalo   Pizarro,   meanwhile,   was  busily   occu- 
pied in  mustering  his  army.     His  first  step  was  to 

4  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  2-5. 


270  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

order  from  Guamanga  sixteen  pieces  of  artillery, 
sent  there  by  Vaca  de  Castro,  who,  in  the  present 
state  of  excitement,  was  unwilling  to  trust  the  vola- 
tile people  of  Cuzco  with  these  implements  of  de- 
struction. Gonzalo,  who  had  no  scruples  as  to 
Indian  labor,  appropriated  six  thousand  of  the  na- 
tives to  the  service  of  transporting  this  train  of 
ordnance  across  the  mountains.5 

By  his  exertions  and  those  of  his  friends,  the 
active  chief  soon  mustered  a  force  of  nearly  four 
hundred  men,  which,  if  not  ;very  imposing  in  the 
outset,  he  conceived  would  be  swelled,  in  his  descent 
to  the  coast,  by  tributary  levies  from  the  towns  and 
villages  on  the  way.  AH  his  own  .funds  were  ex- 
pended in  equipping  his  men  and  providing  for  the 
march;  and,  to  supply  deficiencies,  he  made  no 
scruple — since,  to  use  his  words,  it  was  for  the 
public  interest  —  to  appropriate  the  moneys  in  the 
royal  treasury.  With  this  seasonable  aid,  his  troops, 
well  mounted  and  thoroughly  equipped,  were  put  in 
excellent  fighting  order ;  and,  after  making  them  a 
brief  harangue,  in  which  he  was  careful  to  insist 
on  the  pacific  character  of  his  enterprise,  somewhat 
at  variance  with  its  military  preparations,  Gonzalo 
Pizarro  sallied  forth  from  the  gates  of  the  capital. 

Before  leaving  it,  he  received  an  important  acces- 
sion of  strength  in  the  person  of  Francisco  de  Car- 
bajal,  the  veteran  who  performed  so  conspicuous  a 
part  in  the  battle  of  Chupas.  He  was  at  Charcas 

5  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  8. 


Ce.  VIII.]  DEATH  OF  THE   INCA   MANCO.  271 

when  the  news  of  the  ordinances  reached  Peru  ; 
and  he  instantly  resolved  to  quit  the  country  and  re- 
turn to  Spain,  convinced  that  the  New  World  would 
be  no  longer  the  land  for  him,  —  no  longer  the 
golden  Indies.  Turning  his  effects  into  money,  he 
prepared  to  embark  them  on  board  the  first  ship  that 
offered.  But  no  opportunity  occurred,  and  he  could 
have  little  expectation  now  of  escaping  the  vigilant 
eye  of  the  viceroy.  Yet,  though  solicited  by  Pizar- 
ro to  take  command  under  him  in  the  present  expe- 
dition, the  veteran  declined,  saying,  he  was  eighty 
years  old,  and  had  no  wish  but  to  return  home,  and 
spend  his  few  remaining  days  in  quiet.6  Well  had 
it  been  for  him,  had  he  persisted  in  his  refusal.  But 
he  yielded  to  the  importunities  of  his  friend ;  and 
the  short  space  that  yet  remained  to  him  of  life 
proved  long  enough  to  brand  his  memory  with  per- 
petual infamy. 

Soon  after  quitting  Cuzco,  Pizarro  learned  the 
death  of  the  Inca  Manco.  He  was  massacred  by  a 
party  of  Spaniards,  of  the  faction  of  Almagro,  who, 
on  the  defeat  of  their  young  leader,  had  taken  ref- 
uge in  the  Indian  camp.  They,  in  turn;  were  all 
slain  by  the  Peruvians.  It  is  impossible  to  deter- 
mine on  whom  the  blame  of  the  quarrel  should  rest, 
since  no  one  present  at  the  time  has  recorded  it.7 

The  death  of  Manco  Inca,  as  he  was  com- 
monly called,  is  an  event  not  to  be  silently  passed 

6  Herrera,  Hist.   General,  dec.     Conq.,   MS.  —  Garcilasso,   Com. 
7,  lib.  7,  cap.  22.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  4,  cap.  7. 

7  Pedro    Pizarro,     Descub.    y 


272  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

over  in  Peruvian  history ;  for  he  was  the  last  of 
his  race  that  may  be  said  to  have  been  animated 
by  the  heroic  spirit  of  the  ancient  Incas.  Though 
placed  on  the  throne  by  Pizarro,  far  from  remaining 
a  mere  puppet  in  his  hands,  Manco  soon  showed 
that  his  lot  was  not  to  be  cast  with  that  of  his 
conquerors.  With  the  ancient  institutions  of  his 
country  lying  a  wreck  around  him,  he  yet  struggled 
bravely,  like  Guatemozin,  the  last  of  the  Aztecs,  to 
uphold  her  tottering  fortunes,  or  to  bury  his  oppres- 
sors under  her  ruins.  By  the  assault  on  his  own 
capital  of  Cuzco,  in  which  so  large  a  portion  of  it 
was  demolished,  he  gave  a  check  to  the  arms  of 
Pizarro,  and,  for  a  season,  the  fate  of  the  Con- 
querors trembled  in  the  balance.  Though  foiled,  in 
the  end,  by  the  superior  science  of  his  adversary, 
the  young  barbarian  still  showed  the  same  uncon- 
querable spirit  as  before.  •  He  withdrew  into  the 
fastnesses  of  his  native  mountains,  whence  sallying 
forth  as  occasion  offered,  he  fell  on  the  caravan  of 
the  traveller,  or  on  some  scattered  party  of  the  mili- 
tary ;  and,  in  the  event  of  a  civil  war,  was  sure  to 
throw  his  own  weight  into  the  weaker  scale,  thus 
prolonging  the  contest  of  his  enemies,  and  feeding 
his  revenge  by  the  sight  of  their  calamities.  Mov- 
ing lightly  from  spot  to  spot,  he  eluded  pursuit 
amidst  the  wilds  of  the  Cordilleras;  and,  hovering 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  towns,  or  lying  in  am- 
bush on  the  great  thoroughfares  of  the  country, 
the  Inca  Manco  made  his  name  a  terror  to  the 
Spaniards.  Often  did  they  hold  out  to  him  terms 


CH.  VIII.]  DEATH  OF  THE   INCA   MANCO.  273 

of  accommodation  ;  and  every  succeeding  ruler, 
down  to  Blasco  Nunez,  bore  instructions  from  the 
Crown  to  employ  every  art  to  conciliate  the  formi- 
dable warrior.  But  Manco  did  not  trust  the  promises 
of  the  white  man ;  and  he  chose  rather  to  maintain 
his  savage  independence  in  the  mountains^  with  the 
few  brave  spirits  around  him,  than  to  live  a  slave  in 
the  land  which  had  once  owned  the  sway  of  his 
ancestors. 

The  death  of  the  Inca  removed  one  of  the  great 
pretexts  for  Gonzalo  Pizarro's  military  preparations ; 
but  it  had  little  influence  on  him,  as  may  be  readily 
imagined.  He  was  much  more  sensible  to  the  de- 
sertion of  some  of  his  followers,  which  took  place 
early  on  the  march.  Several  of  the  cavaliers  of 
Cuzco,  startled  by  his  unceremonious  appropriation 
of  the  public  moneys,  and  by  the  belligerent  aspect 
of  affairs,  now  for  the  first  time  seemed  to  realize 
that  they  were  in  the  path  of  rebellion*  A  number 
of  these,  including  some  principal  men  of  the  city, 
secretly  withdrew  from  the  army,  and,  hasten- 
ing to  Lima,  offered  their  services  to  the  viceroy. 
The  troops  were  disheartened  by  this  desertion,  and 
even  Pizarro  for  a  moment  faltered  in  his  purpose, 
and  thought  of  retiring  with  some  fifty  followers  to 
Charcas,  and  there  making  his  composition  with 
government.  But  a  little  reflection,  aided  by  the  re- 
monstrances of  the  courageous  Carbajal,  who  never 
turned  his  back  on  an  enterprise  which  he  had  once 
assumed,  convinced  him  that  he  had  gone  too  far 
to  recede,  —  that  his  only  safety  was  to  advance. 

VOL.    II.  35 


274  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boos  IV. 

He  was  reassured  by  more  decided  manifesta- 
tions, which  he  soon  after  received,  of  the  public 
opinion.  An  officer  named  Puelles,  who  command- 
ed at  Guanuco,  joined  him,  with  a  body  of  horse 
with  which  he  had  been  intrusted  by  the  viceroy. 
This  defection  was  followed  by  that  of  others,  and 
Gonzalo,  as  he  descended  the  sides  of  the  table-land, 
found  his  numbers  gradually  swelled  to  nearly  dou- 
ble the  amount  with  which  he  had  left  the  Indian 
capital. 

As  he  traversed  with  a  freer  step  the  bloody  field 
of  Chupas,  Carbajal  pointed  out  the  various  locali- 
ties of  the  battle-ground,  and  Pizarro  might  have 
found  food  for  anxious  reflection,  as  he  meditated 
on  the  fortunes  of  a  rebel.  At  Guamanga  he  was 
received  with  open  arms  by  the  inhabitants,  many 
of  whom  eagerly  enlisted  under  his  banner  ;  for 
they  trembled  for  their  property,  as  they  heard  from 
all  quarters  of  the  inflexible  temper  of  the  viceroy.8 
.-  That  functionary  began  now  to  be  convinced  that 
he  was  in  a  critical  position.  Before  Puelles's 
treachery,  above  noticed,  had  been  consummated, 
the  viceroy  had  received  some  vague  intimation  of  his 
purpose.  Though  scarcely  crediting  it,  he  detached 
one  of  his  company,  named  Diaz,  with  a  force  to  in- 
tercept him.  But,  although  that  cavalier  undertook 
the  mission  with  alacrity,  he  was  soon  after  pre- 


8    Fernandez,   Hist,    del  Peru,  dec.  7,  lib.  8,  oap.  5-9.  —  Carta 

Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  14,  16.  —  Za-  de    Gonzalo    Pizarro    a   Valdivia, 

rate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  MS.  —  Relation  de    los  Sucesos 

9,   10.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  del  Peru,  MS. 


CH.  VIII.]       RASH   CONDUCT  OF  THE   VICEROY.  275 

vailed  on  to  follow  the  example  of  his  comrade,  and, 
with  the  greater  part  of  the  men  under  his  com- 
mand, went  over  to  the  enemy.  In  the  civil  feuds 
of  this  unhappy  land,  parties  changed  sides  so  light- 
ly, that  treachery  to  a  commander  had  almost  ceased 
to  be  a  stain  on  the  honor  of  a  cavalier.  Yet  all, 
on  whichever  side  they  cast  their  fortunes,  loudly 
proclaimed  their  loyalty  to  the  Crown. 

Thus  betrayed  by  his  own  men,  by  those  ap- 
parently most  devoted  to  his  service,  Blasco  Nunez 
became  suspicious  of  every  one  around  him.  Unfor- 
tunately, his  suspicions  fell  on  some  who  were  most 
deserving  of  his  confidence.  Among  these  was  his 
predecessor,  Vaca  de  Castro.  That  officer  had  con- 
ducted himself,  in  the  delicate  situation  in  which  he 
had  been  placed,  with  his  usual  discretion,  and  with 
perfect  integrity  and  honor.  He  had  frankly  com- 
municated with  the  viceroy,  and  well  had  it  been 
for  Blasco  Nunez,  if  he  had  known  how  to  profit  by 
it.  But  he  was-  too  much  puffed  up  by  the  arro- 
gance of  office,  and  by  the  conceit  of  his  own  su- 
perior wisdom,  to  defer  much  to  the  counsels  of  his 
experienced  predecessor.  The  latter  was  now  sus- 
pected by  the  viceroy  of  maintaining  a  secret  cor- 
respondence with  his  enemies  at  Cuzco,  —  a  sus- 
picion which  seems,  to  have  had  no  better  foundation 
than  the  personal  friendship  which  Vaca  de  Castro 
was  known  to  entertain  for  these  individuals.  But, 
with  Blasco  Nunez,  to  suspect  was  to  be  convinced  ; 
and  he  ordered  De  Castro  to  be  placed  under  ar- 
rest, and  confined  on  board  of  a  vessel  lying  in 


276  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

the  harbour.  This  high-handed  measure  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  several 
other  cavaliers,  probably  on  grounds  equally  frivo- 
lous.9 

He  now  turned  his  attention  towards  the  enemy. 
Notwithstanding  his  former  failure,  he  still  did  not 
altogether  despair  of  effecting  something  by  nego- 
tiation, and  he  sent  another  embassy,  having  the 
bishop  of  Lima  at  its  head,  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro's 
camp,  with  promises  of  a  general  amnesty,  and 
some  proposals  of  a  more  tempting  character  to  the 
commander.  But  this  step,  while  it  proclaimed  his 
own  weakness,  had  no  better  success  than  the  pre- 
ceding.10 

The  viceroy  now  vigorously  prepared  for  war. 
His  first  care  was  to  put  the  capital  in  a  posture 
of  defence,  by  strengthening  its  fortifications,  and 
throwing  barricades  across  the  streets.  He  ordered 
a  general  enrolment  of  the  citizens,  and  called  in 
levies  from  the  neighbouring  towns,  —  a  call  not 
very  promptly  answered.  A  squadron  of  eight  or 
ten  vessels  was  got  ready  in  the  port  to  act  in  con- 
cert with  the  land  forces.  The  bells  were  taken 
from  the  churches,  and  used  in  the  manufacture 

of  muskets;11   and   funds  were  procured  from  the 

,, 

9  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  lest  his  presence  should  shake  the 

cap.  3.  —  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  constancy  of  the  soldiers.     (See 

y  Conq.,  MS. — Fernandez,  Hist.  Relacion  de  los  Sucesos  del  Peru, 

del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  10.  MS.)     The  account  occupies  more 

W>    Loaysa,    the    bishop,     was  space  than  it  deserves  in  most  of 

robbed  of  his  despatches,  and  not  the  authorities, 

even  allowed  to  enter  the  camp,  n  "  Hi§o  hacer  gran  Copia  de 


CH.  VIII.]      RASH   CONDUCT  OF  THE  VICEROY.  277 

fifths  which  had  accumulated  in  the  royal  treasury. 
The  most  extravagant  bounty  was  offered  to  the  sol- 
diers, and  prices  were  paid  for  mules  and  horses, 
which  showed  that  gold,  or  rather  silver,  was  the 
commodity  of  least  value  in  Peru.12  By  these  ef- 
forts, the  active  commander  soon  assembled  a  force 
considerably  larger  than  that  of  his  adversary.  But 
how  could  he  confide  in  it  ? 

While  these  preparations  were  going  forward,  the 
judges  of  the  Audience  arrived  at  Lima.  They 
had  shown,  throughout  their  progress,  no  great  re- 
spect either  for  the  ordinances,  or  the  will  of  the 
viceroy ;  for  they  had  taxed  the  poor  natives  as  free- 
ly and  unscrupulously  as  any  of  the  Conquerors. 
We  have  seen  the  entire  want  of  cordiality  subsist- 
ing between  them  and  their  principal  in  Panama. 
It  became  more  apparent,  on  their  landing  at  Lima. 
They  disapproved  of  his  proceedings  in  every  par- 
ticular ;  of  his  refusal  to  suspend  the  ordinances,  — 
although,  in  fact,  he  had  found  no  opportunity,  of 
late,  to  enforce  them  ;  of  his  preparations  for  de- 
fence, declaring  that  he  ought  rather  trust  to  the 
effect  of  negotiation  ;  and,  finally,  of  his  imprison- 

Arcabuces,  asi  de  Hierro,  como  de  Hacienda  Real,  treinta  i  cinco  Ma- 

Fundicion,  de  ciertas  Campanas  de  chos,  en  que  hiciesen  la  Jornada, 

la  Iglesia  Maior,   que    para    ello  que  costaron  mas  de  doce  mil  du- 

quit6."     Zarate,  Conq.   del  Peru,  cados."     (Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 

lib.  5,  cap.  6.  lib.    5,    cap.    10.)      The   South- 

12  Blasco  Nunez  paid,  according-  American  of  our  day  might  well 

to  Zarate,  who  had  the  means  of  be  surprised  at  such  prices  for  ani- 

knowing,  twelve  thousand  ducats  mals  since  so  abundant  in  his  coun 

for  thirty-five   mules. — "El  Vi-  try, 
eorrei  les  mando  comprar,   de  la 


278  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

ment  of  so  many  loyal  cavaliers,  which  they  pro- 
nounced an  arbitrary  act,  altogether  beyond  the 
bounds  of  his  authority;  and  they  did  not  scruple 
to  visit  the  prison  in  person,  and  discharge  the  cap- 
tives from  their  confinement.13 

This  bold  proceeding,  while  it  conciliated  the 
good-will  of  the  people,  severed,  at  once,  all  rela- 
tions with  the  viceroy.  There  was  in  the  Au- 
dience a  lawyer,  named  Cepeda,  a  cunning,  am- 
bitious man,  with  considerable  knowledge  in  the 
way  of  his  profession,  and  with  still  greater  talent 
for  intrigue.  He  did  not  disdain  the  low  arts  of  a 
demagogue  to  gain  the  favor  of  the  populace,  and 
trusted  to  find  his  own  account  in  fomenting  a  mis- 
understanding with  Blasco  Nunez.  The  latter,  it 
must  be  confessed,  did  all  in  his  power  to  aid  his 
counsellor  in  this  laudable  design. 

A  certain  cavalier  in  the  place,  named  Suarez  de 
Carbajal,  who  had  long  held  an  office  under  gov- 
ernment, fell  under  the  viceroy's  displeasure,  on 
suspicion  of  conniving  at  the  secession  of  some  of 
his  kinsmen,  who  had  lately  taken  part  with  the 
malecontents.  The  viceroy  summoned  Carbajal  to 
attend  him  at  his  palace,  late  at  night ;  and  when 
conducted  to  his  presence,  he  bluntly  charged  him 
with  treason.  The  latter  stoutly  denied  the  ac- 
cusation, in  tones  as  haughty  as  those  of  his  ac- 
cuser. The  altercation  grew  warm,  until,  in  the 

13  Fernandez,    Hist,   del  Peru,    2,  10.  —  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  10.  —  Herrera,     a  Valdivia,  MS. 
Hist.  General,  dec.  7,  lib.  8,  cap. 


CH.  VIIL]      RASH  CONDUCT  OF  THE  VICEROY.  279 

heat  of  passion,  Blasco  Nunez  struck  him  with  his 
poniard.  In  an  instant,  the  attendants,  taking 
this  as  a  signal,  plunged  their  swords  into  the 
body  of  the  unfortunate  man,  who  fell  lifeless  on 
the  floor.14 

Greatly  alarmed  for  the  consequences  of  his  rash 
act,  —  for  Carbajal  was  much,  beloved  in  Lima,  —- 
Blasco  Nunez  ordered  the  corpse  of  the  murdered 
man  to  be  removed  by  a  private  stairway  from  the 
house,  and  carried  to  the  cathedral,  where,  rolled  in 
his  bloody  cloak,  it  was  laid  in  a  grave  hastily  dug 
to  receive  it.  So  tragic  a  proceeding,  known  to  so 
many  witnesses,  could  not  long  be  kept  secret. 
Vague  rumors  of  the  fact  explained  the  mysterious 
disappearance  of  Carbajal.  The  grave  was  opened, 
and  the  mangled  remains  of  the  slaughtered  cavalier 
established  the  guilt  of  the  viceroy.15 

From  this  hour  Blasco  Nunez  was  held  in  univer- 
sal abhorrence ;  and  his  crime,  in  this  instance, 

14  "  He  struck  him  in  the  bosom  prudent  to  qualify  his  remark  be- 

with  his  dagger,  as  some  say,  but  fore  publication.  —  "  They  say," 

the  viceroy  denies  it."  —  So  says  says  another  contemporary,  familiar 

Zarate,  in  the  printed  copy  of  his  with  these  events  and  friendly  to 

history.    (Lib.  5,  cap.  11.)     In  the  the  viceroy,   "  that  he  gave  him 

original  manuscript  of  this  work,-still  several  wounds  with  his  dagger." 

extant  at  Simancas,  he  states  the  And  he  makes  no  attempt  to  refute 

fact  without  any  qualification  at  all.  the  charge.     (Relacion  de  los  Su- 

"  Luego  el  dicho  Virrei  echo  mano  cesos  del  Peru,  MS.)    Indeed,  this 

a  una  daga,  i  arremetio  con  el,  i  le  version  of  the  story  seems  to  have 

dio  una  punalada,  i  a  grandes  voces  been  generally  received  at  the  time 

mando  que  le  matasen."     (Zarate,  by  those  who  had  the  best  means 

MS.)      This    was    doubtless    his  of  knowing  the  truth, 

honest  conviction,    when   on    the  15  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ubi 

spot  soon  after  the  event  occurred,  supra. 
The  politic    historian  thought    it 


280  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [ BOOK  IV. 

assumed  the  deeper  dje  of  ingratitude,  since  the 
deceased  was  known  to  have  had  the  greatest  in- 
fluence in  reconciling  the  citizens  early  to  his  gov- 
ernment. No  one  knew  where  the  blow  would  fall 
next,  or  how  soon  he  might  himself  become  the  vic- 
tim of  the  ungovernable  passions  of  the  viceroy. 
In  this  state  of  things,  some  looked  to  the  Audi- 
ence, and  yet  more  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  to  protect 
them. 

That  chief  was  slowly  advancing  towards  Lima, 
from  which,  indeed,  he  was  removed  but  a  few  days' 
march.  Greatly  perplexed,  Blasco  Nunez  now  felt 
the  loneliness  of  his  condition.  Standing  aloof,  as 
it  were,  from  his  own  followers,  thwarted  by  the 
Audience,  betrayed  by  his  soldiers,  he  might  well 
feel  the  consequences  of  his  misconduct.  Yet  there 
seemed  no  other  course  for  him,  but  either  to 
march  out  and  meet  the  enemy,  or  to  remain  in 
Lima  and  defend  it.  He  had  placed  the  town  in  a 
posture  of  defence,  which  argued  this  last  to  have 
been  his  original  purpose.  But  he  felt  he  could  no 
longer  rely  on  his  troops,  and  he  decided  on  a  third 
course,  most  unexpected. 

This  was  to  abandon  the  capital,  and  withdraw  to 
Truxillo,  about  eighty  leagues  distant.  The  women 
would  embark  on  board  the  squadron,  and,  with  the 
effects  of  the  citizens,  be  transported  by  water. 
The  troops,  with  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants,  would 
march  by  land,  laying  waste  the  country  as  they  pro- 
ceeded. Gonzalo  Pizarro,  when  he  arrived  at  Lima, 
would  find  it  without  supplies  for  his  army,  and, 


CH,  VIII.]       RASH   CONDUCT  OF  THE   VICEROY.  281 

thus  straitened,  he  would  not  care  to  take  a  long 
inarch  across  a  desert  in  search  of  his  enemy.16 

What  the  viceroy  proposed  to  effect  by  this  move- 
ment is  not  clear,  unless  it  were  to  gain  time  ;  and 
yet  the  more  time  he  had  gained,  thus  far,  the  worse 
it  had  proved  for  him.  But  he  was  destined  to 
encounter  a  decided  opposition  from  the  judges. 
They  contended  that  he  had  no  warrant  for  such  an 
act,  and  that  the  Audience  could  not  lawfully  hold 
its  sessions  out  of  the  capital.  Blasco  Nuriez  per- 
sisted in  his  determination,  menacing  that  body  with 
force,  if  necessary.  The  judges  appealed  to  the  citi- 
zens to  support  them  in  resisting  such  an  arbitrary 
measure.  They  mustered  a  force  for  their  own  pro- 
tection, and  that  same  day  passed  a  decree  that  the 
viceroy  should  be  arrested* 

Late  at  night,  Blasco  Nunez  was  informed  of  the 
hostile  preparations  of  the  judges.  He  instantly 
summoned  his  followers,  to  the  number  of  more  than 
two  hundred,  put  on  his  armour,  and  prepared  to 
march  out  at  the  head  of  his  troops  against  the  Au- 
dience. This  was  the  true  course ;  for  in  a  crisis 
like  that  in  which  he  was  placed,  requiring  prompt- 
ness and  decision,  the  presence  of  the  leader  is  es- 
sential to  insure  success.  But,  unluckily,  he  yield- 
ed to  the  remonstrances  of  his  brother  and  other 
friends,  who  dissuaded  him  from  rashly  exposing  his 
life  in  such  a  venture. 

What  Blasco  Nunez  neglected  to  do  was  done  by 

16  Ibid.,  lib.  5,  cap.  12.  — Fernandez,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  18. 
VOL.    II.  86 


282  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

the  judges.  They  sallied  forth  at  the  head  of  their 
followers,  whose  number,  though  small  at  first,  they 
felt  confident  would  be  swelled  by  volunteers  as 
they  advanced.  Rushing  forward,  they  cried  out, 
—  "  Liberty !  Liberty  !  Long  live  the  king  and  the 
Audience  !  "  It  was  early  dawn,  and  the  inhabi- 
tants, startled  from  their  slumbers,  ran  to  the  win- 
dows and.  balconies,  and,  learning  the  object  of  the 
movement,  some  snatched  up  their  arms  and  joined 
in  it,  while  the  women,  waving  their  scarfs  and 
kerchiefs,  cheered  on  the  assault. 

When  the  mob  arrived  before  the  viceroy's  palace, 
they  halted  for  a  moment,  uncertain  what  to  do. 
Orders  were  given  to  fire  on  them  from  the  win- 
dows, and  a  volley  passed  over  their  heads.  No  one 
was  injured ;  and  the  greater  part  of  the  viceroy's 
men,  with  most  of  the  officers, —  including  some 
of  those  who  had  been  so  anxious  for  his  personal 
safety,  —  now  openly  joined  the  populace.  The 
palace  was  then  entered,  and  abandoned  to  pillage. 
Blasco  Nunez,  deserted  by  all  but  a  few  faithful 
adherents,  made  no  resistance.  He  surrendered  to 
the  assailants,  was  led  before  the  judges,  and  by 
them  was  placed  in  strict  confinement.  The  citi- 
zens, delighted  with  the  result,  provided  a  collation 
for  the  soldiers  ;  and  the  affair  ended  without  the 
loss  of  a  single  life.  Never  was  there  so  bloodless 
a  revolution.17 


17  Relacion  de  los  Sucesos  del    MS. — Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y 
Peru,  MS. —  Relacion  Anonima,    Conq.,   MS.  —  Fernandez,    Hist. 


CH.  VIII.]    SEIZED  AND  DEPOSED  BY  THE  AUDIENCE.    283 

The  first  business  of  the  judges  was  to  dispose 
of  the  prisoner.  He  was  sent,  under  a  strong 
guard,  to  a  neighbouring  island,  till  some  measures 
could  be  taken  respecting  him.  He  was  declared  to 
be  deposed  from  his  office ;  a  provisional  government 
was  established,  consisting  of  their  own  body,  with 
Cepeda  at  its  head,  as  president ;  and  its  first  act 
was  to  pronounce  the  detested  ordinances  sus- 
pended, till  instructions  could  be  received  from 
Court.  It  was  also  decided  to  send  Blasco  Nunez 
back  to  Spain  with  one  of  their  own  body,  who 
should  explain  to  the  emperor  the  nature  of  the  late 
disturbances,  and  vindicate  the  measures  of  the  Au- 
dience. This  was  soon  put  in  execution.  The 
Licentiate  Alvarez  was  the  person  selected  to  bear 
the  viceroy  company ;  and  the  unfortunate  com- 
mander, after  passing  several  days  on  the  desolate 
island,  with  scarcely  any  food,  and  exposed  to  all 
the  inclemencies  of  the  weather,  took  his  departure 
for  Panama.18 
.  3f  A  more  formidable  adversary  yet  remained  in 


del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  19.  el  bien  desta  tierra."    Carta,  MS., 

—  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  ubi  supra. 

cap.   11.  — Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pi-        w  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  a 

zarro  a  Valdivia,  MS.  Valdivia,   MS.  —  Relation  de  los 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  devoutly  draws  Sucesos  del  Peru,  MS. 
a  conclusion  from  this,  that  the  rev-        The  story  of  the  seizure  of  the 

olution  was  clearly  brought  about  viceroy  is  well  told  by  the  writer 

by  the  hand  of  God  for  the  good  of  the  last  MS.,  who  seems  here, 

of  the  land.     "  E  hizose  sin  que  at  least,  not  unduly  biased  in  favor 

murieseunhombre,  ni  fuese  herido,  of  Blasco  Nufiez,  though  a  par- 

como  obra  que  Dios  la  guiava  para  tisan. 


284  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS       [BooK  IV. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro,  who  had  now  advanced  to  Xauxa, 
about  ninety  miles  from  Lima.  Here  he  halted, 
while  numbers  of  the  citizens  prepared  to  join  his 
banner,  choosing  rather  to  take  service  under  him 
than  to  remain  under  the  self-constituted  authority 
of  the  Audience.  The  juo'ges^  meanwhile,  who  had 
tasted  the  sweets  of  office  too  short  a  time  to  be 
content  to  resign  them,  after  considerable  delay,  sent 
an  embassy  to  the  Procurator.  They  announced  to 
him  the  revolution  that  had  taken  place,  and  the 
suspension  of  the  ordinances.  The  great  object  of 
his  mission  had  been  thus  accomplished ;  and,  as  a 
new  government  was  now  organized,  they  called  on 
him  to  show  his  obedience  to  it,  by  disbanding  his 
forces,  and  withdrawing  to  the  unmolested  enjoy- 
ment of  his  estates.  It  was  a  bold  demand, — 
though  couched  in  the  most  courteous  and  compli- 
mentary phrase,-; — to  make  of  one  in  Pizarro's  po- 
sition. It  was  attempting  to  scare  away  the  eagle 
just  ready  to  stoop  on  his  prey.  If  the  chief  had 
faltered,  however,  he  would  have  been  reassured  by 
his  lion-hearted  lieutenant.  "  Never  show  faint 
heart,"  exclaimed  the  latter,  "  when  you  are  so  near 
the  goal.  Success  has  followed  every  step  of  your 
path.  You  have  now  only  to  stretch  forth  your 
hand,  and  seize  the  government.  Every  thing  else 
will  follow."  —  The  envoy  who  brought  the  message 
from  the  judges  was  sent  back  with  the  answer, 
that  "  the  people  had  called  Gonzalo  Pizarro  to  the 
government  of  the  country,  and,  if  the  Audience  did 


CH.  VIII.]    SEIZED  AND  DEPOSED  BY  THE  AUDIENCE.    285 


not  at  once  invest  him  with  it,  the  city  should  be 
delivered  up  to  pillage."  I9 

The  bewildered  magistrates  were  thrown  into 
dismay  by  this  decisive  answer.  Yet  loth  to  resign, 
they  took  counsel  in  their  perplexity  of  Vaca  de 
Castro,  still  detained  on  board  of  one  of  the  vessels. 
But  that  commander  had  received  too  little  favor 
at  the  hands  of  his  successors  to  think  it  necessary 
to  peril  his  life  on  their  account  by  thwarting  the 
plans  of  Pizarro.  He  maintained  a  discreet  silence, 
therefore,  and  left  the  matter  to  the  wisdom  of  the 
Audience. 

Meanwhile,  Carbajal  was  sent  into  the  city  to 
quicken  their  deliberations.  He  came  at  night, 
attended  only  by  a  small  party  of  soldiers,  intimat- 
ing his  contempt  of  the  power  of  the  judges.  His 
first  act  was  to  seize  a  number  of  cavaliers,  whom 
he  dragged  from  their  beds,  and  placed  under  ar- 
rest. They  were  men  of  Cuzco,  the  same  already 
noticed  as  having  left  Pizarro's  ranks  soon  after  his 
departure  from  that  capital.  While  the  Audience 
still  hesitated  as  to  the  course  they  should  pursue, 
Carbajal  caused  three  of  his  prisoners,  persons  of 
consideration  and  property,  to  be  placed  on  the 
backs  of  mules,  and  escorted  out  of  town  to  the 
suburbs,  where,  with  brief  space  allowed  for  con- 

19  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Pern,  lib.  royal  comptroller,  was  the  en* 

5,  cap.  13.  voy ;  not  much,  as  it  appears,  to 

It  required  some  courage  to  carry  his  own  satisfaction.  He  escaped, 

the  message  of  the  Audience  to  however,  unharmed,  and  has  made 

Gonzalo  and  his  desperate  follow-  a  full  report  of  the  affair  in  his 

ers.  The  historian  Zarate,  the  chronicle. 


286 


CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 


fession,  he  hung  them  all  on  the  branches  of  a  tree. 
He  superintended  the  execution  himself,  and  taunt- 
ingly complimented  one  of  his  victims,  by  telling 
him,  that,  "  in  consideration  of  his  higher  rank,  he 
should  have  the  privilege  of  selecting  the  bough  on 
which  to  be  hanged!"20  The  ferocious  officer 
would  have  proceeded  still  further  in  his  executions, 
it  is  said,  had  it  not  been  for  orders  received  from 
his  leader.  But  enough  was  done  to  quicken  the 
perceptions  of  the  Audience  as  to  their  course,  for 
they  felt  their  own  lives  suspended  by  a  thread  in 
such  unscrupulous  hands.  Without  further  delay, 
therefore,  they  sent  to  invite  Gonzalo  Pizarro  to 
enter  the  city,  declaring  that  the  security  of  the 
country  and  the  general  good  required  the  govern- 
ment to  be  placed  in  his  hands.21 

That   chief   had    now   advanced   within   half   a 

20  "  Le  queria  dar  su  muerte  justicia  hasta  que  S.  M.  proveyese 
con    una    preeminencia    senalada,  lo  que  mas  a  su  real  servicio  con- 
que  escogiese  en  qual  de  las  Ramas  venia.     Los  Oydores  visto  que  asi 
de  aquel  Arbol  queria  que  le  col-  convenia  al  servicio  de  Dios  i  al 
gasen."     Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  de  S.  M.  i  al  bien  destos  reynos," 
lib.  5,  cap.  13.  —  See  also  Rela-  &c.     (Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  a 
cion  Anonima,  MS.  —  Fernandez,  Valdivia,    MS.)      But    Gonzalo's 
Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  25. 

21  According  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 

the  Audience  gave  this  invitation  grain  of   allowance.      His  letter, 

in  obedience  to  the  demands  of  the  which  is  addressed  to  Valdivia,  the 

representatives    of  the    cities.  —  celebrated  conqueror  of  Chili,  con- 

"  Y  a  esta  sazon  llegue  yo  a  Lima,  tains  a  full  account  of  the  rise  and 

i  todos  los    procuradores    de    las  progress  of   his  rebellion.     It    is 

cibdades  destos  reynos   suplicaron  the  best  vindication,  therefore,   to 

al  Audiencia  me   hiciesen  Gover-  be   found  of   himself,    and,   as   a 

nador  para  resistir  los  robos  e  fuer-  counterpoise   to   the  narratives  of 

zas  que  Blasco  Nufiez  andava  fa-  his  enemies,  is  of  inestimable  value 

ciendo,   i  para  tener  la  tierra  en  to  the  historian. 


account    of   himself  must  be  re- 
ceived with  more  than   the  usual 


CH.  VIII.]  GONZALO  PROCLAIMED  GOVERNOR  OF  PERU.  287 

league  of  the  capital,  which  soon  after,  on  the 
twenty-eighth  of  October,  1544,  he  entered  in  bat- 
tle-array. His  whole  force  was  little  short  of  twelve 
hundred  Spaniards,  besides  several  thousand  Ind- 
ians, who  dragged  his  heavy  guns  in  the  advance.22 
Then  came  the  files  of  spearmen  and  arquebusiers, 
making  a  formidable  corps  of  infantry  for  a  colonial 
army ;  and  lastly,  the  cavalry,  at  the  head  of  which 
rode  Pizarro  himself,  on  a  powerful  charger,  gayly 
caparisoned.  The  rider  was  in  complete  mail,  over 
W7hich  floated  a  richly  embroidered  surcoat,  and  his 
head  was  protected  by  a  crimson  cap,  highly  orna- 
mented,— his  showy  livery  setting  off  his  handsome, 
soldierlike  person  to  advantage.23  Before  him  was 
borne  the  royal  standard  of  Castile  ;  for  every  one, 
royalist  or  rebel,  was  careful  to  fight  under  that  sign. 
This  emblem  of  loyalty  was  supported  on  the  right 
by  a  banner,  emblazoned  with  the  arms  of  Cuzco, 
and  by  another  oh  the  left,  displaying  the  armorial 
bearings  granted  by  the  Crown  to  the  Pizarros. 
As  the  martial  pageant  swept  through  ,the  -streets 
of  Lima,  the  air  was  rent  with  acclamations  from 
the  populace,  and  from  the  spectators  in  the  bal- 
conies. The  cannon  sounded  at  intervals,  and  the 
bells  of  the  city  —  those  that  the  viceroy  had  spared 


22  He  employed  twelve  thousand        ^  "  Y  el  armado  y  con  una  capa 

Indians  on  this  service,   says  the  de  grana  cubierta  con  muchas  guar- 

writer  of  the  Relation  Anonima,  niciones  de  oro  e  con  sayo  de  bro- 

MS.     But  this    author,   although  cado  sobre  las  armas."     Relacion 

living  in  the  colonies  at  the  time,  de   los  Sucesos  del  Peru,  MS.  — 

talks  too  much  at  random  to  gain  Also  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib. 

our  implicit  confidence.  5,  cap.  13. 


288  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [Boox  IV. 

—  rang  out  a  joyous  peal,  as  if  in  honor  of  a  vic- 
tory ! 

The  oaths  of  office  were  duly  administered  by  the 
judges  of  the  Royal  Audience,  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
was  proclaimed  Governor  and  Captain- General  of 
Peru,  till  his  Majesty's  pleasure  could  be  known  in 
respect  to  the  government.  The  new  ruler  then 
took  up  his  quarters  in  the  palace  of  his  brother, — 
where  the  stains  of  that  brother's  blood  were  not 
yet  effaced.  Fetes,  bull-fights,  and  tournaments 
graced  the  ceremony  of  inauguration,  and  were  pro- 
longed for  several  days,  while  the  giddy  populace 
of  the  capital  abandoned  themselves  to  jubilee,  as 
if  a  new  and  more  auspicious  order  of  things  had 
commenced  for  Peru  !  ** 


24  For  the  preceding  pages  re-  Gonzalo  Pizarro  a  Valdivia,  MS.  — 

lating  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  see  Re-  Zarate,  loc.  cit. — Herrera,  Hist, 

lacion   Anonima,   MS.  — Fenian-  General,  dec.  7,  lib.  8,  cap.  16-19. 

dez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  —  Relacion    de  los    Sucesos    del 

1,  cap.  25. — Pedro  Pizarro,  De-  Peru,  MS.  —  Montesinos,  Annales, 

scub.   y  Conq.,  MS.  — Carta  de  MS.,  ano  1544. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

MEASURES  OF  GONZALQ  PIZARRO.  —  ESCAPE  OF  VACA  DE  CASTRO.— 
REAPPEARANCE  OF  THE  VICEROY.  —  His  DISASTROUS  RETREAT.— 
DEFEAT  AND  DEATH  OF  THE*  VICEROY.  —  GONZALO  PIZARR&  LORD 
OF  PERU. 

1544—1546. 

THE  first  act  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  to  cause 
those  persons  to  be  apprehended  who  had  taken  the 
most  active  part  against  him  in  the  late  troubles. 
Several  he  condemned  to  death ;  but  afterwards 
commuted  the  sentence,  and  contented  himself  with 
driving  them  into  banishment  and  confiscating  their 
estates.1  His  next  concern  was  to  establish  his 
authority  on  a  firm  basis.  He  filled  the  municipal 
government  of  Lima  with  his  own  partisans.  He 
sent  his  lieutenants  to  take  charge  of  the  principal 
cities.  He  caused  galleys  to  be  built  at  Arequipa 
to  secure  the  command  of  the  seas;  and  brought 
his  forces  into  the  best  possible  condition,  to  prepare 
for  future  emergencies. 

1  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  did  not  attach  himself  to  Gonzalo's 

Conq.,  MS.  Party,  an<i  was  among  those  who 

The  honest  soldier,  who  tells  barely  escaped  hanging  on  this 

us  this,  was  more  true  to  his  king  occasion.  He  seems  to  have  had 

than  to  his  kindred.  At  least,  he  little  respect  for  his  namesake. 

VOL.    II.  37 


290  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.       [BOOK  IV. 

The  Royal  Audience  existed  only  in  name  ;  for 
its  powers  were  speedily  absorbed  by  the  new  ruler, 
who  desired  to  place  the  government  on  the  same 
footing  as  under  the  marquess,  his  brother.  Indeed, 
the  Audience  necessarily  fell  to  pieces,  from  the  po- 
sition of  its'  several  members.  Alvarez  had  been 
sent  with  the  viceroy  to  Castile.  Cepeda,  the  most 
aspiring  of  the  court,  now  that  he  had  failed  in  his 
own  schemes  of  ambition,  was  content  to  become  a 
tool  in  the  hands  of  the  military  chief  who  had  dis- 
placed him.  Zarate,  a  third  judge,  who  had,  from 
the  first,  protested  against  the  violent  measures  of 
his  colleagues,  was  confined  to  his  house  by  a  mor- 
tal illness ; 2  and  Tepeda,  the  remaining  magistrate, 
Gonzalo  now  proposed  to  Send  back  to1  Castile  with 
such  an  account  of  the  late  transactions  as  should 
vindicate  his  own  conduct  in  the  eyes  of  the  em- 
peror. This  step  was  opposed  by  Carbajal,  who 
bluntly  told  his  commander  that  "  he  had  gone  too 
far  to  expect  favor  from  the  Crown ;  and  that  he 
had  better  rely  for  his  vindication  on  his  pikes  and 
muskets ! " 3 

But  the  ship  which  was  to  transport  Tepeda  was 
found  to  have  suddenly  disappeared  from  the  port. 
It  was  the  same  in  which  Vaca  de  Castro  was  con- 
fined ;  and  that  officer,  not   caring  to  trust  to  the 
'•  .      •   '  ,-  >  *  ^'        ' 

2  Zarate,   the'  judge,   must  not  secretary  of  the  royal  council  in 

be    confounded   with    Zarate,  the  Spain. 

historian,  who  went  out  to  Peru  3  Gomara,   Hist,    de  las    Jnd., 

vith  the  Court  of  Audience,  as  cap.  172.— Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 

contador  real,  royal  comptroller, —  Parte  2,  lib.  4,  cap.  21. 
having  before  rilled  the  office  of 


CH.  IX.]      ESCAPE  OF  VACA  DE  CASTRO.         291 

forbearance  of  one  whose  advances,  on  a  former  oc- 
casion, he  had  so  unceremoniously  repulsed,  and 
convinced,  moreover,  that  his^  own  presence  could 
profit  nothing  in  a  land  where  he  held  no  legiti- 
mate authority,  had  prevailed  on  the  captain  to  sail 
with  him  to  Panama.  He  then  crossed  the  Isth- 
mus, and  embarked  for  Spain.  The  rumors  of 
his  coming  had  already  preceded  him,  and  charges 
were  not  wanting  against  him  from  some  of  those 
whom  he  had  offended  by  his  administration.  He 
was  accused  of  having  carried  measures  with  a -high 
hand,  regardless  of  the  rights,  both  of  the  colonist 
and  of  the  native  \  and,  above  all,  of  having  embez- 
zled the  public  moneys,  and'  of  returning  with  his 
coffers  richly  freighted  to  Castile.  This  last  was  an 
unpardonable  crime. 

No  sooner  had  the  governor  set  foot  in  his  own 
country  than  he  was  arrested,  and  hurried  to  the 
fortress  of  Are valo  ;  and,  though  he  was  afterwards 
removed  to  better  quarters,  where  he  was  treated 
with  the  indulgence  due  to  his  rank,  he  was  still 
kept  a  prisoner  of  state  for  twelve  years,  when  the 
tardy  tribunals  of  Castile  pronounced  a  judgment 
in  his  favor.  He  was  acquitted  of  every  charge 
that  had  been  brought  against  him,  and,  so  far  from 
peculation,  was  proved  to  have  returned  home  no 
richer  than  he  went.  He  was  released  from  con- 
finement, reinstated  in  his  honors  and  dignities,  took 
his  seat  anew  in  the  royal  council,  and  Vaca  de 
Castro  enjoyed,  during  the  remainder  of  his  days, 
the  consideration  to  which  he  was  entitled  by  his 


292  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV. 

deserts,4  The  best  eulogium  on  the  wisdom  of  his 
administration  was  afforded  by  the  troubles  brought 
oil  the  colonies  by  that  of  his  successor.  The  na- 
tion became  gradually  sensible  of  the  value  of  his 
services;  though  the  manner  in  which, they  were 
.  requited  by  the  government  must  be  allowed  to  form 
1i  cold  commentary  on  the  gratitude  of  princes. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  doomed  to  experience  a  still 
greater  disappointment  than  that  caused  by  the  es- 
cape of  Vaca  de  Castro,  in  the  return  of  Blasco 
Nunez.  The  vessel  which  bore  him  from  the  coun- 
try bad  hardly  left  the  shore,  when  Alvarez,  the 
judge,  whether  from  remorse  at  the  part  which  he 
had  taken,  or  apprehensive  of  the  consequences  of 
carrying  back  the  viceroy  to  Spain,  presented  him- 
self before  that  dignitary,  and  announced  that  he 
was  no  longer  a  prisoner.  At  the  *  same  time  he 
excused  himself  for  the  part  he  had  taken,  by  his 
desire  to  save  the  life  of  Blasco  Nunez,  and  extri- 
cate him  from  his  perilous  situation.  He  now  placed 
the  vessel  at  his  disposal,  and  assured  him  it  should 
take  him  wherever  he  chose. 

The  viceroy,  whatever  faith  he  may  have  placed 
in  the  judge's  explanation,  eagerly  availed  himself 
of  his  offer.  His  proud  spirit  revolted  at  the  idea 
•of  returning  b&me  in  disgrace^  foiled,  as  he  had 
been,  ift  every  object  of  his  mission.  He  deter- 
mined to  try  his  fortune  again  in  the  land,  and  his 

4  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  Peru,  MS.  —  Montesinos,  Annales, 
cap.  15.  —  Relacion  Anonima,  MS.  MS.,  ano  1545.  —  Fernandez,  Hist. 
—  Relacion.  de  los  Sucesos  del  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  28 


CH.  IX.]          REAPPEARANCE    OF  THE   VICEROY.  293 

only  doubt  was,  on  what  point  to  attempt  to  rally 
his  partisans  around  him.  At  Panama  he  might 
remain  in  safety,  while  he  invoked  assistance  from 
Nicaragua,  and  other  colonies  at  the  north.  But 
this  would  be  to  abandon  his  government  at  once ; 
and  such  a  confession  of  weakness  would  have  a 
bad  effect  on  his  followers  in  Peru.  He  determined, 
therefore,  to  direct  his  steps  towards  Quito,  which, 
while  it  was  within  his  jurisdiction,  was  still  re- 
moved far  enough  from  the  theatre  of  the  late 
troubles  to  give  him  time  to  rally,  and  make  head 
against  his  enemies. 

In  pursuance  of  this  purpose,  the  viceroy  and  his 
suite  disembarked  at  Tumbez,  about  the  middle  of 
October,  1544.  On  landing,  he  issued  a  manifesto 
setting  forth  the  violent  proceedings  of  Gonzalo 
Pizarro  and^  his  followers,  whom  he  denounced  as 
traitors,  to  their  prince,  and  he  called  on  all  true  sub- 
jects in  the  colony  to  support  him  in,  maintaining 
the  royal  authority.  The  call  was  not  unheeded  ; 
and  volunteers  came  in,  though  tardily,  from  San 
Miguel,  Puerto  Viejo,  and  other  places  on  the  coast, 
cheering  the  heart  of  the  viceroy  with  the  convic- 
tion that  the  sentiment  of  loyalty  was  not  yet  ex- 
tinct in  the  bosoms  of  the  Spaniards. 

But,  while  thus  occupied,  he  received  tidings  of 
the  arrival  of  one  of  Pizarro's  captains  on  the  coast, 
with  a  force  superior  to  his  own.  Their  number 
was  exaggerated  ;  but  Blasco  Nunez,  without  wait- 
ing to  ascertain  the  truth,  abandoned  his  position  at 
Tumbez,  and,  with  as  much  expedition  as  he  could 


%** 

294  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE   CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV. 

make  across  a  wild  and  mountainous  country  half- 
buried  in  snow,  he  marched  to  Quito.  But  this 
capital,  situated  at  the  northern  extremity  of  his 
province,  was  not  a  favorable  point  for  the  rendez- 
vous of  his  followers;  and,  ^  after  prolonging  his  stay 
till  he  had  received  assurance  from  Benalcazar, 
the  loyal  commander  at  Popayan,  that  he  would 
support  him  with  all  his  strength  in  the  coming 
conflict,  he  made  a  rapid  countermarch  to  the  coast, 
and  took  up  his  position  at  the  town  of  San  Miguel. 
This  was  a  spot  well  suited  to  his  purposes,  as  lying 
on  the  great  high  road  along  the  shores  of  the  Pa- 
cific, besides  being  the  chief  mart  for  commercial 
intercourse  with  Panama  and  the  north. 

Here  the  viceroy  erected  his  standard,  and  in  a 
few  weeks  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  force 
amounting  to  nearly  five  hundred  in  all,  horse  and 
foot,  ill  provided  with  arms  and  ammunition,  but 
apparently  zealous  in  the  cause.  Finding  himself  in 
sufficient  'strength  to  commence  active  operations, 
he  now  sallied  forth  against  several  of  Pizarro's  cap- 
tains in  the  neighbourhood,  over  whom  he  obtained 
some  decided  advantages,  which  renewed  his  confi- 
dence, and  flattered  him  with  the  hopes  of  reestab- 
lishing his  ascendency,  in  the  country.5 


5  Carta  de   Gonzalo   Pizarro   a  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  23.  —  Relacion 

Valdivia,  MS.  —  Zarate,  Conq.  del  de  los  Sucesos  del  Peru,  MS. 
Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  14,  15.  —  Her-        The  author  of  the  document  last 

rera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  7,  lib.  8,  cited  notices  the  strong  feeling  for 

cap.  19,  20.  —  Relacion  Anonima,  the  Crown'  existing  in  several  of 

MS. — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  the  cities;  and  mentions  also  the 


CH.  IX.]  HIS   DISASTROUS  RETREAT.  295 

During  this  time,  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  not  idle. 
He  had  watched  with  anxiety  the  viceroy's  move- 
ments ;  and  was  now  convinced  that  it  was  time  to 
act,  and  that,  if  he  would  not  be  unseated  himself, 
he  must  dislodge  his  formidable  rival.  He  accord- 
ingly placed  a  strong  garrison  under  a  faithful  officer 
in  Lima,  and,  after  sending  forward  a  force  of  some 
six  hundred  men  by  land  to  Truxillo,  he  embarked 
for  the  same  port  himself*  on  the  4th  of  March,  1545, 
the  very  day  on  which  the  viceroy  had  marched  from 
Quito. 

At  Truxillo,  Pizarro  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his 
little  army,  and  moved  without  loss  of  time  against 
San  Miguel.  His  rival,  eager  to  bring  their  quarrel 
to  aa  issue,  would  fain  have  marched  out  to  give 
him  battle;  but  his  soldiers,  mostly  young  and  in- 
experienced levies,  hastily  brought  together,  were 
intimidated  -by  the  name  of  Pizarro.  They  loudly 
insisted  on  being  led  into  the  upper  country,  where 
they  would  be  reinforced  by  Benalcazar ;  and  their 
unfortunate  commander,  like  the  rider  of  some  un- 
manageable steed,  to  whose  -humors  he  is  obliged  to 
submit,  was  hurried  away  in  a  direction  contrary  to  his 
wishes.  It  was  the  fate  of  Blasco  Nunez  to  have  his 
purposes  baffled  alike  by  his  friends  and  his  enemies. 

On  arriving  before  San  Miguel,  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
found,  to  his  great  mortification,  that  his  antagonist 
had  left  it.  Without  entering  the  town,  he  quick- 
rumor  of  a  meditated  assault  on  of  Blasco  Nuiiez ;  and  the  facility 
Cuzco  by  the  Indians.  —  The  writer  with  which  exiles  credit  reports  in 
belonged  to  the  discomfited  party  their  own  favor  is  proverbial. 


296  CIVIL  WARS   OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boo*  IV. 

ened  his  pace,  and,  after  traversing  a  valley  of  some 
extent,  reached  the  skirts  of  a  mountain  chain,  into 
which  Blasco  Nunez  had  Centered  but  a  few  hours 
before.  It  was  late  in  the  evening ;  but  Pizarro, 
knowing  the  importance  of  despatch,  sent  forward 
Carbajal  with  a  party  of  light  troops  to  overtake  the 
fugitives.  That  captain  succeeded  in  coming  up 
with  their  lonely  bivouac  among  the  mountains  at 
midnight,  when  the  weary  troops  were  buried  in 
slumber.  Startled  from  their  repose  by  the  blast 
of  the  trumpet,  which,  strange  to  say,  their  enemy 
had  incautiously  sounded,6  the  viceroy  and  his  men 
sprang  to  their  feet,  mounted  their  horses,  grasped 
their  arquebuses,  and  poured  such  a  volley  into  the 
ranks  of  their  assailants,  that  Carbajal,  disconcerted 
by  his  reception,  found  it  prudent,  with  his  inferior 
force,  tor  retreat.  The  viceroy  followed,  till,  fearing 
an  ambuscade  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  he  with- 
drew, and  allowed  his  adversary  to  rejoin  the  main 
body  of  the  army  under  Pizarro. 

This  conduct  of  Carbajal,  by  which  he  allowed 
the  game  to  slip  -through  his  hands,  from  mere 
carelessness,  is  inexplicable.  It  forms  a  singular  ex- 
ception to  the  habitual  caution  and  vigilance  dis- 
played in  his  military  career,  Had  it  been  the  act 
of  any  other  captain,  it  would  have  cost  him  his 
head.  But  Pizarro,  although  greatly  incensed,  set 


6  "  Mas  Francisco  Caruajal  q  los  arma  :   y  sentido  por  el  Virey  se 

yua  siguiendo,  llego  quatro  horas  leuanto  luego  el  primero."     Fer- 

de  la  noche  a  dode  estauan  :  y  con  nandez,  Hist,   del  Peru,  Parte  1, 

vna  Trompeta  que  lleuaua  les  toco  lib.  1,  cap.  40. 


CH.  IX.]  HIS   DISASTROUS   RETREAT.  297 

too  high  a  value  on  the  services  and  well-tried  at- 
tachment of  his  lieutenant,  to  quarrel  .with  him. 
Still  it  was  considered  of  the  last  importance  to 
overtake  the  enemy,  before  he  had  advanced  much 
farther  to  the  north,  where  the  difficulties  of  the 
ground  would  greatly  embarrass  the  pursuit.  Car- 
bajal,  anxious  to  retrieve  his  error,  was  accordingly 
again  placed  at  the  head  of  a  corps  of  light  troops, 
with  instructions  to  harass  the  enemy's  march,  cut 
off  his  stores,  and  keep  him  in  check,  if  possible, 
till  the  arrival  of  Pizarro.7 

But  the  viceroy  had  profited  by  the  recent  delay 
to  gain  considerably  on  his  pursuers.  His  road  led 
across  the  valley  of  Caxas,  a  broad,  uncultivated  dis- 
trict, affording  little  sustenance  for  man  or  beast. 
Day  after  day,  his  troops  held  on  their  march 
through  this  dreary  region,  intersected  with  barran- 
cas and  rocky  ravines  that  added  incredibly  to  their 
toil.  Their  principal  food  was  the  parched  corn, 
which  usually  formed  the  nourishment  of  the  travel- 
ling Indians,  though  held  of  much  less  account, by 
the  Spaniards ;  and  this  meagre  fare  was  reinforced 
by  such  herbs  as  they  found  on  the  way-side* 
which,  for  want  of  better  utensils,  the  soldiers 
were  fain  to  boil  in  their  helmets.8  Carbajal,  mean- 
while, pressed  on  them  so  close,  that  their  baggage, 


7  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  —  Herrera,  algunas  Jervas,  que  cocian  en  las 
Hist.  General,  dec.  7,  lib.  9,  cap.  Celadas,   quando    paraban    a    dar 
22. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  lib.  aliento  a  los  Caballos."     Herrera, 
4,  cap.  26.  Hist.  General,  dec.  7,  lib.  9,  cap. 

8  "  Caminando,  pues,  comiendo  24. 
VOL.    II.                      38 


298  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV. 

ammunition,  and  sometimes  their  mules,  fell  into  his 
hands.  The  indefatigable  warrior  was  always  on 
their  track,  by  day  and  by  night,  allowing  them 
scarcely  any  repose.  They  spread  no  tent,  and 
lay  down  in  their  arms,  with  their  steeds  standing 
saddled  beside  them  ;  and  hardly  had  the  weary 
soldier  closed  his  eyes,  when  he  was  startled  by  the 
cry  that  the  enemy  was  upon  him.9 

At  length,  the  harassed  followers  of  Blasco  Nu- 
Rez  reached  the  depoblado,  or  desert  of  Paltos, 
which  stretches  towards  the  north  for  many  a 
dreary  league.  The  ground,  intersected  by  numer- 
ous streams,  has  the  character  of  a  great  quagmire, 
and  men  and  horses  floundered  about  in  the  stag- 
nant waters,  or  with  difficulty  .worked  their  way 
over  the  marsh,  or  opened  a  passage  through  the 
tangled  underwood  that  shot  up  in  rank  luxuriance 
from  the  surface.  The  wayworn  horses^  without 
food,  except  such  as  they  could  pick  up  in  the 
wilderness,  were  often  spent  with  travel,  and,  be- 
coming unserviceable,  were  left  to  die  on  the  road, 
with  their  hamstrings  cut,  that  they  might  be  of  no 
use  to -the  enemy.;  though  more  frequently  they 
were  despatched  to  afford  a  miserable  banquet  to 
their  masters.10  Many  of  the  men  now  fainted  by 

9  "  I  sin  que  en  todo  el  camino  Caballos  del  Cabestro,  sin  esperar 

los  vnos,  ni  los  otros,  quitasen  las  a  poner  Toldos,  ni  a  aderegar  las 

Sillas  a  los  Caballos,  aunque  en  este  otras  formas,  que  se  suelen  tener 

caso  estaba  mas  alerta  la  Gente  del  para  atar  los  Caballos  de  Noche." 

Visorei,  porque  si  algun  pequeno  Zarate,   Conq.   del    Peru,   lib.   5, 

rato  de  la   Noche  reposaban,  era  cap.  29. 

vestidos,   i  teniendo    siempre    los  10  "  I  en  cansandose  el  Caballo, 


CH.  IX.]  HIS   DISASTROUS   RETREAT.  299 

the  way  from  mere  exhaustion,  or  loitered  in  the 
woods,  unable  to  keep  up  with  the  march.  And 
woe  to  the  straggler  who  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Carbajal,  at  least  if  he  had  once  belonged  to  the 
party  of  Pizarro.  The  mere  suspicion  of  treason 
sealed  his  doom  with  the  unrelenting  soldier.11 

The  sufferings  of  Pizarro  and  his  troop  were 
scarcely  less  than  those  of  the  viceroy ;  though 
they  were  somewhat  mitigated  by  the  natives  of 
the  country,  who,  with  ready  instinct,  discerned 
which  party  was  the  strongest,  and,  of  course,  the 
most  to  be  feared.  But,  with  every  alleviation,  the 
chieftain's  sufferings  were  terrible.  It  was  repeat- 
ing the  dismal  scenes  of  the  expedition  to  the 
Amazon.  The  soldiers  of  the  Conquest  must  be 
admitted  to  have  purchased  their  triumphs  dearly. 

Yet  the  viceroy  had  one  source  of  disquietude, 
greater,  perhaps,  than  any  arising  from  physical 
suffering.  This  was  the  distrust  of  his  own  fol- 
lowers. There  were  several  of  the  principal  cava- 
liers in  his  suite  whom  he  suspected  of  being  in 
correspondence  with  the  enemy,  and  even  of  de- 
signing to  betray  him  into  their  hands.  He  was  so 
well  convinced  of  this,  that  he  caused  two  of  these 
officers  to  be  put  to  death  on  the  march ;  and  their 
dead  bodies,  as  they  lay  by  the  roadside,  meeting 

le  desjarretaba,  i  le  dexaba,  porque  been  hung  up  by  his  lieutenant, 

sus  contraries  no  se  aprovechasen  v?ho  pleasantly  quoted  the  old  Span- 

de  £1."     Ibid.,  loc.  cit.  ish  proverb,  — '  The  fewer  of  our 

11  "  Had  it  not  been  for  Gonzalo  enemies  the  better.'  "     De  los  ene- 

Pizarro's  interference,"  says  Fer-  migos,  los  menos.     Hist,  del  Peru, 

nandez,  "  many  more  would  have  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  40. 


300  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boo*  IV. 

the  eye  of  the  soldier,  told  him  that  there  were 
others  to  be  feared  in  these  frightful  solitudes  be- 
sides the  enemy  in  his  rear.12 

Another  cavalier,  who  held  the  chief  command 
under  the  viceroy,  was  executed,  after  a  more  for- 
mal investigation  of  his  case,  at  the  first  place  where 
the  army  halted.  At  this  distance  of  time,  it  is 
impossible  to  determine  how  far  the  suspicions  of 
Blasco' Nunez  were  founded  on  truth.  The  judg- 
ments of  contemporaries  are  at  variance.13  In  times 
of  political-  ferment,  the  opinion  of  the  writer  is 
generally  determined  by  the  complexion  of  his  party 
To  judge  from  the  character  of  Blasco  Nuflez, 
jealous  and  irritable,  we  might  suppose  him  to  have 
acted  without  sufficient  cause.  But  this  considera- 
tion is  counterbalanced  by  that  of  the  facility  with 
which  his  followers  swerved  from  their  allegiance  to 
their  commander,  who  seems  to  have  had  so  light  a 
hold  on  their  affections;,  that  they  were  shaken  off 
by  the  least  reverse  of  fortune.  Whether  his  sus- 
r-.'V*  • 

#  "  Los  afligidos  Soldados,  que  death,  had  served  him  to  that  time 

por  el  cansancio  de  los  Caballos  with  their  lives  and  fortunes,  dis- 

iban  a  pie  con  terrible  .angustia,  por  misses  the  affair  with  the  temperate 

!a  persecucion  de  los  Enemigos,  reflection,  that  men  formed  difFer- 

que  iban  cerca,  i  por  la  fatiga  de  ent  judgments  on  it.  "  Sobre  estas 

la  hambre,  quando  vieron  los  £uer-  muertes  uuo  en  el  Peril  varies  y 

pos  de  los  dos  Capitanes  muertos  contraries  juyzios  y  opiniones,  de 

en  aquel  camino  quedaron  atoni-  culpa  y  de  su  descargo."  (Hist, 

tos."  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  41.) 

dec.  7,  lib.  9,  cap.  25.  Gomara  says,  more  unequivocally, 

13  Fernandez,  who  held  a  loyal  "  All  condemned  it."  (Hist,  de 

pen,  and  one  sufficiently  friendly  to  las  Ind.,  cap.  167.)  The  weight 

the  viceroy,  after  stating  that  the  of  opinion  seems  to  have  been 

officers,  whom  the  latter  put  to  against  the  viceroy. 


CH.  IX.]  HIS  DISASTROUS  RETREAT.  301 

picions  were  well  or  ill  founded,  the  effect  was  the 
same  on  the  mind  of  the  viceroy.  With  an  enemy 
in  his  rear  whom  he  dared  not  fight,  and  followers 
whom  he  dared  not  trust,  the  cup  of  his  calamities 
was  nearly  full. 

At  length,  he  issued  forth  on  firm  ground,  and, 
passing  through  ^omebamba,  Blasco  Nunez  reen- 
tered  his  northern  capital  of  Quito.  But  his  recep- 
tion was  not  so  cordial  as  that  which  he  had  before 
experienced.  He  now  came  as  a  fugitive,  with  a 
formidable  enemy  in  pursuit ;  and  he  was  soon 
made  to  feel  that  the  surest  Way  to  receive  sup- 
port is  not  to  need  it. 

Shaking  from  his  feet  the  dust  of  the  disloyal 
city,  whose  superstitious  people  were  alive  to  many 
an  omen  that  boded  his  approaching  ruin,14  the 
unfortunate  commander  held  on  his  way  towards 
Pastos,  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Benalcazar.  .Pizarro 
and  his  forces  entered  Quito  not  long  after,  disap- 
pointed, that,  with  all  his  diligence,  the  enemy  still 
eluded  his  pursuit.  He  halted  only  to  breathe  his 
men,  and,  declaring  that  "  he  would  follow  up  the 
viceroy  to  the  North  Sea  but  he  would  overtake 
him," 15  he  resumed  his  march.  At  Pastos,  he 
nearly  accomplished  his  object.  His  advance-guard 


14  Some  of  these  omens  recorded  Perros  andaban    por    las    Calles, 

by  the  historian  —  as  the  howling  dando  grandes  i  temerosos  ahulli- 

of  dogs  —  were  certainly  no  mira-  dos,  i  los  Hombres  andaban  asom- 

cles.     "  En.  esta  lamentable,  i  an-  brados,  i  fuera  de  si."     Herrera, 

gustiosa   partida,    muchos  afirma-  Hist.   General,    dec.    7,    lib.   10. 

ron,  haver  visto  por  el  Aire  mu-  cap.  4. 

chos  Cometas,  i  que  quadrillas  de  15  Ibid .,  ubi  supra. 


302  CIVIL   WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

came  up  with  Blasco  Nunez  .as  the  latter  was  halt- 
ing on  the  opposite  bank  of  a  rivulet.  Pizarro's 
men,  fainting  from  toil  and  heat,  staggered  feebly  to 
the  water-side,  to  slake  their;  burning  thirst,  and  it 
would  have  been  easy  for  the  viceroy's  troops,  re- 
freshed by  repose,  and  superior  in  number  to  their 
foes,  to  have  routed  them.  I^ut  Blasco  Nunez  could 

,  not  bring  his  soldiers  to  the  charge.  They  had 
fled  so.  long  before  their  enemy,  that  the  mere  sight 
of  him  filled  tfheir  hearts  with  panic,  and  they  would 
have  ho  more  thought  of  turning  against  him  than 
the  hare  would  turn  against  the  hound  that  pursues 
her.  Their  safety,  they  felt,  was  to  fly,  not  to  fight, 
and  they  profited  by  the  exhaustion  of  their  pursu- 
ers only  to  quicken  their  retreat. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  continued  the  chase  some  leagues 
beyond  Pastos ;  when,  finding  himself  carried  far- 
ther tnan  he  desired  into  the  territories  of  Benal- 
cazar,  and  not  caring  to  encounter  this  formidable 
captain  at  disadvantage,  he  came  to  a  halt,  and, 
notwithstanding  his  '  magnificent  vaunt  about  the 
North  Sea,  ordered  a  retreat,  and  made  a  rapid 
countermarch  on  Quito.  Here  he  found  occupation 
in  repairing  the  wasted  spirits  of  his  troops,  and  in 
strengthening  himself  with  fresh  reinforcements, 

^ which1  much  increased  his  numbers;  though  these 
were  again  diminished  by  a  body  that  he  detached 
under  Carbajal  to  suppress  an  insurrection,  which 
he  now  learned  had  broken  out  in  the  south.  It 
was  headed  by  Diego  Centeno,  one  of  his  own  offi- 
cers, whom  he  had  established  in  La  Plata,  the  in- 


CH.  IX.]  HIS   DISASTROUS   RETREAT.  303 

habitants  of  which  place  .had  joined  in  the  revolt  and 
raised  the  standard  for  the  Crown.  With  the  rest 
of  his  forces,  Pizarro  resolved  to/remain  at  Quito, 
waiting  the  hour  when  the  viceroy  would  reenter 
his  dominions ;  as  the  tiger  crouches  by  some  spring 
in  the  wilderness,  patiently  waiting  the  return  of 
his  victims. 

Meanwhile  Blasco  Nunez  had  pushed  forward  his 
retreat  to  Popayan,  the  capital  of  Benalcazar's  prov- 
ince. Here  he  was  kindly  received  by  the  people ; 
and  his  soldiers,  reduced  by  desertion  and  disease 
to  one  fifth  of  their  original  number,  rested  from  the 
unparalleled  fatigues  of  a  march  which  had  con- 
tinued for  more  than  .two  hundred  leagues.16  It 
was  no't  long  before  he  was  joined  by  Cabrera, 
Benalcazar's  lieutenant,  with  a  stout  reinforcement, 
and,  soon  after,  by  that  chieftain  himself.  His 
whole  force  now  amounted  to  near,  four  hundred 
men,  most  of  them  in  good  condition,  and  well 
trained  in  the  school  of  American  warfare.  His 
own  men  were  sorely  deficient  both  in  arms  and 
ammunition ;  and  he  set  about  repairing  the  want  by 
building  furnaces  for  manufacturing  arquebuses  and 


16  This  retreat  of  Blasco  Nunez  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap;  19, 
may  undoubtedly  compare,  if  not  29.  —  Carta  de  GTonzalo  Pizarro  a 
in  duration,  at  least  in  sbarpness  Valdivia,  MS.  —  Herrera,  Hist, 
of  suffering-,  with  any  expedition  -.General, dec.  7,  lib.  9,  cap.  20-26. 
in  the  New  World,  —  save,  "in-  — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte 
deed,  that  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  him-  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  40,  et  seq. — Rela- 
self  to  the  Amazon.  The  particu-  _cion  de  los  Sucesos  del  Peru,  MS. 
lars  of  it  may  be  found,  with  more  —  Relation  Anonima,  MS.  —  Mon- 
or  less  amplification,  in-  Zarate,  tesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1545. 


irlsx-T 

m 


V''v 

x<      '*  f  •         ' '  .  ' 

304  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boox  IV. 

pikes.17- — One  familiar  with  the  history  of  these 
times  is  surprised  to  see  the  readiness  with  which 
the  Spanish  adventurers  turned  then:  hands  to  va- 
rious trades  and  handicrafts  usually  requiring  a 
long  apprenticeship.  They  displayed  the  dexterity 
so  necessary  to  settlers  in  a  'new  country,  where 
every  man  mast  become  in  some  degree  his  own 
artisan.  But  this  state  of  things,  however  favorable 
to  *he  ingenuity  of  the  artist,  is  not  very  propitious 
to  the  advancement  of  thtf  art;  and  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  the  weapons  thus  made  by  the  sol- 
diers of  Blasco  Nunez  were  of  the  most  rude  and 
imperfect  construction. 

As  week  after  week  rolled  away,  Gonzalo  Pizar- 
ro,  though  fortified  with  the  patience  of  a  Spanish 
soldier,  felt  uneasy  at  the  protracted  stay  of  Blasco 
Nunez  in  the  north,  and  he  resorted  to  stratagem  to 
decoy  him  from  his  retreat.  He  marched  out  of 
Quito  with  the  greater  part  of  his  forces,  pretending 
that  he  was  going  to  support  his  lieutenant  in  the 
south,  whale  he  left  a  garrison  in  the  city  under  the 
command  of  Puelles,  the  same  officer  who  had  for- 
merly deserted  from  the  viceroy.  These  tidings  he 
took  care  should  be  conveyed  to  the  enemy's  camp. 
The  artifice  succeeded  as  he  wished.  Blasco  Nunez 
and  his  followers,  confident  in  their  superiority  over 
Puelles,  did  not  hesitate  for  a  moment  to  profit  by 

17  "  Proveio,  que  se  tragese  alii  tiempo  se  forjaron  en  ellas  doeien- 

todo  el  hierro  que  se  pudo  haver  .tos  Arcabuees,  con  todos  sus  apare- 

en  la  Provincia,  i  busco  Maestros,  jos."    Zarate,    Conq.    del    Peru, 

i  hif^  adere<jar  Fraguas,  i  en  breve  lib.  5,  cap.  34. 


CH.  IX.]  HIS   DISASTROUS   RETREAT.  305 

the  supposed  absence  of  Pizarro.  Abandoning  Po- 
payan,  the  viceroy,  early  in  January,  1546,  moved 
by  rapid  marches  towards  the  south.  But  before  he 
reached  the  place  of  his  destination,  he  became  ap- 
prised of  the  snare  into  which  he  had  been  drawn. 
He  communicated  the  fact  to  his  officers ;  but  he 
had  already  suffered  so  much  from  suspense,  that  his 
only  desire  now  was,  to  bring  his  quarrel  with  Pi- 
zarro to  the  final  arbitrament  of  arms. 

That  chief,  meanwhile,  had  been  well  informed, 
through  his  spies,  of  the  viceroy's  movements.  On 
learning  the  departure  of  the  latter  from  Popayan, 
he  had  reentered  Quito,  joined  his  forces  with  those 
of  Puelles,  and,  issuing  from  the  capital,  had  taken 
up  a  strong  position  about  three  leagues  to  the 
north,  on  a  high  ground  that  commanded  a  stream, 
across  which  the  enemy  must  pass.  It  was  not  long 
before  the  latter  came  in  sight,  and  Blasco  Nunez, 
as  night  began  to  fall,  established  himself  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  the  rivulet.  It  was  so  near  to  the 
enemy's  quarters,  that  the  voices  of  the  sentinels 
could  be  distinctly  heard  in  the  opposite  camps,  and 
they  did  not  fail  to  salute  one  another  with  the 
epithet  of  "  traitors."  In  these  civil  wars,  as  we 
have  seen,  each  party  claimed  for  itself  the  exclu- 
sive merit  of  loyalty.18 

But  Benalcazar  soon  saw  that  Pizarro's  position 


18  "  Que  se  llegaron  a  hablar  los  tentaba  la  voz  del  Rei,  i  asi  estu- 

Corredores  de   ambas  partes,   lla-  vieron  toda  aquella  noche  aguar- 

mandose  Traidores  los  vnos  a  los  dando."     Ibid.,  ubi  supra, 
otros,  fundando,  que  cada  vno  sus- 

VOL.    II.  39 


306  CIVIL  WARS  -OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV. 

was  too  strong  to  be  assailed  with  any  chance  of 
success<  He  proposed,  therefore,  to  the  viceroy,  to 
draw  off  his  forces  secretly  in  the  night ;  and,  mak- 
ing a  detour  round  the  hills,  to  fall  on  the  enemy's 
rear,  where  he  would  be  least  prepared  to  receive 
them.  The  counsel  was  approved  ;  and,  no  sooner 
were  the  two  hosts  shrouded  from  each  other's  eyes 
by  the  darkness,  than,  leaving  his  camp-fires  burning 
to  deceive  the  enemy,  Blasco  Nunez  broke  up  his 
quarters,  and  began  his  circuitous  march  in  the  di- 
rection of  Quito.  But  either  he  had  been  mis- 
informed, or  his  guides  misled  him ;  for  the  roads 
proved  so  impracticable,  that  he  was  compelled  to 
make  a  circuit  of  such  extent,  that  dawn  broke 
before  he  drew  near  the  point  of  attack.  Finding 
that  he  must  now  abandon  the  advantage  of  a  sur- 
prise, he  pressed  forward  to  Quito,  where  he  arrived 
with  men  and  horses  sorely  fatigued  by  a  night- 
march  of  eight  leagues,  from  a  point  which,  by  the 
direct  route,  would  not  have  exceeded  three.  It 
was  a  fatal  error  on  the  eve  of  an  engagement.19 

19  For  the  preceding  pages,  see  battle  with  Pizarro  nine  days  later. 

Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  (Hist.  General,  dec.  8,  lib.  1,  cap. 

cap.  34,  35. -—  Gomara,  Hist,  de  1.)  This  last  event,  which,  by  the 

las  Ind.,  cap.  167.  —  Carta  de  testimony  of  Fernandez,  was'  on 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  a  Valdivia,  MS.  the  eighteenth  of  the  month,  was, 

—  Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  by  the  agreement  of  such  contem- 

1546.— Fernandez, Hist,  del  Peru,  porary  authorities  as  I  have  con- 

Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  50-52.  suited,  —  as  stated  in  the  text,— 

Herrera,  in  his  account  of  these  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day  in 

transactions,  has  fallen  into  a  strange  which  the  viceroy  entered  Quito, 

confusion  of  dates,  fixing  the  time  Herrera,  though  his  work  is  ar- 

of  the  viceroy's  entry  into  Quito  on  ranged  on  the  chronological  system 

the  10th  of  January,  and  that  of  his  of  annals,  is  by  no  means  immac- 


CH.  IX.]  HIS   DISASTROUS   RETREAT.  307 

He  found  the  capital  nearly  deserted  by  the  men. 
They  had  all  joined  the  standard  of  Pizarro ;  for 
they  had  now  caught  the  general  spirit  of  disaffec- 
tion, and  looked  upon  that  chief  as  their  protector 
from  the  oppressive  ordinances.  Pizarro  was  the 
representative  of  the  people.  Greatly  moved  at  this 
desertion,  the  unhappy  viceroy,  lifting  his  hands  to 
heaven,  exclaimed,  —  "  Is  it  thus,  Lord,  that  thou 
abandonest  thy  servants  ?  "  The  women  and  chil- 
dren came  out,  and .  in  vain  offered  him  food,  of 
which  he  stood  obviously  in  need,  asking  him,  at  the 
same  time,  "  Why  he  had  come  there  to  die  ? " 
His  followers,  with  more  indifference  than  their  com- 
mander, entered  the  houses  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
unceremoniously  appropriated  whatever  they  could 
find  to  appease  the  cravings  of  appetite. 

Benalcazar,  who  saw  the  temerity  of  giving  bat- 
tle, in  their  present  condition,  recommended  the 
viceroy  to  try  the  effect  of  negotiation,  and  of- 
fered himself  to  go  to  the  enemy's  camp,  and  ar- 
range, if  possible,  terms  of  accommodation  with 
Pizarro.  But  Blasco  Nunez,  if  he  had  desponded 
for  a  moment,  had  now  recovered  his  wonted  con- 
stancy, and  he  proudly  replied, —  "  There  is  no  faith 
to  be  kept  with  traitors.  We  have  come  to  fight, 
not  to  parley ;  and  we  must  do  our  duty  like  good 
and  loyal  cavaliers.  I  will  do  mine,"  he  continued, 


ulate  as  to  his  dates.  Quintana  Her  period  of  the  Peruvian  con- 
has  exposed  several  glaring  anach-  quest.  See  his  Espanoles  Cele- 
ronisms  of  the  historian  in  the  ear-  bres,  torn.  II.  Appendix,  No.  7. 


308  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV. 

"and  be  assured  I  will  be  the  first  man  to  break 
a  lance  with  the  enemy."  *° 

He  then  called  his  troops  together,  and  addressed 
to  them  a  few  words  preparatory  to  marching. 
"  You  are  all  brave  men,"  he  said,  "  and  loyal  to 
your  sovereign.  For  my  own  part,  I  hold  life  as 
little  in  comparison  with  my  duty  to  my  prince. 
Yet  let  us  not  distrust  our  success ;  the  Spaniard,  in 
a  good  cause,  has  often  overcome  greater  odds  than 
these.  And  we  are  fighting  for  the  right ;  it  is  the 
cause  of  God,  —  the  cause  of  God,"21  he  concluded, 
and  tKe  soldiers,  kindled  by  his  generous  ardor,  an- 
swered him  with  huzzas  that  went  to  the  heart  of 
the  unfortunate  commander,  little  accustomed  of 
late  to  this  display  of  enthusiasm. 

It  was  the  eighteenth  of  January,  1546,  when 
Blasco  Nunez  marched  out  at  the  head  of  his  array, 
from  the  ancient  city  of  Quito.  He  had  proceeded 
but  a  mile,22  when  he  came  in  view  of  the  enemy, 
formed  along  the  crest  of  some  high  lands,  which, 
by  a  gentle  swell,  rose  gradually  from  the  plains  of 
Anaquito.  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  greatly  chagrined  on 
ascertaining  the  departure  of  the  viceroy,  early  in 
the  morning,  had  broken  up  his  camp,  and  directed 
his  march  on  the  capital,  fully  resolved  that  his 
enemy  should  not  escape  him. 

20  "  Yo  os  prometo,  que  la  pri-  >  Dios  es  la  causa,  de  Dios  es   la 
mera  laca  que  se  rompa  en  los  ene-    causa."     Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
migos,  sea  la  mia  (y  assi  lo  cum-    lib.  5,  cap.  35. 

plio)."  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  22  "  Un  quarto  de  legua  de  la 
Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  53.  ciudad."  Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pi- 

21  "  Que  de  Dios  es  la  causa,  de    zarro  a  Valdivia,  MS. 


CH.  IX.]     DEFEAT  AND  DEATH  OF  THE  VICEROY.          309 

The  viceroy's  troops,  now  coming  to  a  halt,  were 
formed  in  order  of  battle.  A  small  body  of  arquebu- 
siers  was  stationed  in  the  advance  to  begin  the  fight. 
The  remainder  of  that  corps  was  distributed  among 
the  spearmen,  who  occupied  the  centre,  protected 
on  the  flanks  by  the  horse  drawn  up  in  two  nearly 
equal  squadrons.  The  cavalry  amounted  to  about 
one  hundred  and  forty,  being  little  inferior  to  that 
on  the  other  side,  though  the  whole  number  of  the 
viceroy's  forces,  being  less  than  four  hundred,  did 
not  much  exceed  the  half  of  his  rival's.  On  the 
right,  and  in  front  of  the  royal  banner,  Blasco  Nu- 
nez, supported  by  thirteen  chosen  cavaliers,  took  his 
station,  prepared  to  head  the  attack. 

Pizarro  had  formed  his  troops  in  a  corresponding 
manner  with  that  of  his  adversary.  They  mustered 
about  seven  hundred  in  all,  well  appointed,  in  good 
condition,  and  officered  by  the  best  knights  in  Pe- 
ru.23 As,  notwithstanding  his  superiority  of  num- 
bers, Pizarro  did  not  seem  inclined  to  abandon 
his  advantageous  position,  Blasco  Nunez  gave  or- 
ders to  advance.  The  action  commenced  with 
the  arquebusiers,  and  in  a  few  moments  the  dense 
clouds  of  smoke,  rolling  over  the  field,  obscured 
every  object  ;  for  it  was  late  in  the  day  when 

23  The  amount  of  the  numbers  writers.     Pizarro  estimates  his  ad- 

on  both  sides  is  variously  given ,  as  versary 's  force  at  four  hundred  and 

usual,  making,  however,  more  than  fifty  men,  and  his  own  at  only  six 

the  usual  difference  in  the  relative  hundred  ;   an  estimate,  it  may  be 

proportions,  since  the  sum  total  is  remarked,  that  does  not  make  that 

so  small.     I  have  conformed  to  the  given  in   the  text  any  less  cred- 

statements  of  the  best-instructed  ible. 


310  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BooK  IV 

the  action  began,   and   the  light  was  rapidly  fad- 


ing. 


The  infantry,  now  levelling  their  pikes,  advanced 
under,  cover  of  the  smoke,  and  were  soon  hotly  en- 
gaged with  the  opposite  files  of  spearmen.  Then 
came  the  charge  of  the  cavalry,  which  —  notwith- 
standing they  were  thrown  into  some  disorder  by 
the  fire  of  Pizarro's  arquebusiers,  far  superior  in 
number  to  their  own  —  was  conducted  with  such 
spirit  that  the  enemy's  horse  were  compelled  to  reel 
and  fall  back  before  it.  But  it  was  only  to  recoil 
with  greater  violence,  as,  like  an  overwhelming  wave, 
Pizarro's  troopers  rushed  on  their  foes,  driving  them 
along  the  slope,  and  bearing  down  man  and  horse 
in  indiscriminate  ruin.  Yet  these,  in  turn,  at  length 
rallied,  cheered  on  by  the  cries  and  desperate  efforts 
of  their  officers.  The  lances  were  shivered,  and 
they  fought  hand  to  hand  with  swords  and  battle- 
axes  mingled  together  in  wild  confusion.  But  the 
struggle  was  of  no  long  duration ;  for,  though'  the 
numbers  were  nearly  equal,  the  viceroy's  cavalry, 
jaded  by  the  severe  march  of  the  previous  night,24 
were  no  match  for  their  antagonists.  The  ground 
was  strewn  with  the  wreck  of  their  bodies;  and 
horses  and  riders,  the  dead  and  the  dying,  lay  heaped 
on  one  another.  Cabrera,  the  brave  lieutenant  of 
Benalcazar,  was  slain,,  and  that  commander  was 
thrown  under  his  horse's  feet,  covered  with  wounds, 
and  left  for  dead  on  the  field.  Alvarez,  the  judge, 

24  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  35. 


CH.  IX.]     DEFEAT  AND   DEATH  OF  THE  VICEROY.         31 1 

was  mortally  wounded.  Both  he  and  his  colleague 
Cepeda  were  in  the  action,  though  ranged  on  oppo- 
site sides,  fighting  as  if  they  had  been  bred  to  arms, 
not  to  the  peaceful  profession  of  the  law. 

Yet  Blasco  Nunez  and  his  companions  maintained 
a  brave  struggle  on  the  right  of  the  field.  The 
viceroy  had  kept  his  word  by  being  the  first  to 
break  his  lance  against  the  enemy,  and  by  a  well- 
directed  blow  had  borne  a  cavalier,  named  Alobso 
de  Montalvo,  clean  out  of  his  saddle.  But  he- was 
at  length  overwhelmed  by  numbers,  and,  as  his  com- 
panions, one  after  another,  fell  by  his  side,  he  was 
left  nearly  unprotected.  He  was  already  wounded, 
when  a  blow  on  the  head  from  the  battle-axe  of  a 
soldier  struck  him  from  his  horse,  and  he  fell  stun- 
ned on  the  ground.  Had  his  person  been  known, 
he  might  have  been  taken  alive,  but  he  wore  a 
sobre-vest  of  Indian  cotton  over  his  armour,  which 
concealed  the  military  order  of  St.  James,  and  the 
other  badges  of  his  rank.25 

His  person,  however,  was  soon  recognized  by 
one  of  Pizarro's  followers,  who,  not  improbably, 


25  He  wore  this  dress,  says  Gar-  — It  must  be  confessed  that  this  is 
cilasso  de  la  Vega,  that  he  might  the  general  motive  for  a  disguise, 
fare  no  better  than  a  common  sol-  "  I  Blasco  Nunez  puso  mucha 
dier,  but  take  his  chance  with  the  diligencia  por  poder  huirse  si  pu- 
rest. (Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  diera,  porque  venia  vestido  con  una 
4,  cap.  34.)  Pizarro  gives  him  camiseta  de  Yndios  por  no  ser  eo- 
credit  for  no  auch  magnanimous  in-  nocitfo,  i  no  quiso  Dios  porque 
tent.  According  to  him,  the  vice-  pagase  quantos  males  por  su  causa 
roy  assumed  this  disguise,  that,  his  se  havian  hecho."  Carta  de  Gon- 
rank  being  unknown,  "he  might  zalo  Pizarro  a  Valdivia,  MS. 
have  the  better  chance  for  escape. 


312  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.     [Boos  IV. 

had  once  followed  the  viceroy's  banner.  The  sol- 
dier immediately  pointed  him  out  to  the  Licentiate 
Carbajal.  This  person  was  the  brother  of  the  cav- 
alier whom,  as  the  reader  may  remember,  Blasco 
Nunez  had  so  rashly  put  to  death  in  his  palace  at 
Lima.  The  licentiate  had  afterwards  taken  ser- 
vice under  Pizarro,  and,  writh  several  of  his  kindred, 
was  pledged  to  take  vengeance  on  the  viceroy. 
Instantly  riding  up,  he  taunted  the  fallen  command- 
er with  the  murder  of  his  brother,  and  was  in  the 
act  of  dismounting  to  despatch  him  with  his  own 
hand,  when  Puelles  remonstrating  on  this,  as  an  act 
of  degradation,  commanded  one  of  his  attendants, 
a  black  slave,  to  cut  off  the  viceroy's  head.  This 
the  fellow  executed  with  a  single  stroke  of  his 
sabre,  while  the  wretched  man,  perhaps  then  dying 
of  his  wounds,  uttered  no  word,  but  with  eyes 
imploringly  turned  up  towards  heaven,  received  the 
fatal  blow.26  The  head  was  then  borne  aloft  on 
a  pike,  and  some  were  brutal  enough  to  pluck  out 
the  grey  hairs  from  the  beard  and  set  them  in 
their  caps,  as  grisly  trophies  of  their  victory.27  The 
fate  of  the  day  was  now  decided.  Yet  still  the 

26  Fernandez,  Hist,   del  Peru,  rera,  Hist.   General,  dec.   8,  lib. 

Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  54.  —  Zarate,  1,  cap.  3. 
Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  35.  27  «  Aviendo  algunos  capitanes 

"  Mand6  a  un  Negro  que  traia,  y  personas  arrancado  y  pelado  al- 

que  le  cortase  la  Cabega,  i  en  todo  gunas  de  sus  blancas  y  leales  bar- 

esto  no  se  conocio  flaque^a  en  el  uas,  para  traer  por  empresa,  y  Jua 

Visorrei,  ni  hablo  palabra,  ni  11150  de  la  Torre  las  traxo  despues  publi- 

mas  movimiento,  que  al§ar  los  ojos  camente  en  la  gorra  por  la  ciudad 

al  Cielo,  dando  mtfestras  de  mucha  de  los  Reyes."     Fernandez,  Hist. 

Christiandad,  i  constancia."     Her-  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  54. 


CH.  IX.]     DEFEAT  AND  DEATH  OF  THE  VICEROY.  313 

infantry  made  a  brave  stand,  keeping  Pizarro's 
horse  at  bay  with  their  bristling  array  of  pikes. 
But  their  numbers  were  thinned  by  the  arque- 
busiers ;  and,  thrown  into  disorder,  they  could  no 
longer  resist  the  onset  of  the  horse,  who  broke 
into  their  column,  and  soon  scattered  and  drove 
them  off  the  ground*  The  pursuit  was  neither 
long  nor  bloody;  for  darkness  came  on,  and  Pi- 
zarro  bade  his  trumpets  sound,  to  call  his  men 
together  under  their  banners. 

Though  the  action  lasted  but  a  short  time,  nearly 
one  third  of  the  viceroy's  troops  had  perished.  The 
loss  of  their  opponents  was  inconsiderable.23  Sev- 
eral of  the  vanquished  cavaliers  took  refuge  in  the 
churches  of  Quito.  But  they  were  dragged  from 
the  sanctuary,  and  some  —  probably  those  who  had 
once  espoused  the  cause  of  Pizarro  —  were  led  to 
execution,  and  others  banished  to  Chili.  The  great- 
er part  were  pardoned  by  the  conqueror.  Benal- 
cazar,  who  recovered  from  his  wrounds,  was  per- 
mitted to  return  to  his  government,  on  condition  o/ 
no  more  bearing  arms  against  Pizarro.  His  troops 
were  invited  to  take  service  under  the  banner  of 
the  victor,  who,  however,  never  treated  them  with 
the  confidence  shown  to  his  ancient  partisans.  He 
was  greatly  displeased  at  the  indignities  offered  to 


28  The  estimates  of  killed  and  own  at  only  seven  killed  and  but  a 

wounded  in  this  action  are  as  dis-  few  wounded.     But  how  rarely  is 

cordant  as  usual.     Some  carry  the  it  that  a  faithful  bulletin  is  issued 

viceroy's    loss    to    two    hundred,  by  the  parties  engaged  in  the  ac- 

while  Gonzalo   Pizarro    rates  his  tion ! 

VOL.    II.  40 


314  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

the  viceroy;  whose  mangled  remains  he  caused  to 
be  buried  with  the  honors  due  to  his  rank  in  the 
cathedral  of  Quito.  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  attired  in 
black,  walked  as  chief  mourner  in  the  procession. 
—  It  was  usual  with  the  Pizarros,  as  we  have  seen, 
to  pay  these  obituary  honors  to  their  victims.29 

Such  was  the  sad  end  of  Blasco  Nunez  Vela,  first 
viceroy  of  Peru.  It  was  less  than  two  years  since  he 
had  set  foot  in  the  country,  a  period  of  unmitigated 
disaster  and  disgrace.  His  misfortunes  may  be  im- 
puted partly  to  circumstances,  and  partly  to  his  own 
character.  The  minister  of  an  odious  and  oppres- 
sive law,  he  was  intrusted  with  no  discretionary 
power  in  the  execution  of  it.30  Yet  every  man  may, 
to  a  certain  extent,  claim  the  right  to  such  a  power ; 


29  For  the  accounts  of  the  battle  se   viniese  a   meter  en  las  manos 

of  Anaquito,  rather  summarily  de-  para  quitarnos  de  tantos  cuidados, 

spatched  by  most  writers,  see  Carta  i  que  pagase  quantos  males  havia 

de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  a  Valdivia,  MS.  fecho  en  la  tierra,   la  qual   quedo 

—  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  tan  asosegada  i  tan  en  paz  i  servicio 
170.  —  Herrera,    Hist.    General,  de  S.  M.  como  lo  estuvo  en  tiempo 
die.  8,  lib.  1,  cap.  1-3. — Pedro  del  Marques  mi  hermano."     Carta 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.  —  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  a  Valdivia,  MS. 
Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.        30  Garcilasso's  reflections  on  this 
35. — Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  point    are  commendably  tolerant, 
ano    1546.  —  Garcilasso,     Com.  "  Assi  acabo  este  buen  cauallero, 
Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  4,  cap.  33-35.  por  querer  porfiar  tanto  en  la  exe- 

—  Fernandez,     Hist,    del    Peru,  cucion  de  lo  que  ni  a  su  Rey  ni  a 
Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap;  53,  54.  aquel  Reyno  conuenia:    donde  se 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  seems  to  regard  causaron  tantas  muertes  y  danos  de 
the  battle  as  a  sort  of  judicial  trial  Espanoles,  y  de  Yndios:  aunque 
by  combat,  in  which  Heaven,  by  no  tuuo  tanta  culpa  como  se  le 
the  result,  plainly  indicated  the  atribuye,  porque  lleuo  precise  man- 
right.  His  remarks  are  edifying,  dato  de  lo  que  hizo."  Com.  Real., 
"  Por  donde  parecera  claramenta  Parte  2,  lib.  4,  cap.  34. 
que  Nuestro  Senor  fue  servido  este 


CH.  IX.]     DEFEAT  AND  DEATH  OF  THE  VICEROY.  315 

since,  to  execute  a  commission,  which  circumstances 
show  must  certainly  defeat  the  object  for  which  it 
was  designed,  would  be  absurd.  But  it  requires 
sagacity  to  determine  the  existence  of  such  a  con- 
tingency, and  moral  courage  to  assume  the  respon- 
sibility of  acting  on  it.  Such  a  crisis  is  the  se- 
verest test  of  character.  To  dare  to  disobey  from 
a  paramount  sense  of  duty,  is  a  paradox  that  a  little 
soul  can  hardly  comprehend.  Unfortunately,  Blasco 
Nunez  was  a  pedantic  martinet,  a  man  of  narrow 
views,  who  could  not  feel  himself  authorized  under 
any  circumstances  to  swerve  from  the  letter  of  the 
law.  Puffed  up  by  his  brief  authority,  moreover, 
he  considered  opposition  to  the  ordinances  as  trea- 
son to  himself;  and  thus,  identifying  himself  with 
his  commission,  he  was  prompted  by  personal  feel- 
ings, quite  as  much  as  by  those  of  a  public  and 
patriotic  nature. 

Neither  was  the  viceroy's  character  of  a  kind 
that  tended  to  mitigate  the  odium  of  his  measures, 
and  reconcile  the  people  to  their  execution.  It  af- 
forded a  strong  contrast  to  that  of  his  rival,  Pizarro, 
whose  frank,  chivalrous  bearing,  and  generous  con- 
fidence in  his  followers,  made  him  universally  popu- 
lar, blinding  their  judgments,  and  giving  to  the  worse 
the  semblance  of  the  better  cause.  Blasco  Nunez, 
on  the  contrary,  irritable  and  suspicious,  placed  him- 
self in  a  false  position  with  all  whom  he  approached ; 
for  a  suspicious  temper  creates  an  atmosphere  of 
distrust  around  it  that  kills  every  kindly  affection. 
His  first  step  was  to  alienate  the  members  of  the 


316  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV. 

Audience  who  were  sent  to  act  in  concert  with  him. 
But  this  was  their  fault  as  well  as  his,  since  they 
were  as  much  too  lax,  as  he  was  too  severe,  in  the 
interpretation  of  the  law.31  He  next  alienated  and 
outraged  the  people  whom  he  was  appointed  to 
govern.  And,  lastly,  he  disgusted  his  own  friends, 
and  too  often  turned  them  into  enemies;  so  that,  in 
his  final  struggle  for  power  and  for  existence,  he 
Was  obliged  to  rely  on  the  arm  of  the  stranger. 
Yet  in  the  catalogue  of  his  qualities  we  must  not 
pass  in  silence  over  his  virtues.  There  are  two  to 
the  credit  of  which  he  is  undeniably  entitled,  —  a 
loyalty,  which  shone  the  brighter  amidst  the  general 
defection  around  him,  and  a  constancy  under  mis- 
fortune, which  might  challenge  the  respect  even 
of  his  enemies.  But  with  the  most  liberal  allow- 
ance for  his  merits,  it  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that 
a  person  more  incompetent  to  the  task  assigned 
him  could  not  have  been  found  in  Castile.32 

31  Blasco  Nunez    characterized  Vela  rests  chiefly  on  the  authority 
the  four  judges  of  the  Audience  in  of  loyal  writers,   some  of  whom 
a  manner  more  concise  than  com-  wrote  after  their  return  to  Castile, 
plimentary, —  a  boy,  a  madman,  a  They  would,  therefore,  more  natu- 
booby,  and  a  dunce!     "  Decia  mu-  rally  lean  to  the  side  of  the  true 
chas  veces  Blasco  Nunez,  que  le  representative  of  the  Crown,  than 
havian  dado  el   Emperador,   i  su  to  that  of  the  rebel.     Indeed,  the 
Consejo  de  Indias   vn    Mogo,   un  only  voice  raised  decidedly  in  favor 
Loco,  un  Necio/ vn  Tonto  por  Oi-  of  Pizarro   is  his   own,  —  a  very 
dores,   que  asi    lo    havian    hecho  suspicious  authority.    Yet,  with  all 
como  ellos  eran.     Mo$o  era  Cepe-  the  prestiges  in  his  favor,  the  ad- 
da,  i  llamaba  Loco  a  Juan  Alvarez,  ministration  of  Blasco  Nunez,  from 
i  Necio  a   Tejada,  que  no  sabia  universal  testimony,    was  a  total 
Latin."      Gomara,    Hist,    de    las  failure.     And  there  is  little  to  in- 
Ind.,  cap.  171.  terest  us  in  the  story  of  the  man, 

32  The  account  of  Blasco  Nunez  except  his  unparalleled  misfortunes, 


CH.  IX.]         GONZALO  PIZARRO  LORD  OF  PERU.  317 

The  victory  of  Anaquito  was  received  with  gen- 
eral joy  in  the  neighbouring  capital ;  all  the  cities 
of  Peru  looked  on  it  as  sealing  the  downfall  of  the 
detested  ordinances,  and  the  name  of  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro  was  sounded  from  one  end  of  the  country  to 
the  other  as  that  of  its  deliverer.  That  chief  con- 
tinued to  prolong  his  stay  in  Quito  during  the  wet 
season,  dividing  his  time  between  the  licentious 
pleasures  of  the  reckless  adventurer  and  the  cares 
of  business  that  now  pressed  on  him  as  ruler  of  the 
state.  His  administration  was  stained  with  fewer 
acts  of  violence  than  might  have  been  expected 
from  the  circumstances  of  his  situation.  So  long 
as  Carbajal,  the  counsellor  in  whom  he  unfortunately 
placed  greatest  reliance,  was  absent,  Gonzalo  sanc- 
tioned no  execution,  it  was  observed,  but  accord- 
ing to  the  forms  of  law.33  He  rewarded  his  follow- 
ers by  new  grants  of  land,  and  detached  several  on 
expeditions,  to  no  greater  distance,  however,  than 
would  leave  it  in  his  power  readily  to  recall  them. 
He  made  various  provisions  for  the  welfare  of  the 
natives,  and  some,  in  particular,  for  instructing  them 
in  the  Christian  faith.  He  paid  attention  to  the 
faithful  collection  of  the  royal  dues,  urging  on  the 
colonists  that  they  should  deport  themselves  so  as  to 
conciliate  the  good-will  of  the  Crown,  and  induce 

and  the  firmness  with   which  he  mas    de   su    Consejo,   lo    aproba- 

bore  them.  sen:   i  entonces    con  Proceso  en 

33  "  Nunca  Pi^arro,  en  ausencia  forma    de   Derecho,   i  confesados 

de  Francisco  de  Carvajal,  su  Maes-  primero."     Gomara,  Hist,  de  las 

tre  de  Campo,  mato,  ni  consintio  Ind.,  cap.  172. 
matar  Espanol,  sin  que  todos,  los 


318  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

a  revocation  of  the  ordinances.  His  administration, 
in  short,  was  so  conducted,  that  even  the  austere 
Gasca,  his  successor,  allowed  "  it  was  a  good  gov- 
ernment,—  for  a  tyrant."34 

At  length,  in  July,  1546,  the  new  governor  bade 
adieu  to  Quito,  and,  leaving  there  a  sufficient  garri- 
son under  his  officer  Puelles,  began  his  journey  to 
the  south.  It  was  a  triumphal  progress,  and  every- 
where he  was  received  on  the  road  with  enthusiasm 
by  the  people.  At  Truxillo,  the  citizens  came  out  in 
a  body  to  welcome  him,  and  the  clergy  chanted  an- 
thems in  his  honor,  extolling  him  as  the  "  victorious 
prince,"  and  imploring  the  Almighty  "  to  lengthen 
his  days,  and  give  him  honor."  ^  At  Lima,  it  was 
proposed  to  clear  away  some  of  the  buildings,  and 
open  a  new  street  for  his  entrance,  which  might 
ever  after  bear  the  name  of  the  victor.  But  the 
politic  chieftain  declined  this  flattering  tribute,  and 
modestly  preferred  to  enter  the  city  by  the  usual 
way.  A  procession  was  formed  of  the  citizens,  the 
soldiers,  and  the  clergy,  and  Pizarro  made  his  entry 
into  the  capital  with  two  of  his  principal  captains 
on  foot,  holding  the  reins  of  his  charger,  while  the 
archbishop  of  Lima,  and  the  bishops  of  Cuzco, 


34  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  — Fernandez  praise  of  Gomara  is  less  suspicious 
gives  a  less  favorable  picture  of  than  the  censure  of  Fernandez. 
Gonzalo's    administration.     (Hist.         &  "  Victorioso  Principe,  hagate 
del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  1,  cap.  54;  Dios  dichoso,  i  bienaventurado,  el 
lib.  2,  cap.  13.)     Fernandez  wrote  te  mantenga,  i  te  conserve."    Her- 
at   the    instance   of    the    Court ;  rera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  8,  lib.  2, 
Gomara,  though  present  at  court,  cap.  9. 
wrote    to    please    himself.      The 


CH.  IX.]         GONZALO  PIZARRO  LORD  OF   PERU. 

Quito,  and  Bogota,  the  last  of  whom  had  lately 
come  to  the  city  to  be  consecrated,  rode  by  his  side. 
The  streets  were  strewn  with  boughs,  the  walls 
of  the  houses  hung  with  showy  tapestries,  and 
triumphal  arches  were  thrown  over  the  way  in  honor 
of  the  victor.  Every  balcony,  veranda,  and  house- 
top was  crowded  with  spectators,  who  sent  up  huz- 
zas, loud  and  long,  saluting  the  victorious  soldier 
with  the  titles  of  "  Liberator,  and  Protector  of  the 
people."  The  bells  rang  out  their  joyous  peal,  as 
on  his  former  entrance  into  the  capital ;  and  amidst 
strains  of  enlivening  music,  and  the  blithe  sounds 
of  jubilee,  Gonzalo  held  on  his  way  to  the  palace 
of  his  brother.  Peru  was  once  more  placed  under 
the  dynasty  of  the  Pizarros.36 

Deputies  came  from  different  parts  of  the  country, 
tendering  the  congratulations  of  their  respective 
cities  ;  and  every  one  eagerly  urged  his  own  claims 
to  consideration  for  the  services  he  had  rendered  in 
the  revolution.  Pizarro,  at  the  same  time,  received 
the  welcome  intelligence  of  the  success  of  his  arms 
in  the  south.  Diego  Centeno,  as  before  stated,  had 
there  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion,  or  rather, 
of  loyalty  to  his  sovereign.  He  had  made  himself 
master  of  La  Plata,  and  the  spirit  of  insurrection 
had  spread  over  the  broad  province  of  Charcas. 
Carbajal,  who  had  been  sent  against  him  from 


36  For  an  account  of  this  pa-  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap. 

geant,  see  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  5. — Carta  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  a 

y  Conq.,  MS.  —  Herrera,    Hist.  Valdivia,  MS. 
General,  dec.  8,  lib.  2,  cap.  9.  — 


320  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [Boon  IV. 

Quito,  after  repairing  to  Lima,  had  passed  at  once 
to  Cuzco,  and  there,  strengthening  his  forces,  had 
descended  by  rapid  marches  on  the  refractory  dis- 
trict. Centeno  did  not  trust  himself  in  the  field 
against  this  formidable  champion.  He  retreated 
with  his  troops  into  the  fastnesses  of  the  sierra. 
Carbajal  pursued,  following  on  his  track  with  the 
pertinacity  of  a  bloodhound ;  over  mountain  and 
moor,  through  forests  and  dangerous  ravines,  allow- 
ing him  no  respite,  by  day  or  by  night.  Eating, 
drinking,  sleeping  in  his  saddle,  the  veteran,  eighty 
years  of  age,  saw  his  own  followers  tire  one  after 
another,  while  he  urged  on  the  chase,  like  the  wild 
huntsman  of  Burger,  as  if  endowed  with  an  un- 
earthly frame,  incapable  of  fatigue  !  During  this 
terrible  pursuit,  which  continued  for  more  than  two 
hundred  leagues  over  a  savage  country,  Centeno 
found  himself  abandoned  by  most  of  his  followers. 
Such  of  them  as  fell  into  CarbajaPs  hands  were 
sent  to  speedy  execution ;  for  that  inexorable  chief 
had  no  mercy  on  those  who  had  been  false  to  their 
party.37  At  length,  Centeno,  with  a  handful  of  men, 
arrived  on  the  borders  of  the  Pacific,  and  there, 
separating  from  one  another,  they  provided,  each  in 
the  best  way  he  could,  for  their  own  safety.  Their 
leader  found  an  asylum  in  a  cave  in  the  mountains, 
where  he  was  secretly  fed  by  an  Indian  curaca,  till 


37  Poblando  los  arboks  con  sus  strongly ;  alluding  to  the  manner  in 
cuerpos,  "  peopling  the  trees  with  which  the  ferocious  officer  hung 
their  bodies,"  says  Fernandez,  up  his  captives  on  the  branches. 


CH.  IX.]         GONZALO  P1ZARRO  LORD  OF  PERU. 


321 


the  time  again  came  for  him  to  unfurl  the  standard 
of  revolt.33 

Carbajal,  after  some  further  decisive  movements, 
which  fully  established  the  ascendency  of  Pizarro 
over  the  south,  returned  in  triumph  to  La  Plata. 
There  he  occupied  himself  with  working  the  silver 
mines  of  Potosi,  in  which  a  vein,  recently  opened, 
promised  to  make  richer  returns  than  any  yet  dis- 
covered in  Mexico  or  Peru ; 39  and  he  was  soon  en- 
abled to  send  large  remittances  to  Lima,  deducting 
no  stinted  commission  for  himself, —  for  the  cupidity 
of  the  lieutenant  was  equal  to  his  cruelty. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  now  undisputed  master  of 
Peru.  From  Quito  to  the  northern  confines  of 
Chili,  the  whole  country  acknowledged  his  authori- 
ty. His  fleet  rode  triumphant  on  the  Pacific,  and 
gave  him  the  command  of  every  city  and  hamlet  on 


38  For  the  expedition  of  Carba- 
jal, see  Herrera,  Hist.  General, 
dec.  8,  lib.  1,  cap.  9,  et  seq. — 
Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6, 
cap.  1. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 
Parte  2,  lib.  4,  cap.  28,  29,  36,  39. 
— Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte 
1,  lib.  2,  cap.  1,  et  seq.  —  Carta 
de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  a  Valdivia,  MS. 

It  is  impossible  to  give,  in  a  page 
or  two,  any  adequate  idea  of  the 
hairbreadth  escapes  and  perilous 
risks  of  Carbajal,  not  only  from 
the  enemy,  but  from  his  own  men, 
whose  strength  he  overtasked  in 
the  chase.  They  rival  those  of  the 
renowned  Scanderbeg,  or  our  own 
Kentucky  hero,  Colonel  Boone. 
They  were,  indeed,  far  more  won- 
VOL.  II.  41 


derful  than  theirs,  since  the  Span- 
ish captain  had  reached  an  ago 
when  the  failing  energies  usually 
crave  repose.  But  the  veteran's 
body  seems  to  have  been  as  in- 
sensible as  his  soul. 

39  The  vein  now  discovered  at 
Potosi  was  so  rich,  that  the  other 
mines  were  comparatively  deserted 
in  order  to  work  this.  (Zarate, 
Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  4.) 
The  effect  of  the  sudden  influx  of 
wealth  was  such,  according  to  Gar- 
cilasso, that  in  ten  years  from  this 
period  an  iron  horseshoe,  in  that 
quarter,  came  to  be  worth  nearly 
its  weight  in  silver.  Com.  Real., 
Parte  1,  lib.  8,  cap.  24. 


* 

...  J 

322  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.       [BOOK  IV. 

its  borders.  His  admiral,  Hinojosa,  a  discreet  and 
gallant  officer,  had  secured  him  Panama,  and,  march- 
ing across  the  Isthmus,  had  since  obtained  for  him 
the  possession  of  Nombre  de  Dios,  —  the  principal 
key  of  communication  with  Europe.  His  forces 
were  on  an  excellent  footing,  including  the  flower  of 
the  warriors  who  had  fought  under  his  brother,  and 
who  now  eagerly  rallied  under  the  name  of  Pizarro ; 
while  the  tide  of  wealth  that  flowed  in  from  the 
mines  of  Potosi  supplied  him  with  the  resources 
of  an  European  monarch. 

The  new  governor  now  began  to  assume  a  state 
correspondent  with  his  full-blown  fortunes.  He 
was  attended  by  a  body-guard  of  eighty  soldiers. 
He  dined  always  in  public,  and  usually  with  not  less 
than  a  hundred  guests  at  table.  He  even  affected, 
it  was  said,  the  more  decided  etiquette  of  royalty, 
giving  his  hand  to  be  kissed,  and  allowing  no  one, 
of  whatever  rank,  to  be  seated  in  his  presence.40 
But  this  is  denied  by  others.  It  would  not  be 
strange  that  a  vain  man  like  Pizarro,  with  a  su- 
perficial, undisciplined  mind,  when  he  saw  himself 
thus  raised  from  an  humble  condition  to  the  highest 
post  in  the  land,  should  be  somewhat  intoxicated  by 
the  possession  of  power,  and  treat  with  supercilious- 
ness those  whom  he  had  once  approached  with 
deference.  But  one  who  had  often  seen  him  in 


40  "  Traia  Guarda^de  ochenta  ba,  iamuipocosquitabalaGorra." 

Alabarderos,   i  otros    muchos    de  Zarate,   Conq.   del   Peru,    lib.   6, 

Caballo,  que  le  acompanaban,  i  ia  cap.  5. 
fin  su  presencia  ninguno  se  senta- 


CH.  IX.]        GONZALO  PIZARRO  LORD  OF  PERU.  323 

his  prosperity  assures  us,  that  it  was  not  so,  and 
that  the  governor  continued  to  show  the  same  frank 
and  soldierlike  bearing  as  before  his  elevation,  min- 
gling on  familiar  terms  with  his  comrades,  and  dis- 
playing the  same  qualities  which  had  hitherto  en- 
deared him  to  the  people.41 

However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  there  were 
not  wanting  those  who  urged  him  to  throw  off  his 
allegiance  to  the  Crown,  and  set  up  an  independent 
government  for  himself.  Among  these  was  his  lieu- 
tenant, Carbajal,  whose  daring  spirit  never  shrunk 
from  following  things  to  their  consequences.  He 
plainly  counselled  Pizarro  to  renounce  his  allegiance 
at  once.  "  In  fact,  you  have  already  done  so,"  he 
said.  "  You  have  been  in  arms  against  a  viceroy, 
have  driven  him  from  the  country,  beaten  and  slain 
him  in  battle.  What  favor,  or  even  mercy,  can  you 
expect  from  the  Crown  ?  You  have  gone  too  far 
either  to  halt,  or  to  recede.  You  must  go  boldly  on, 
proclaim  yourself  king  ;  the  troops,  the  people,  will 
support  you."  And  he  concluded,  it  is  said,  by  ad- 
vising him  to  marry  the  Coya,  the  female  represent- 
ative of  the  Incas,  that  the  two  races  might  hence- 
forth repose  in  quiet  under  a  common  sceptre  !  ^ 

41  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  race,  was  not  lost  on  the  historian 

2,  lib.  4,  cap.  42.  of   the  Incas*,   who   has  depicted 

Garcilasso  had  opportunities  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  in  more  favorable 

personal   acquaintance  with   Gon-  colors  than  most  of  his  own  coun- 

zalo's  manner  of  living;  for,  when  trymen. 

a  boy,  he  was  sometimes  admitted,        4a  Ibid.,   Parte  2,   lib.   4,   cap, 

as  he  tells  us,  to   a  place  at  his  40.  —  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind., 

table.     This  courtesy,  so  rare  from  cap.    172.  —  Fernandez,  Hist,  del 

the  Conquerors  to  any  of  the  Indian  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  13-. 


324  CIVIL  WARS  OF  THE  CONQUERORS.      [BOOK  IV. 

The  advice  of  the  bold  counsellor  was,  perhaps, 
the  most  politic  that  could  have  been  given  to  Pi- 
zarro  under  existing  circumstances.  For  he  was 

o 

like  one  who  had  heedlessly  climbed  far  up  a  dizzy 
precipice,  —  too  far  to  descend  safely,  while  he  had 
no  sure  hold  where  he  was.  His  only  chance  was 
to  climb  still  higher,  till  he  had  gained  the  summit. 
But  Gonzalo  Pizarro  shrunk  from  the  attitude,  in 
which  this  placed  him,  of  avowed  rebellion.  Not- 
withstanding the  criminal  course  into  which  he  had 
been,  of  late,  seduced,  the  sentiment  of  loyalty  was 
too  deeply  implanted  in  his  bosom  to  be  wholly 
eradicated.  Though  in  arms  against  the  measures 
and  ministers  of  his  sovereign,  he  was  not  prepared 
to  raise  the  sword  against  that  sovereign  him- 
self. He,  doubtless,  had  conflicting  emotions  in 
his  bosom ;  like  Macbeth,  and  many  a  less  noble 
nature, 

"  Would  not  play  false, 
And  yet  would  wrongly  win." 

And  however  grateful  to  his  vanity  might  be  the 
picture  of  the  air-drawn  sceptre  thus  painted  to  his 
imagination,  he  had  not  the  audacity  —  we  may, 
perhaps,  say,  the  criminal  ambition —  to  attempt  to 
grasp  it. 


The  poet  Molina  has    worked  zalo.     Julius  Caesar  himself  was 

up  this  scene  between  Carbajal  and  not  more  magnanimous. 

his    commander  with    good  effect,  "  Sepa  mi  Key,  sepa  Espana, 

in    his  Amazonas   en   las   Indias,  Que  muero  por  no  ofenderla, 

where  he    uses    something  of  a  g^~££U, 

poet's    license    in    the    homage  he  Quanto  infame  en  poseerla, 

pays  to  the  modest  merits  of  Gon-  Una  Corona  ofrecida." 


CH.  IX.]  HERRERA.  —  GOMARA.  325 

Even  at  this  very  moment,  when  urged  to  this 
desperate  extremity,  he  was  preparing  a  mission 
to  Spain,  in  order  to  vindicate  the  course  he  had 
taken,  and  to  solicit  an  amnesty  for  the  past,  with 
a  full  confirmation  of  his  authority,  as  successor  to 
his  brother  in  the  government  of  Peru.  —  Pizarro 
did  not  read  the  future  with  the  calm,  prophetic  eye 
of  Carbajal. 


Among  the  biographical  notices  of  the  writers  on  Spanish  colonial 
affairs,  the  name  of  Herrera,  who  has  done  more  for  this  vast  subject 
than  any  other  author,  should  certainly  not  be  omitted.  His  account 
of  Peru  takes  its  proper  place  in  his  great  work,  the  Historia  General 
de  las  Indias,  according  to  the  chronological  plan  on  which  that  history 
is  arranged.  But  as  it  suggests  reflections  not  different  in  character 
from  those  suggested  by  other  portions  of  the  work,  I  shall  take  the 
liberty  to  refer  the  reader  to  the  Postscript  to  Book  Third  of  the  Con- 
guest  of  Mexico,  for  a  full  account  of  these  volumes  and  their  learned 
author. 

Another  chronicler,  to  whom  I  have  been  frequently  indebted  in  the 
progress  of  the  narrative,  is  Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara.  The  reader 
will  also  find  a  notice  of  this  author  in  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  Vol. 
III.,  Book  5,  Postscript.  But  as  the  remarks  on  his  writings  are  there 
confined  to  his  Crunica  de  Nueva  Espana,  it  may  be  well  to  add  here 
some  reflections  on  his  greater  work,  Historia  de  las  Indias,  in  which 
the  Peruvian  story  bears  a  conspicuous  part. 

The  "  History  of  the  Indies  "  is  intended  to  give  a  brief  view  of  the 
whole  range  of  Spanish  conquest  in  the  islands  and  on  the  American 
continent,  as  far  as  had  been  achieved  by  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  For  this  account,  Gomara, 'though  it  does  not  appear  that  he 
ever  visited  the  New  World,  was  in  a  situation  that  opened  to  him  the 
best  means  of  information.  He  was  well  acquainted  with  the  principal 
men  of  the  time,  and  gathered  the  details  of  their  history  from  their 
own  lips ;  while,  from  his  residence  at  court,  he  was  in  possession  of  the 
state  of  opinion  there,  and  of  the  impression  made  by  passing  events  on 
those  most  competent  to  judge  of  them.  He  was  thus  enabled  to  intro- 
duce into  his  work  many  interesting  particulars,  not  to  be  found  in  other 


326  GOM ARA.  —  OVIEDO.  [Boon  IV. 

records  of  the  period.  His  range  of  inquiry  extended  beyond  the  mere 
doings  of  the  Conquerors,  and  led  him  to  a  survey  of  the  general  re- 
sources of  the  countries  he  describes,  and  especially  of  their  physical 
aspect  and  productions.  The  conduct  of  his  work,  no  less  than  its  dic- 
tion, shows  the  cultivated  scholar,  practised  in  the  art  of  composition. 
Instead  of  the  naivete,  engaging,  but  childlike,  of  the  old  military  chron- 
iclers, Gomara  handles  his  various  topics  with  the  shrewd  and  piquant 
criticism  of  a  man  of  the  world ;  while  his  descriptions  are  managed 
with  a  comprehensive  brevity  that  forms  the  opposite  to  the  long- 
winded  and  rambling  paragraphs  of  the  monkish  annalist.  These  liter- 
ary merits,  combined  with  the  knowledge  of  the  writer's  opportunities 
for  information,  secured  his  productions  from  the  oblivion  which  too 
often  awaits  the  unpublished  manuscript ;  and  he  had  the  satisfaction 
to  see  them  pass  into  more  than  one  edition  in  his  own  day.  Yet 
they  do  not  bear  the  highest  stamp  of  authenticity.  The  author  too 
readily  admits  accounts  into  his  pages  which  are  not  supported  by  con- 
temporary testimony.  This  he  does,  not  from  credulity,  for  his  mind 
rather  leans  in  an  opposite  direction,  but  from  a  want,  apparently,  of  the 
true  spirit  of  historic  conscientiousness.  The  imputation  of  careless- 
ness in  his  statements — to  use  a  temperate  phrase  —  was  brought 
against  Gomara  in  his  own  day  ;  and  Garcilasso  tells  us,  that,  when 
called  to  account  by  some  of  the  Peruvian  cavaliers  for  misstatements 
which  bore  hard  on  themselves,  the  historian  made  but  an  awkward 
explanation.  This  is  a  great  blemish  on  his  productions,  and  renders 
them  of  far  less  value  to  the  modern  compiler,  who  seeks  for  the 
well  of  truth  undefiled,  than  many  an  humbler  but  less  unscrupulous 
chronicle. 

There  is  still  another  authority  used  in  this  work,  Gonzalo  Fernandez 
de  Oviedo,  of  whom  I  have  given  an  account  elsewhere  ;  and  the  reader 
curious  in  the  matter  will  permit  me  to  refer  him  for  a  critical  notice 
of  his  life  and  writings  to  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  Book  4,  Postscript. 
—  His  account  of  Peru  is  incorporated  into  his  great  work,  Natural  e 
General  Historic,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  where  it  forms  the  forty-sixth  and 
forty-seventh  books.  It  extends  from  Pizarro's  landing  at  Tumbez  to 
Almagro's  return  from  Chili,  and  thus  covers  the  entire  portion  of 
what  may  be  called  the  conquest  of  the  country.  The  style  of  its 
execution,  corresponding  with  that  of  the  residue  of  the  work  to  which 
it  belongs,  affords  no  ground  for  criticism  different  from  that  already 
passed  on  the  general  character  of  Oviedo's  writings. 

This  eminent  person  was  at  once  a  scholar  and  a  man  of  the  world. 
Living  much  at  court,  and  familiar  with  persons  of  the  highest  distinc- 
tion in  Castile,  he  yet  passed  much  of  his  time  in  the  colonies,  and  thus 
added  the  fruits  of  personal  experience  to  what  he  had  gained  from  the 


CH.  IX.]  CIEZA   DE  LEON.  327 

reports  of  others.  His  curiosity  was  indefatigable,  extending  to  every 
department  of  natural  science,  as  well  as  to  the  civil  and  personal  his- 
tory of  the  colonists.  He  was,  at  once,  their  Pliny  and  their  Tacitus. 
His  works  abound  in  portraitures  of  character,  sketched  with  freedom 
and  animation.  His  reflections  are  piquant,  and  often  rise  to  a  philo- 
sophic tone,  which  discards  the  usual  trammels  of  the  age  ;  and  the 
progress  of  the  story  is  varied  by  a  multiplicity  of  personal  anecdotes, 
that  give  a  rapid  insight  into  the  characters  of  the  parties. 

With  his  eminent  qualifications,  and  with  a  social  position  that  com- 
manded respect,  it  is  strange  that  so  much  of  his  writings  —  the  whole 
of  his  great  Historia  de  las  Indias,  and  his  curious  Quincuagenas  — 
should  be  so  long  suffered  to  remain  in  manuscript.  This  is  partly 
chargeable  to  the  caprice  of  fortune  ;  for  the  History  was  more  than 
once  on  the  eve  of  publication,  and  is  even  now  understood  to  be  pre- 
pared for  the  press.  Yet  it  has  serious  defects,  which  may  have  con- 
tributed to  keep  it  in  its  present  form.  In  its  desultory  and  episodical 
style  of  composition,  it  resembles  rather  notes  for  a  great  history,  than 
history  itself.  It  may  be  regarded  in  the  light  of  commentaries,  or  as 
illustrations  of  the  times.  In  that  view  his  pages  are  of  high  worth, 
and  have  been  frequently  resorted  to  by  writers  who  have  not  too  scru- 
pulously appropriated  the  statements  of  the  old  chronicler,  with  slight 
acknowledgments  to  their  author. 

It  is  a  pity  that  Oviedo  should  have  shown  more  solicitude  to  tell 
what  was  new,  than  to  ascertain  how  much  of  it  was  strictly  true. 
Among  his  merits  will  scarcely  be  found  that  of  historical  accuracy. 
And  yet  we  may  find  an  apology  for  this,  to  some  extent,  in  the  fact, 
that  his  writings,  as  already  intimated,  are  not  so  much  in  the  nature 
of  finished  compositions,  as  of  loose  memoranda,  where  every  thing, 
rumor  as  well  as  fact,  —  even  the  most  contradictory  rumors,  —  are  all  set 
down  at  random,  forming  a  miscellaneous  heap  of  materials,  of  which 
the  discreet  historian  may  avail  himself  to  rear  a  symmetrical  fabric  on 
foundations  of  greater  strength  and  solidity. 

Another  author  worthy  of  particular  note  is  Pedro  Cieza  de  Leon. 
His  Crdnica  del  Peru  should  more  properly  be  styled  an  Itinerary, 
or  rather  Geography,  of  Peru.  It  gives  a  minute  topographical  view 
of  the  country  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest ;  of  its  provinces  and  towns, 
both  Indian  and  Spanish  ;  its  flourishing  sea-coast ;  its  forests,  valleys, 
and  interminable  ranges  of  mountains  in  the  interior ;  with  many  inter- 
esting particulars  of  the  existing  population,  —  their  dress,  manners, 
architectural  remains,  and  public  works,  while,  scattered  here  and  there, 
may  be  found  notices  of  their  early  history  and  social  polity.  It  is,  in 
short,  a  lively  picture  of  the  country  in  its  physical  and  moral  relations, 
as  it  met  the  eye  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  and  in  that  transition 


328  CIEZA  DE  LEON.  [BooK  IV. 

period  when  it  was  first  subjected  to  European  influences.  The  con- 
ception of  a  work,  at  so  early  a  period,  on  this  philosophical  plan,  re- 
minding us  of  that  of  Malte-Brun  in  our  own  time,  —  parva  componere 
magnis,  —  was,  of  itself,  indicative  of  great  comprehensiveness  of  mind 
m  its  author.  It  was  a  task  of  no  little  difficulty,  where  there  was 
yet  no  pathway  opened  by  the  labors  of  the  antiquarian  ;  no  hints 
from  the  sketch-book  of  the  traveller,  or  the  measurements  of  the  sci- 
entific explorer.  Yet  the  distances  from  place  to  place  are  all  care- 
fully jotted  down  by  the  industrious  compiler,  and  the  bearings  of  the 
different  places  and  their  peculiar  features  are  exhibited  with  sufficient 
precision,  considering  the  nature  of  the  obstacles  he  had  to  encounter. 
The  literary  execution  of  the  work,  moreover,  is  highly  respectable, 
sometimes  even  rich  and  picturesque  ;  and  the  author  describes  the 
grand  and  beautiful  scenery  of  the  Cordilleras  with  a  sensibility  to  its 
charms,  not  often  found  in  the  tasteless  topographer,  still  less  often  in 
the  rude  Conqueror. 

Cieza  de  Leon  came  to  the  New  World,  as  he  informs  us,  at  the 
early  age  of  thirteen.  But  it  is  not  till  Gasca's  time  that  we  find  his 
name  enrolled  among  the  actors  in  the  busy  scenes  of  civil  strife,  when 
he  accompanied  the  president  in  his  campaign  against  Gonzalo  Pizarro. 
His  Chronicle,  or,  at  least,  the  notes  for  it,  was  compiled  in  such 
leisure  as  he  could  snatch  from  his  more  stirring  avocations ;  and  after 
ten  years  from  the  time  he  undertook  it,  the  First  Part — all  we  have  — 
was  completed  in  1550,  when  the  author  had  reached  only  the  age  of 
thirty-two.  It  appeared  at  Seville  in  1553,  and  the  following  year  at 
Antwerp ;  while  an  Italian  translation,  printed  at  Rome,  in  1555,  attest- 
ed the  rapid  celebrity  of  the  work.  The  edition  of  Antwerp  —  the  one 
used  by  me  in  this  compilation — is  in  the  duodecimo  form,  exceedingly 
well  printed,  and  garnished  with  wood-cuts,  in  which  Satan,  —  for  the 
author  had  a  full  measure  of  the  ancient  credulity,  —  with  his  usual 
bugbear  accompaniments,  frequently  appears  in  bodily  presence.  In 
the  Preface,  Cieza  announces  his  purpose  to  continue  the  work  in  three 
other  parts,  illustrating  respectively  the  ancient  history  of  the  country 
under  the  Incas,  its  conquest  by  the  Spaniards,  and  the  civil  wars 
which  ensued.  He  even  gives,  with  curious  minuteness,  the  contents 
of  the  several  books  of  the  projected  history.  But  the  First  Part,  as 
already  noticed,  was  alone  completed  ;  and  the  author,  having  returned 
to  Spain,  died  there  in  1560,  at  the  premature  age  of  forty-two,  without 
having  covered  any  portion  of  the  magnificent  ground-plan  which  he 
had  thus  confidently  laid  out.  The  deficiency  is  much  to  be  regretted, 
considering  the  talent  of  the  writer,  and  his  opportunities  for  personal 
observation.  But  he  has  done  enough  to  render  us  grateful  for  his 
labors.  By  the  vivid  delineation  of  scenes  and  scenery,  as  they  were 


CH.  IX.]  CIEZA  DE  LEON.  329 

presented  fresh  to  his  own  eyes,  he  has  furnished  us  with  a  background 
to  the  historic  picture,  —  the  landscape,  as  it  were,  in  which  the  per- 
sonages of  the  time  might  be  more  fitly  portrayed.  It  would  have 
been  impossible  to  exhibit  the  ancient  topography  of  the  land  so  faith- 
fully at  a  subsequent  period,  when  old  things  had  passed  away,  and  the 
Conqueror,  breaking  down  the  landmarks  of  ancient  civilization,  had 
effaced  many  of  the  features  even  of  the  physical  aspect  of  the  country, 
as  it  existed  under  the  elaborate  culture  of  the  Incas. 


< 

VOL    II.  42 


BOOK    FIFTH. 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


r 


BOOK   V. 

SETTLEMENT   OF   THE   COUNTRY. 


CHAPTER    I. 

GREAT  SENSATION  IN  SPAIN.  —  PEDRO  DE  LA  GASCA. — His  EARLY 
LIFE. —His  MISSION  TO  PERU.  — His  POLITIC  CONDUCT.  —  His 
OFFERS  TO  PIZARRO.  —  GAINS  THE  FLEET. 

1545  —  1547. 

WHILE  the  important  revolution  detailed  in  the 
preceding  pages  was  going  forward  in  Peru,  rumors 
of  it,  from  time  to  time,  found  their  way  to  the 
mother-country  ;  but  the  distance  was  so  great,  and 
opportunities  for  communication  so  rare,  that  the  ti- 
dings were  usually  very  long  behind  the  occurrence 
of  the  events  to  which  they  related.  The  govern- 
ment heard  with  dismay  of  the  troubles  caused  by  the 
ordinances  and  the  intemperate  conduct  of  the  vice- 
roy ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  it  learned  that  this 
functionary  was  deposed  and  driven  from  his  capi- 
tal, while  the  whole  country,  under  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 
was  arrayed  in  arms  against  him.  All  classes  were 
filled  with  consternation  at  this  alarming  intelli- 


334  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BOOK  V. 

gence ;  and  many  that  had  before  approved  the 
ordinances  now  loudly  condemned  the  ministers, 
who,  without  considering  the  inflammable  temper 
of  the  people,  had  thus  rashly  fired  a  train  which 
menaced  a  general  explosion  throughout  the  colo- 
nies.1 No  such  rebellion,  within  the  memory  of 
man,  had  occurred  in  the  Spanish  empire.  It  was 
compared  with  the  famous  war  of  the  comumdades, 
in  the  beginning  of  Charles  the  Fifth's  reign.  But 
the  Peruvian  insurrection  seemed  the  more  formida- 
ble of  the  two.  The  troubles  of  Castile,  being 
under  the  eye  of  the  Court,  might  be  the  more 
easily  managed ;  while  it  was  difficult  to  make  the 
same  power  felt  on  the  remote  shores  of  the  Indies. 
Lying  along  the  distant  Pacific,  the  principle  of 
attraction  which  held  Peru  to  the  parent  country 
was  so  feeble,  that  this  colony  might,  at  any  time, 
with  a  less  impulse  than  that  now  given  to  it,  fly 
from  its  political  orbit.  It  seemed  as  if  the  fairest 
of  its  jewels  was  about  to  fall  from  the  imperial 
diadem  ! 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  in  the  summer  of 
1545,  when  Charles  the  Fifth  was  absent  in  Ger- 
many, occupied  with  the  religious  troubles  of  the 
empire.  The  government  was  in  the  hands  of  his 


1  "  Que  aqueUo  era  contra  una  los  mas  de  ellos ;  y  que  tambien 

cedula  que  .tenian  del  Emperador  era  contra  otra    cedula  real    que 

que  les  daba  el  repartimiento  de  los  ninguno  podia  ser  despojado  de  sus 

indios  de  su  vida,  y  del  hijo  mayor,  indios  sin  ser  primero  oido  a  justicia 

ynoteniendo  hijos  a  sus  mugeres,  y  condenado."     Historia  de  Don 

con    mandarles  espresamente  que  Pedro  Gasca,  Obispo  de  Siguenza, 

se  casasen  como  lo  habian  ya  hecho  MS. 


*' 

it-.  •    •  ^  " 

, 

CH.  I.]  GREAT  SENSATION   IN   SPAIN.  335 

son,  who,  under  the  name  of  Philip  the  Second, 
was  soon  to  sway  the  sceptre  over  the  largest  por- 
tion of  his  father's  dominions,  and  who  was  then 
holding  his  court  at  Valladolid.  He  called  together 
a  council  of  prelates,  jurists,  and  military  men  of 
greatest  experience,  to  deliberate  on  the  measures  to 
be  pursued  for  restoring  order  in  the  colonies.  All 
agreed  in  regarding  Pizarro's  movement  in  the  light 
of  an  audacious  rebellion  ;  and  there  were  few,  at 
first,  who  were  not  willing  to  employ  the  whole 
strength  of  government*  to  vindicate  the  honor  of 
the  Crown,  —  to  quell  the  insurrection,  and  bring 
the  authors  of  it  to  puckish  me  nt.2 

But,  however  desirable  this  might  appear,  a  very 
little  reflection  showed  that  it  was  not  easy  to  be 
done,  if,  indeed,  it  were  practicable.  The  great 
distance  of  Peru  required  troops  to  be  transported 
not  merely  across  the  ocean,  but  over  the  broad  ex- 
tent of  the  great  continent.  And  how  was  this  to 
be  effected,  when  the  principal  posts,  the  keys  of 
communication  with  the  country,  were  in  the  hands 
of  the  rebels,  while  their  fleet  rode  in  the  Pacific, 
the  mistress  of  its  waters,  cutting  off  all  approach 
to  the  >coast  ?  Even  if  a  Spanish  force  could  be 
landed  in  Peru,  what  chance  would  it  have,  unaccus- 
tomed, as  it  would  be,  to  the  country  and  the  cli- 
mate, of  coping  with  the  veterans  of  Pizarro,  trained 


2  MS.   de  Caravantes.  —  Hist,  lebrity  afterwards  in  the  Nether- 

de  Don  Pedro  Gasca,  MS.  lands.     We  may  well  believe  his 

One  of  this  council  was  the  great  voice  was  for  coercion. 
Duke  of  Alva,  of  such  gloomy  ce- 


336  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [Boon  V. 

to  war  in  the  Indies  and  warmly  attached  to  the 
person  of  their  commander  ?  The  new  levies  thus 
sent  out  might  become  themselves  infected  with  the 
spirit  of  insurrection,  and  cast  off  their  own  al- 
legiance.3 

Nothing  remained,  therefore,  but  to  try  concilia- 
tory measures.  The  government,  howrever  morti- 
fying to  its  pride,  must  retrace  its  steps.  A  free 
grace  must  be  extended  to  those  who  submitted,  and 
such  persuasive  arguments  should  be  used,  and  such 
politic  concessions  made,  as  would  convince  the  re- 
fractory colonists  that  it  was  their  interest,  as  well 
as  their  duty,  to  return  to  their  allegiance. 

But  to  approach  the  people  in  their  present  state 
of  excitement,  and  to  make  those  concessions  with- 
out too  far  compromising  the  dignity  and  permanent 
authority  of  the  Crown,  was  a  delicate  matter,  for 
the  success  of  which  they  must  rely  wholly  on  the 
character  of  the  agent.  After  much  deliberation,  a 
competent  person,  as  it  was  thought,  was  found  in 
an  ecclesiastic,  by  the  name  of  Pedro  de  la  Gasca, 
—  a  name  which,  brighter  by  contrast  with  the 
gloomy  times  in  which  it  first  appeared,  still  shines 
with  undiminished  splendor  after  the  lapse  of  ages. 

Pedro  de  la  Gasca  was  born,  probably,  towards 
•f'i. '  y  ~  *  *  j  '  * 

3  "  Ventilose  la  forma  del  reme-  la  imposibilidad  y  falto  de  dinero 
dio  de  tan  grave  caso  en  que  huvo  para  llevar  gente,  cavallos,  armas, 
dos  opiniones ;  la  una  de  imbiar  un  municiones  y  vastimentos,  y  para 
gran  soldado  eon  fuerza  de  gente  a  sustentarlos  en  tierra  firme  y  pa- 
la  demostracion  de  este  castigo ;  sarlos  al  Piru."  MS.  de  Cara- 
la  otra  que  se  llevase  el  negocio  vantes. 
por  prudentes  y  suaves  medios,  por 


CH.  I.]  ,7  f     PEDRO  DE  LA  GASCA.  337 

the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  in  a  small  village 
in  Castile,  named  Barco  de  Avila.  He  came,  both 
by  father  and  mother's  side,  from  an  ancient  and 
noble  lineage  ;  ancient  indeed^  if,  as  his  .biographers 
contend,  he  derived  his  descent  from  Casca,  one  of 
the  conspirators  against  Julius  Caesar!4  Having  the 
misfortune  to  lose  his  father  early  in  life,  he  was 
placed  by  his  uncle  in  the  famous  seminary  of  Al- 
cala  de  Henares,  founded  by  the  great  Ximenes. 
Here  he  made  rapid  proficiency  in  liberal  studies, 
especially  in  those  connected  with  his  profession, 
and  at  length  received  the  degree  of  Master  of 
Theology. 

The  young  man,  however^  discovered  other  tal- 
ents than  those  demanded  by  his  sacred  calling. 
The  war  of  the  comunidades  was  then  raging  in  the 
country ;  and  the  authorities  of  his  college  showed 
a  disposition  to  take  the  popular  side.  But  Gasca, 
putting  himself  at  the  head  of  an  armed  force, 
seized  one  of  the  gates  of  the  city,  and,  with  assist- 
ance from  the  royal  troops,  secured  the  place  to  the 
interests  of  the  Crown.  This  early  display  of  loy- 
alty was  probably  not  lost  on  his  vigilant  sovereign.5 


4  "  Pasando  a  Espafia  vinieron  strong  enough  to  hang  a  pedigree 

a  tierra  de  Avila  y  quedo  del  nom-  upon  in  Castile.   :  ^ 
bre   dellos  el   lugar  y  Jfamilia  de        5  This  account  of  the  'early  his- 

Gasca  ;  mudandose  por  la  afinidad  tory  of  Gasca  I  have  derived  chief- 

de  la  pronunciacion,  que  hay  entre  ly  from  a  manuscript  biographical 

las  dos  letras  consonantes  c.  y.  g.  notice  written  in  1465,  during  the 

el  nombre  de  Casca  en  Gasca."  prelate's  life.     The  name  of  the 

Hist,  de  Don  Pedro  Gasca,  MS.  author,  who  speaks  apparently  from 

Similarity  of  name  is  a  peg  quite  personal  knowledge,  is  not  given  ; 
VOL.    II.                        43 


338  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BOOK  V. 

From  Alcala,  Gasca  was  afterwards  removed  to 
Salamanca  ;  where  he  distinguished  himself  by  his 
skill  in  scholastic  disputation,  and  obtained  the  high- 
est academic  honors  in  that  ancient  university,  the 
fruitful  nursery  of  scholarship  and  genius.  He  was 
subsequently  intrusted  with  the  management  of 
some  important  affairs  of  an  ecclesiastical  nature, 
and  made  a  member  of  the  Council  of  the  In- 
quisition. 

In  this  latter  capacity  he  was  sent  to  Valencia, 
about  1540,  to  examine  into  certain  alleged  cases 
of  heresy  in  that  quarter  of  the  country.  These 
were  involved  in  great  obscurity ;  and,  although 
Gasca  had  the  assistance  of  several  eminent  jurists 
in  the  investigation,  it  occupied  him  nearly  two 
years.  In  the  conduct  of  this  difficult  matter,  he 
showed  so  much  penetration,  and  such  perfect  im- 
partiality, that  he  was  appointed  by  the  Cortes  of 
Valencia  to  the  office  of  visitador  of  that  kingdom  ; 
a  highly  responsible  post,  requiring  great  discretion 
in  the  person  who  rilled  it,  since  it  was  his  province 
to  inspect  the  condition  of  the  courts  of  justice  and 
of  finance,  throughout  the  land,  with  authority  to 
reform  abuses.  It  was  proof  of  extraordinary  con- 

.;.=  ;.-•    r     <  •  ;-.^    jv^fotf.*  ,~;isr£^; 

but  it  seems  to  be  the  work  of  a  which  has  been  passed  over  in  pro- 
scholar,  and  is  written  with  a  cer-  found  silence  by  Castilian  histo- 
tain  pretension  to  elegance.  The  rians.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that 
original  MS.  forms  part  of  the  the  author  did  not  continue  his 
valuable  collection  of  Don  Pascual  labors  beyond  the  period  when 
de  Gayangos  of  Madrid.  It  is  of  the  subject  of  them  received  his 
much  value  for  the  light  it  throws  appointment  to  the  Peruvian  mis- 
on  the  early  career  of  Gasca,  sion. 


CH.  I.]  HIS  EARLY  LIFE.  339 

sideration,  that  it  should  have  been  bestowed  on 
Gasca ;  since  it  was  a  departure  from  the  established 
usage  —  and  that  in  a  nation  most  wedded  to  usage 
—  to  confer  the  office  on  any  but  a  subject  of  the 
Aragonese  crown.6 

Gasca  executed  the  task  assigned  to  him  with  in- 
dependence and  ability.  While  he  was  thus  occu- 
pied, the  people  of  Valencia  were  thrown  into  con- 
sternation by  a  meditated  invasion  of  the  French  and 
the  Turks,  who,  under  the  redoubtable  Barbarossa, 
menaced  the  coast  and  the  neighbouring  Balearic 
isles.  Fears  were  generally  entertained  of  a  rising 
of  the  Morisco  population  ;  and  the  Spanish  officers 
who  had  command  in  that  quarter,  being  left  without 
the  protection  of  a  navy,  despaired  of  making  head 
against  the  enemy.  In  this  season  of  general  panic, 
Gasca  alone  appeared  calm  and  self-possessed.  He 
remonstrated  with  the  Spanish  commanders  on  their 
un  soldierlike  despondency ;  encouraged  them  to 
confide  in  the  loyalty  of  the  Moriscos ;  and  advised 
the  immediate  erection  of  fortifications  along  the 
shores  for  their  protection.  He  was,  in  conse- 
quence, named  one  of  a  commission  to  superintend 
these  works,  and  to  raise  levies  for  defending  the 
sea-coast ;  and  so  faithfully  was  the  task  performed, 

6  "  Era  tanta  la  opinion  que  en  sino  fuere  natural  de  la  Corona  de 

Valencia  tenian  de  la  integridad  y  Araugon,  y  consintiendo  que  aquel 

prudencia  de  Gasca,   que   en  las  fuero  se  derogase  el  Emperador  lo 

Cortes  de  Monzon  los  Estados  de  concedi6  a  instancia  y  peticion  de- 

aquel  Reyno  le  pidieron  par  Visi-  llos."    Hist,  de  Don  Pedro  Gasca, 

tador  contra  la  costumbre  y  fuero  MS. 
de  aquel  Reyno,  que  no  puede  serlo 


340  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [Boo*  V. 

that  Barbarossa,  after  some  ineffectual  attempts  to 
make  good  his  landing,  was  baffled  at  all  points,  and 
compelled  to  abandon  the  enterprise  as  hopeless. 
The  chief  credit  of  this  resistance  must  be  assigned 
to  Gasca,  who  superintended  the  construction  of  the 
defences,  and  who  was  enabled  to  contribute  a  large 
part  of  the  requisite  funds  by  the  economical  re- 
forms he  had  introduced  into  the  administration  of 
Valencia.7  ..^  . 

It  was  at  this  time,  the  latter  part  of  the  year 
1545,  that  the  council  of  Philip  selected  Gasca  as 
the  person  most  competent  .to  undertake  the  perilous 
mission  to  Peru.8  His  character,  indeed,  seemed 
especially  suited  to  it.  His  loyalty  had  been  shown 
through  his  whole  life.  With  great  suavity  of  man- 
ners he  combined  the  most  intrepid  resolution. 
Though  his  demeanour  was  humble,  as  beseemed 
his  calling,  it  was  far  from  abject;  for  he  was  sus- 
tained by  a  conscious  rectitude  of  purpose,  that  im- 
pressed respect  on  all  with  whom  he  had  inter- 
course. He  was  acute  in  his  perceptions,  had  a 
shrewd  knowledge  of  character,  and,  though  bred  to 
the  cloister,  possessed  an  acquaintance  with  affairs, 

7  "  Que  parece  cierto,"  says  his  que  para  ello  hizo."    Hist,  de  Don 

enthusiastic  biographer,  "  que  por  Pedro  Gasca,  MS. 

disposicion  Divina  vino  a  hallarse  8  "  Finding  a    lion  would  not 

Gasca  entonces  en  la  Ciudad  de  answer,  they  sent  a  lamb,"  says 

Valencia,  para  remedio  de  aquel  Gomara;  —  "  Finalmente,    quiso 

Reyno  y  Islas  de  Mallorca  y  Me-  embiar  una  Oveja,  pues  un  Leon  no 

norca  e  Iviza,  segun  la  orden,  pre-  aprovecho  ;  y  asi  escogio  al  Licen- 

vencion  y  diligencia  que  en  la  de-  ciado  Pedro  Gasca."     Hist,  de  las 

fensa  contra  las  armadas  del  Turco  Ind.,  cap.  174. 
y  Francia  tuto,  y  las  provisiones 


CH.  I.]  A':     HIS   MISSION  TO  PERU.  341 

and  even  with  military  science,  such  as  was  to  have 
bpen  expected  only  from  one  reared  in  courts  and 
camps. 

Without  hesitation,  therefore,  the  council  unani- 
mously recommended  him  to  the  emperor,  and 
requested  his  approbation  of  their  proceedings. 
Charles  had  not  been  an  inattentive  observer  of 
Gasca's  course.  His  attention  had  been  particu- 
larly called  to  the  able  manner  in  which  he  had 
conducted  the  judicial  process  against  the  here- 
tics of  Valencia.9  The  monarch  saw,  at  once,  that 
he  was  the  man  for  the  present  emergency;  and  he 
immediately  wrote  to  him,  with  his  own  hand,  ex- 
pressing his  entire  satisfaction  at  the  appointment, 
and  intimating  his  purpose  to  testify  his  sense  of 
his  worth  by  preferring  him  to  one  of  the  principal 
sees  then  vacant. 

Gasca  accepted  the  important  mission  now  ten- 
dered to  him  without  hesitation;  and,  repairing  to 
Madrid,  received  the  instructions  of  trie  government 
as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued.  They  were  express- 
ed in  the  most  benign  and  conciliatory  tone,  perfect- 
ly in  accordance  with  the  suggestions  of  his  own  be- 
nevolent temper.10  But,  while  he  commended  the 

9  Gasca  made  what  the  author  ceives,  of  his  zeal  for  the  faith.  — 

calls  una  Ireve  y  copyosa  relation  "  Queriendo  entender  muy  de  raizo 

of  the  proceedings  to  the  emperor  todo  lo  que  pasaha,  como  Principe 

in  Valencia  ;  and  the  monarch  was  tan  zeloso  que  era  de  las  cosas  de 

so  intent  on  the  inquiry,  that  he  la  religion."     Hist,  de  Don  Pedro 

devoted  the  whole  afternoon  to  it,  Gases,  MS. 

notwithstanding  his  son  Philip  was  10  These  instructions,  the  patri- 

waiting  for  him  to  attend  a  fiesta !.  archal    tone  of  which  is    highly 

irrefragable  proof,  as  the  writer  con-  creditable  to  the  government,  are 


342  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BOOK  V. 

tone  of  the  instructions,  he  considered  the  powers 
with  which  he  was  to  be  intrusted  as  wholly  incom- 
petent to  their  object.  They  were  conceived  in  the 
jealous  spirit  with  which  the  Spanish  government 
usually  limited  the  authority  of  its  great  colonial  offi- 
cers, whose  distance  from  home  gave  peculiar  cause 
for  distrust.  On  every  strange  and  unexpected 
emergency,  Gasca  saw  that  he  should  be  obliged  to 
send  back  for  instructions.  This  must  cause  delay, 
where  promptitude  was  essential  to  success.  The 
Court,  moreover  *  as  he  represented  to  the  council, 
was,  from  its  remoteness  from  the  scene  of  action,  ut- 
terly incompetent  to  pronounce  as  to  the  expediency 
of  the  measures  to  be  pursued.  Some  one  should 
be  sent  out  in  whom  the  king  could  implicitly  con- 
fide, and  who  should  be  invested  with  powers  com- 
petent to  every  emergency ;  powers  not  merely  to 
decide  on  what  was  best,  but  to  carry  that  decision 
into  execution;  and  he  boldly  demanded  that  he 
should  go  not  only  as  the  representative  of  the 
sovereign,  but  clothed  with  all  the  authority  of  the 
sovereign  himself.  Less  than  this  would  defeat  the 
very  object  for  which  he  was  to  be  sent.  "  For  my- 
self," he  concluded,  "  I  ask  neither  salary  nor  com- 
pensation of  any  kind.  I  covet  no  display  of  state  or 
military  array.  With  my  stole  and  breviary  I  trust 
to  do  the  work  that  is  committed  to  me.11  Infirm  as 


given  in  vxtenso  in  the    MS.  of  que  la  mas.  fuerga  que  lleuaua,  era 

Caravantes,  and  in- no  other  work  su  abito  de  clerigo  y  breuiario." 

which  I  have  consulted.  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte 

11  "  De  suerte    que    juzgassen  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  16. 


CH.  I.]  HIS  MISSION  TO  PERU.  343 

I  am  in  body,  the  repose  of  my  own  home  would 
have  been  more  grateful  to  me  than  this  dangerous 
mission ;  but  I  will  not  shrink  from  it  at  the  bid- 
ding of  my  sovereign,  and  if,  as  is  very  probable, 
I  may  not  be  permitted  again  to  see  my  native  land, 
I  shall,  at  least,  be  cheered  by  the  consciousness  of 
having  done  my  best  to  serve  its  interests." 12 

The  members  of  the  council,  while  they  listened 
with  admiration  to  the  disinterested  avowal  of  Gas- 
ca,  were  astounded  by  the  boldness  of  his  demands. 
Not  that  they  distrusted  the  purity  of  his  motives, 
for  these  were  above  suspicion.  But  the  powers  for 
which  he  stipulated  were  so  far  beyond  those  hith- 
erto delegated  to  a  colonial  viceroy,  that  they  felt 
they  had  no  warrant  to  grant  them.  They  even 
shrank  from  soliciting  them  from  the  emperor,  and 
required  that  Gasca  himself  should  address  the  mon- 
arch, and  state  precisely  the  grounds  on  which  de- 
mands so  extraordinary  were  founded. 

Gasca  readily  adopted  the  suggestion,  and  wrote 
in  the  most  full  and  explicit  manner  to  his  sovereign, 
who  had  then  transferred  his  residence  to  Flanders. 
But  Charles  was  not  so  tenacious,  or,  at  least,  so 
jealous,  of  authority,  as  his  ministers.  He  had  been 
too  long  in  possession  of  it  to  feel  that  jealousy ; 
and,  indeed,  many  years  were  not  to  elapse,  before, 
oppressed  by  its  weight,  he  was  to  resign  it  alto- 

12  MS.  de  Caravantes.  —  Hist,  did  solicit  one  favor  of  the  em- 

de  Don  Pedro  Gasca,  MS.  — Fer-  peror,  —  the  appointment  of  his 

nandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  brother,  an  eminent  jurist,  to  a 

lib.  2,  cap.  16,  17.  vacant  place  on  the  bench  of  one 

Though  not  for  himself,  Gasca  of  the  Castilian  tribunals. 


344  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BooK  V. 

gether  into  the  hands  of  his  son.  His  sagacious 
mind,  moreover,  readily  comprehended  the  difficul- 
ties of  Gasca's  position.  He  felt  that  the  present 
extraordinary  crisis  was  to  be  met  only  by  extraor- 
dinary measures.  He  assented  to  the  force  of  his 
vassal's  arguments,  and,  on  the  sixteenth  of  Februa- 
ry, 1546,  wrote  him  another  letter  expressive  of  his 
approbation,  and  intimated  his  willingness  to  grant 
him  powers  as  absolute  as  those  lie  had  requested. 

Gasca  was  to  be  styled  President  of  the  Royal 
Audience.  But,  under  this  simple  title,  he  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  every  department  in  the  colo- 
ny, civil,  military,  and  judicial.  He  was  empow- 
ered to  make  new  repartimientos,  and  to  confirm 
those  already  made.  He  might  declare  war,  levy 
troops,  appoint  to  all  offices,  or  remove  from  them,  at 
pleasure.  He  might  exercise  the  royal  prerogative 
of  pardoning  offences,  and  was  especially  authorized 
to  grant  aii  amnesty  to  all,  without  exception,  im- 
plicated in  the  present  rebellion.  He  was,  more- 
over, to  proclaim  at  once  the  revocation  of  the 
odious  ordinances.  These  two  last  provisions  might 
be  said  to  form  the  basis  of  all  his  operations. 

Since  ecclesiastics  were  not  to  be  reached  by  the 
secular  arm,  'and  yet  were  often  found  fomenting 
troubles  in  the  cblonies,  Gasca  was  permitted  to 
banish  from  Peru  such  as  he  thought  fit.  He  might 
even  send  home  the  viceroy,  if  the^  good  of  the 
country  required  if.  Agreeably  to  his  own  sugges- 
tion, he  was  to  receive  no  specified  stipend  ;  but 
he  had  unlimited  orders  on  the  treasuries  both  of 


CH.  I.]  HIS  MISSION  TO  PERU.  345 

Panama  and  Peru.  He  was  furnished  with  letters 
from  the  emperor  to  the  principal  authorities,  not 
only  in  Peru,  but  in  Mexico  and  the  neighbouring 
colonies-,  requiring  their  countenance  and  support ; 
and,  lastly,  blank  letters,  bearing  the  royal  signa- 
ture, were  delivered  to  him,  which  he  was  to  fill  up 
at  his  pleasure.13 

While  the  grant  of  such  unbounded  powers  ex- 
cited the  warmest  sentiments  of  gratitude  in  Gasca 
towards  the  sovereign  who  could  repose  hi,  him  so 
much  confidence,  it  seems  —  which  is  more  extra- 
ordinary —  not  to  have  raised  corresponding  feel- 
ings of  envy  in  the  courtiers.  They  knew  well 
that  it  was  not  for  himself  that  the  good  ecclesiastic 
had  solicited  them.  On  the  contrary,  some  of  the 
council  were  desirous  that  he  should  be  preferred  to 
the  bishopric,  as  already  promised  him,  before  his 
departure ;  conceiving  that  he  would  thus  go  with 
greater  authority  than  as  an  humble  ecclesiastic, 
and  fearing,  moreover,  that  Gasca  himself,  were  it 
omitted,  might  feel  some  natural  disappointment. 
But  the  president  hastened  to  remove  these  im- 
pressions. "  The  honor  would  avail  me  little,"  he 
said,  "  where  I  am  going ;  and  it  would  be  mani- 
festly wrong  to  appoint  me  to '  an  office  in  the 
Church,  while  1  remain  at  such  a  distance  that  I 
cannot  discharge  the  duties  of  it.  The  conscious- 


!3  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  3,  cap.  17, 

6,  cap.  6.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  Gene-  18. — Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind^, 

ral,  dec.  8,  lib.  1,  cap.  6.  — MS.  cap.   174.  — Hist,  de  Don  Pedro 

de  Caravantes.  —  Fernandez,  Hist.  Gasca,  MS. 

VOL.    II.  44 


346  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BooK  V. 

ness  of  my  insufficiency, "  he  continued,  "  should  I 
never  return,  would  lie  heavy  on  my  soul  in  my 
last  moments." 14  The  politic  reluctance  to  accept 
the  mitre  has  passed  into  a  proverb.  But  there 
was  no  affectation  here  ;  and  Gasca's  friends,  yield- 
ing to  his  arguments,  forbore  to  urge  the  matter 
further.  , 

The  new  president  now  went  forward  with  his 
preparations.  They  were  few  and  simple  ;  for  he 
was  to  be  accompanied  by  a  slender  train  of  follow- 
ers, among  whom  the  most  conspicuous  was  Alonso 
de  Alvarado,  the  gallant  officer  who,  as  the  reader 
may  remember,  long  commanded  under  Francisco 
Pizarro.  He  had  resided  of  late  years  at  court; 
and  now  at  Gasca's  request  accompanied  him  to 
Peru,  where  his  presence  might  facilitate  negotia- 
tions with  the  insurgents,  while  his  military  experi- 
ence would  prove  no  less  valuable  in  case  pf  an 
appeal  to  arms.15  Some  delay  necessarily  occurred 
in  getting  ready  his  little  squadron,  and  it  was  not 
till  the  26th  of  May,  1546,  that  the  president  and 
his  suite  embarked  at  San  Lucar  for  the  New  World. 

After  a  prosperous  voyage,  and  not"  a  long  one  for 
that  day,  he  landed,  about  the  middle  of  July,  at  the 
port  of  Santa  Martha.  Here  he  received  the  as- 
tounding intelligence  of  the  battle  of  Afiaquito,  of 

14  "  Especialmente,  si  alia  mil-  aceptado."     Fernandez,  Hist,  de 

riesse  6  le  matassen :  que  entoces  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  18. 
de  nada  le  podria  ser  buena,  sino        15  From  this  cavalier  descended 

para  partir  desta  vida,    con  mas  the  noble  house  of  the  counts  of 

congoxa  y  pena  de  la  poca  cuenta  Villamor  in  Spain.     MS.  de  Cara- 

que  daua  de  la  prouision  que  auia  vantes, 

' 


CH.  I.]  HIS   POLITIC   CONDUCT  347 

i 

the  defeat  and  death  of  the  viceroy,  and  of  the  man- 
ner in  which  Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  since  established 
his  absolute  rule  over  the  land.  Although  these 
events  had  occurred  several  months  before  Gasca's 
departure  from  Spain,  yet,  so  imperfect  was  the  in- 
tercourse, no  tidings  of  them  had  then  reached  that 
country. 

They  now  filled  the  president  with  great  anxiety ; 
as  he  reflected  that  the  insurgents,  after  so  atrocious 
an  act  as  the  slaughter  of  the  viceroy,  might  well 
despair  of  grace,  and  become  reckless  of  conse- 
quences. -.  He  was  careful,  therefore,  to  have  it  un- 
derstood, that  the  date  of  his  commission  was  subse- 
quent to  that  of  the  fatal  battle,  and  that  it  author- 
ized an  entire,  amnesty  of  all  offences  hitherto 
committed  against  tjie  government.16 

Yet,  in  some  points  of  view,  the  death  of  Blasco 
Nunez  might  be  regarded  as  an  auspicious  circum- 
stance for  the  settlement  of  the  country.  Had  he 
lived  till  Gasca's  arrival,  the  latter  would  have  been 
greatly  embarrassed  by  the  necessity  of  acting  in 
concert  with  a  person  so  generally  detested  in  the 
colony,  or  by  the .  unwelcome  alternative  of  sending 
him  back  to  Castile.  The  insurgents,  moreover, 
would,  in  all  probability,  be  now  more  amenable  to 
reason,  since  all  personal  animosity  might  naturally 
be  buried  in  the  grave  of  their  enemy. 

The  president  was  much  embarrassed  by  deciding 
in  what  quarter  he  should  attempt  to  enter  Peru. 


16  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  21. 


348  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BOOK  V. 

Every  port  was  in  the  hands  of  Pizarro,  and  was 
placed  under  the  care  of  his  officers,  with  strict 
charge  to  intercept  any  communications  from  Spain, 
and  to  detain  such  persons  as  bore  a  commission 
from  that  country  until 'his  pleasure  could  be  known 
respecting  them.  Gasca,  at  length,  decided  on 
crossing  over  to  Nombre  de  Dios,  then  held  with 
a  strong  force  by  Hernan  Mexia,  an  officer  to  whose 
charge  Gonzalo  had  committed  this  strong  gate  to 
his  dominions,  as  to  a  person  on  whose  attachment 
to  his  cause  he  could  confidently  rely. 

Had  Gasca  appeared  off  this  place  in  a  menacing 
attitude,  with  a  military  array,  or,  indeed,  with  any 
display  of  official  pomp  that  might  have  awakened 
distrust  in  the  commander,  he  would  doubtless  have 
found  it  no  easy  matter  to  effect  a  landing.  But 
Mexia  saw  nothing  to  apprehend  in  the  approach  of 
a  poor  ecclesiastic,  without  an  armed  force,  with 
hardly  even  a  retinue  to  support  him,  coming  solely, 
as  it  seemed,  on  an  errand  of  mercy.  No  sooner, 
therefore,  was  he  acquainted  with  the  character  of 
the  envoy  and  his  mission,  than  he  prepared  to  re- 
ceive him  with  the  honors  due  to  his  rank,  and 
marched  out  at  the  head  of  his  soldiers,  together 
with  a  considerable  body  of  ecclesiastics  resident  in 
the  place.  There  was  nothing  in  the  person  of 
Gasca,  still  less  in  his  humble  clerical  attire  and 
modest  retinue,  to  impress  the  vulgar  spectator  with 
feelings  of  awe  or' reverence.  Indeed,  the  poverty- 
stricken  aspect,  as  it  seemed;  of  himself  and  his  fol- 
lowers, so  different  from  the  usual  state  affected  by 


CH.  I.]  HIS  POLITIC  CONDUCT.       >  349 

the  Indian  viceroys,  excited  some  merriment  among 
the  rude  soldiery,  who  did  not  scruple  to  break  their 
coarse  jests  on  his  appearance,  in  hearing  of  the 
president  himself.17  "  If  this  is  the  sort  of  governor 
his  Majesty  sends  over  to  us,"  they  exclaimed, 
"  Pizarro  need  not  trouble  his  head  much  about  it." 

Yet  the  president,  far  from  being  ruffled  by  this 
ribaldry,  or  from  showing  resentment  to  its  authors, 
submitted  to  it  with  the  utmost  humility,  and  only 
seemed  the  more  grateful  to  his  own  brethren,  who, 
by  their  respectful  demeanour,,  appeared  anxious  to 
do  him  honor. 

But,  however  plain  and  unpretending  the  manners 
of  Gasca,  Mexia,.on  his  first  interview  with  him, 
soon  discovered  that  he  had  no  common  man  to  deal 
with.  The  president,  after  briefly "  explaining  the 
nature  of  his  commission,  told  him  that  he  had  come 
as  a  messenger  of  peace ;  and  that  it  was  on  peace- 
ful measures  he  relied  for  his  success.  He  then 
stated  the  general  scope  of  his  commission,  his  au- 
thority to  grant  a  free  pardon  to  all,  without  excep- 
tion, who  at. once  submitted  to  government,  and, 
finally,  his  purpose  to  proclaim  the  revocation  of 
the  ordinances.  The  objects  of  the  revolution  were 
thus  attained.  To  contend  longer  would  be  mani- 
fest rebellion,  and  that  without  a  motive  ;  and  he 
urged  the  commander  by  every  principle  of  loyalty 


17  "  Especialmente   muchos  de    sidente  (viendo  que  era  necessario) 
los  soldados,  que   estauan  desaca-  x  hazia  las  orejas  sordas."     Ibid., 
tados,   y  decian  palabras  feas,  y    Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  23. 
desuergdgadas.     A  lo  qual  el  Pre- 


350  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BooK  V. 

and  patriotism  to  support  him  in  settling  the  dis- 
tractions of  the  country,  and  bringing  it  back  to  its 
allegiance. 

The  candid  and  conciliatory  language  of  the 
president,  so  different  from  the  arrogance  of  Blasco 
Nunez,  and  the  austere  demeanour  of  Vaca  de 
Castro,  made  a  sensible  impression  on  Mexia. 
He  admitted  the  force  of  Gasca's  reasoning,  and 
flattered  himself  that  Gonzalo  Pizarro  would  not 
be  insensible  to  it.  Though  attached  to  the  for- 
tunes of  that  leader,  he  was  loyal  in  heart,  and, 
like  most  of  the  party,  had  been  led  by  accident, 
rather  than  by  design,  into  rebellion ;  and  now 
that  so  good  an  opportunity  occurred  to  do  it  with 
safety,  hje  was  not  unwilling  to  retrace  his  steps, 
and  secure  the  royal  favor  by  thus  early  returning 
to  his  allegiance.  This  he  signified  to  the  presi- 
dent, assuring  him  of  his  hearty  cooperation  in  the 
good  work  of  reform.18 

This  was  an  important  step  for  Gasca.  It  was 
yet  more  important  for  him  to  secure  the  obedience 
of  Hinojosa,  the  governor  of  Panama,  in  the  har- 
bour of  which  city  lay  Pizarro's  navy,  consisting  of 
two-and-twenty  vessels.  But  it  was  not  easy  to 
approach  this  officer.  He  was  a  person  of  much 
higher  character  than  was  usually  found  among  the 
reckless  adventurers  in  the  New  World.  He  was 
attached  to  the  interests  of  Pizarro,  and  the  latter 

18  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Carta  de  1546. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  a  Valdivia,  MS.  lib.  6,  cap.  6.  —  Herrera,  Hist. 
—  Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  General,  dec.  8,  lib.  2,  cap.  5. 


CH.  I.]  HIS  POLITIC  CONDUCT.  351 

had  requited  him  by  placing  him  in  command  of  his 
armada  and  of  Panama,  the  key  to  his  territories  on 
the  Pacific. 

The  president  first  Sent  Mexia  and  Alonso  de 
Alvarado  to  prepare  the  way  for  his  own  coming,  by 
advising  Hinojosa  of  the  purport  of  his  mission. 
He  soon  after  followed,  and  was  received  by  that 
commander  with  every  show  of  outward  respect. 
But  while  the  latter  listened  with  deference  to  the 
representations  of  Gasca,  they  failed  to  work  the 
change  in  him  which  they  had  wrought  in  Mexia ; 
and  he  concluded  by  asking  the  president  to  show 
him  his  powers,  and  by  inquiring  whether  they 
gave  him  authority  to  confirm  Pizarro  in  his  present 
post,  to  which  he  was  entitled  no  less  by  his  own 
services  than  by  the  general  voice  of  the  people. 

This  was  an  embarrassing  question.  Such  a  con- 
cession would  have  been  altogether  too  humiliating 
to  the  Crown  ;  but  to  have  openly  avowed  this  at 
the  present  juncture  to  so  stanch  an  adherent  of 
Pizarro  might  have  precluded  all  further  negotiation. 
The  president  evaded  the  question,  therefore,  by 
simply  stating,  that  the  time  had  not  yet  come 
for  him  to  produce  his  powers,  but  that  Hinojosa 
might  be  assured  they  were  such  as  to  secure  an 
ample  recompense  to  every  loyal  servant  of  his 
country.19 

Hinojosa  was  not  satisfied ;  and  he  immediately 


19  Fernandez,  Hist,   del  Peru,     Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  7.  — 
Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  25.  — Zarate,    MS.  de  Caravantes. 


352  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BooK  V. 

wrote  to  Pizarro,  acquainting  him  with  Gasca's  ar- 
rival and  with  the  object  of  his  mission,  at  the  same 
time  plainly  intimating  his  own  conviction  that  the 
president  had  no  authority  to  confirm  him  in  the 
government.  But  before  the  departure  of  the  ship, 
Gasca  secured  the  services  of  a  Dominican  friar, 
who  had  taken  his  passage  on  board  for  one  of  the 
towns  on  the  coast.  This  man  he  intrusted  with 
manifestoes,  setting  forth  the  purport  of  his  visit, 
and  proclaiming  the  abolition  of  the  ordinances, 
with  a  free  pardon  to  all  who  returned  to  their  obe- 
dience. He  wrote,  also,  to  the  prelates  and  to  the 
corporations  of  the  different  cities.  The  former  lie 
requested  to  cooperate  with  him  in  introducing  a 
spirit  of  loyalty  and  subordination  among  the  people, 
while  he  intimated  to  the  towns  his  purpose  to  con- 
fer with  them  hereafter,  in  order  to  devise  some  ef- 
fectual measures  for  the  welfare  of  the  country. 
These  papers  the  Dominican  engaged  to  distribute, 
himself,  among  the  principal  cities  of  the  colony; 
and  he  faithfully  kept  his  word,  though,  as  it  proved, 
at  no  little  hazard  of  his  life.  The  seeds  thus  scat- 
tered might  many  of  them  fall  on  barren  ground. 
But  the  greater  part,  the  president  trusted,  would 
take  root  in  the  hearts  of  the  people ;  and  he  pa- 
tiently waited  for  the  harvest.  f^uu^ 

Meanwhile,  though  he  failed  to  remove  the 
scruples  of  Hinojosa,  the  courteous  manners  of 
Gasca,  and  his  mild,  persuasive  discourse,  had  a  vis- 
ible effect  on  other  individuals  with  whom  he  had 
daily  intercourse.  '  Several  of  these,  and  among 


CH.  I.]  HIS  OFFERS  TO   PIZARRO.  353 

them  some  of  the  principal  cavaliers  in  Panama,  as 
well  as  in  the  squadron,  expressed  their  willingness 
to  join  the  royal  cause,  and  aid  the  president  in 
maintaining  it.  Gasca  profited  by  their  assistance 
to  open  a  communication  with  the  authorities  of 
Guatemala  and  Mexico,  whom  he  advised  of  his 
mission,  while  he  admonished  them  to  allow  no  in- 
tercourse to  be  carried  on  with  the  insurgents  on  the 
coast  of  Peru.  He,  at  length,  also  prevailed  on  the 
governor  of  Panama  to  furnish  him  with  the  means 
of  entering  into  communication  with  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro  himself;  and  a  ship  was  despatched  to  Lima, 
bearing  a  letter  from  Charles  the  Fifth,  addressed  to 
that  chief,  with  an  epistle  also  from  Gasca. 

The  emperor's  communication  was  couched  in  the 
most  condescending  and  even  conciliatory  terms. 
Far  from  taxing  Gonzalo  with  rebellion,  his  royal 
master  affected  to  regard  his  conduct  as  in  a  manner 
imposed  on  him  by  circumstances,  especially  by  the 
obduracy  of  the  viceroy  Nunez  in  denying  the  colo- 
nists the  inalienable  right  of  petition.  He  gave  no 
intimation  of  an  intent  to  confirm  Pizarro  in  the 
government,  or,  indeed,  to  remove  him  from  it ;  but 
simply  referred  him  to  Gasca  as  one  who  would  ac- 
quaint him  with  the  royal  pleasure,  and  with  whom 
he  was  to  cooperate  in  restoring  tranquillity  to  the 
country. 

Gasca's  own  letter  was  pitched  on  the  same  pol- 
itic key.  He  remarked,  however,  that  the  exi- 
gencies which  had  hitherto  determined  Gonzalo's 
line  of  conduct  existed  no  longer.  All  that  had 

VOL.   II.  45 


354  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boon  V. 

been  asked  was  conceded.  There  was  nothing  now 
to  contend  for ;  and  it  only  remained  for  Pizarro 
and  his  followers  to  show  their  loyalty  and  the  sin 
cerity  of  their  principles  by  obedience  to  the  Crown. 
Hitherto,  the  president  said,  Pizarro  had  been  in 
arms  against  the  viceroy ;  and  the  people  had  sup- 
ported him  as  against  a  common  enemy.  If  he 
prolonged  the  contest^  that  enemy  must  be  his 
sovereign.  In  such  a  struggle,  the  people  would  be 
sure  to  desert  him ;  and  Gasca  conjured  him,  by  his 
Honor  as  a  cavalier,  and  his  duty  as  a  loyal  vassal,  to 
respect  the  royal  authority,  and  not  rashly  provoke  a 
contest  which  must  prove  to  the  world  that  his  con- 
duct hitherto  had  been  dictated  less  by  patriotic 
motives  than  by  selfish  ambition. 

This  letter,  which  was  conveyed  in  language  the 
most  courteous  and  complimentary  to  the  subject  of 
it,  was  of  great  length.  It  was  accompanied  by 
another  much  more  concise,  to  Cepeda,  the  in- 
triguing lawyer,  who,  as  Gasca  knew,  had  the 
greatest  influence  over  Pizarro,  in  the  absence  of 
Carbajal,  then  employed  in  reaping  the  silver  har- 
vest from  the  newly  discovered  mines  of  Potosi.20 
In  this  epistle,  Gasca  affected  to  defer  to  the  cun- 
ning politician  as  a  member  of  the  Royal  Audience, 
and  he  conferred  with  him  on  the  best  manner  of 
supplying  a  vacancy  in  that  body.  These  several 
despatches  were  committed  to  a  cavalier,  named 

20  "  El  Licenciado  Cepeda  que    quiero  mucho."    Carta  de  Gonzalo 
tengo  yo  agora  por  teniente,  de    Pizarro  a  Valdivia,  MS. 
quien  yo  hago  mucho  caso  i  le 

ii:,  '  .-  »i<r# 

*  £• 


CH.  I.]  HIS  OFFERS  TO  PIZARRO.       :  ,  355 

Paniagua,  a  faithful  adherent  of  the  president)  and 
one  of  those  who  had  accompanied  him  from  Castile. 
To  this  same  emissary  he  also  gave  manifestoes  and 
letters,  like  those  intrusted  to  the  Dominican,  with 
orders  secretly  to  distribute  them  in  Lima,  before  he 
quitted  that  capital.21 

Weeks  and  months  rolled  away,  while  the  presi- 
dent still  remained  at  Panama,  where,  indeed,  as 
his  communications  were  jealously  cut  off  with 
Peru,  he  might  be  said  to  be  detained  as  a  sort  of 
prisoner  of  state.  Meanwhile,  both  he  and  Hino- 
josa  were  looking  with  anxiety  for  the  arrival  of 
some  messenger  from  Pizarro,  who  should  indicate 
the  manner  in  which  the  president's  mission  was  to 
be  received  by  that  chief.  The  governor  of  Panama 
was  not  blind  to  the  perilous  position  in  which  he 
was  himself  placed,  nor  to  the  madness  of  provok- 
ing a  contest  with  the  Court  of  Castile.  But  he 
had  a  reluctance  —  not  too  often  shared  by  the  cav- 
aliers of  Peru  —  to  abandon  the  fortunes  of  the 
commander  who  had  reposed  in  him  so  great  confi- 
dence. Yet  he  trusted  that  this  commander  would 


21  The  letters  noticed  in  the  text  The  benignant  tone  of  this  homily 

may  be  found  in  Zarate,  Conq.  del  maybe  inferred  from  its  concluding 

Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  7,  and  Fernandez,  sentence ;  "  Nuestro  senor  por  su 

Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  infinita  bodad  alumbre   a  vuestra 

29,    30.     The    president's    letter  merced,  y  a  todos  los  demas  para 

covers  several  pages.     Much  of  it  que  acierten  a  hazer  en  este  nego 

is  taken  up  with  historic  precedents  cio  lo  que  couiene  a  sus  almas, 

and  illustrations,  to  show  the  folly,  honras,  vidas  y  haziendas :  y  guardc 

as  well  as  wickedness,   of  a   col-  en  su  sancto  servicio  la  Illustre  per 

lision  with  the  imperial  authority,  sona  de  vuestra  merced." 


356  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.         [BOOK  V. 

embrace  the  opportunity  now  offered,  of  placing 
himself  and  the  country  in  a  state  of  permanent  se- 
curity. 

Several  of  the  cavaliers  who  had  given  in  their 
adhesion  to  Gasca,  displeased  by  this  obstinacy,  as 
they  termed  it,  of  Hinojosa,  proposed  to  seize  his 
person  and  then  get  possession  of  the  armada.  But 
the  president  at  once  rejected  this  offer.  His  mis- 
sion, he  said,  was  one  of  peace,  and  he  would  not 
stain  it  at  the  outset  by  an  act  of  violence.  He  even 
respected  the  scruples  of  Hinojosa ;  and  a  cava- 
lier of  so  honorable  a  nature,  he  conceived,  if  once 
he  could  be  gained  by  fair  means,  would  be  much 
more  likely  to  be  true  to  his  interests,  than  if  over- 
come either  by  force  or  fraud.  Gasca  thought  he 
might  safely  abide  his  time.  There  was  policy,  as 
well  as  honesty,  in  this ;  indeed,  they  always  go 
together. 

Meantime,  persons  were  occasionally  arriving  from 
Lima  and  the  neighbouring  places,  who  gave  ac- 
counts .of  Pizarro,  varying  according  to  the  character 
and  situation  of  the  parties.  Some  represented  him 
as  winning  all  hearts  by  his  open  temper  and  the 
politic  profusion  with  which,  though  covetous  of 
wealth,  he  distributed  repartimientos  and  favors 
among  his  followers.  Others  spoke  of  him  as  car- 
rying matters  with  a  high  hand,  while  the  greatest 
timidity  and  distrust  prevailed  among  the  citizens  of 
Lima.  All  agreed  that  his  power  rested  on  too  se- 
cure a  basis  to  be  shaken  ;  and  that,  if  the  president 
should  go  to  Lima,  he  must  either  consent  to  be- 


CH.  I.]  .        HIS  OFFERS  TO  PIZARRO.  357 

come  Pizarro's  instrument  and  confirm  him  in  the 
government,  or  forfeit  his  own  life.22 

It  was  undoubtedly  true,  that  Gonzalo,  while  he 
gave  attention,  as  his  friends  say,  to  the  public 
business,  found  time  for  free  indulgence  in  those 
pleasures  which  wait  on  the  soldier  of  fortune  in  his 
hour  of  triumph.  He  was  the  object  of  flattery  and 
homage  ;  courted  even  by  those  who  hated  him. 
For  such  as  did  not  love  the  successful  chieftain  had 
good  cause  to  fear  him ;  and  his  exploits  were  com- 
memorated in  romances  or  ballads,  as  rivalling — it 
was  not  far  from  truth — those  of  the  most  doughty 
paladins  of  chivalry.23 

Amidst  this  burst  of  adulation,  the  cup  of  joy 
commended  to  Pizarro's  lips  had  one  drop  of  bitter- 
ness in  it  that  gave  its  flavor  to  all  the  rest;  for, 
notwithstanding  his  show  of  confidence,  he  looked 
with  unceasing  anxiety  to  the  arrival  of  tidings  that 
might  assure  him  in  what  light  his  conduct  was  re- 
garded by  the  government  at  home.  This  was 
proved  by  his  jealous  precautions  to  guard  the  ap- 
proaches to  the  coast,  and  to  detain  the  persons  of 
the  royal  emissaries.  He  learned,  therefore,  with 
no  little  uneasiness,  from  Hinojosa,  the  landing  of 
President  Gasca,  and  the  purport  of  his  mission. 


22  Fernandez,    Hist,   del  Peru,  tando  romances,  y  coplas,  de  todo 
Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  27.  —  Herrera,  lo  que  auia  hecho  :  encaresciendo 
Hist.  General,  dec.  8,  lib.  2,  cap.  sus  hazanas,   y  victorias.     En  lo 
7. — MS.  de  Caravantes.  qual    mucho    se    deleytaua    como 

23  "  Y  con  esto,  estaua  siempre  hombre  de  gruesso  entedimiento." 
en  fiestas  y  recozijo,  holgandose  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte 
mucho  que  le  diessen  musicas,  can-  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  32. 


358  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BooK  V. 

But  his  discontent  was  mitigated,  when  he  under- 
stood that  the  new  envoy  had  come  without  mili- 
tary array,  without  any  of  the  ostentatious  trappings 
of  office  to  impose  on  the  minds  of  the  vulgar,  but 
alone,  as  it  were,  in  the  plain  garb  of  an  humble 
missionary.24  Pizarro  could  not  discern,  that  under 
this  modest  exterior  lay  a  moral  power,  stronger 
than  his  own  steel-clad  battalions,  which,  operating 
silently  on  public  opinion,  —  the  more  sure  that 
it  was  silent,  —  was  even  now  undermining  his 
strength,  like  a  subterraneous  channel  eating  away 
the  foundations  of  some  stately  edifice,  that  stands 
secure  in  its  pride  of  place  ! 

But,  although  Gonzalo  Pizarro  could  not  foresee 
this  result,  he  saw  enough  to  satisfy  him  that  it 
would  be  safest  to  exclude  the  president  from  Peru. 
The  tidings  of  his  arrival,  moreover,  quickened  his 
former  purpose  of  sending  an  embassy  to  Spain  to 
vindicate  his  late  proceedings,  and  request  the  royal 
confirmation  of  his  authority.  The  person  placed 
at  the  head  of  this  mission  was  Lorenzo  de  Aldana, 
a  cavalier  of  discretion  as  well  as  courage,  and  high 
in  the  confidence  of  Pizarro,  as  one  of  his  most  de- 
voted partisans.  He  had  occupied  some  important 
posts  under  that  chief,  one  secret  of  whose  suc- 

24  Gonzalo,  in  his  letter  to  Val-  christiano  i  hombre  de  buena  vida 

divia,  speaks  of  Gasca  as  a  clergy-  i  clerigo,  i  dicen  que  viene  a  estas 

man  of  a  godly  reputation,  who,  panes  con  buena   intencion   i  no 

without  recompense,   in  the  true  quiso  salario  ninguno  del  Rey  sino 

spirit  of  a  missionary,   had  come  venir  para  poner  paz  en  estos  rey- 

over  to   settle  the  affairs  of  the  nos  con  sus  cristiandades."     Carta 

country.     "  Dicen  ques  mui  buen  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  a  Valdivia,  MS. 


CH.  I.]  HIS  OFFERS  TO  PIZARRO.  359 

cesses  was  the  sagacity  he  showed  in  the  selection 
of  his  agents. 

Besides  Aldana  and  one  or  two  cavaliers,  the 
bishop  of  Lima  was  joined  in  the  commission,  as 
likely,  from  his  position,  to  have  a  favorable  influence 
on  Gonzalo's  fortunes  at  court.  Together  with  the 
despatches  for  the  government,  the  envoys  were  in- 
trusted with  a  letter  to  Gasca  from  the  inhabitants 
of  Lima  ;  in  which,  after  civilly  congratulating  the 
president  on  his  arrival,  they  announce  their  regret 
that  he  had  come  too  late.  The  troubles  of  the 
country  were  now  settled  by  the  overthrow  of  the 
viceroy,  and  the  nation  was  reposing  in  quiet  under 
the  rule  of  Pizarro.  An  embassy,  they  stated,  was 
on  its  way  to  Castile,  not  to  solicit  pardon,  for  they 
had  committed  no  crime,25  but  to  petition  the  em- 
peror to  confirm  their  leader  in  the  government,  as 
the  man  in  Peru  best  entitled  to  it  by  his  virtues.26 
They  expressed  the  conviction  that  Gasca's  presence 
would  only  serve  to  renew  the  distractions  of  the 
country,  and  they  darkly  intimated  that  his  attempt 

to   land   would  probably  cost  him  his  life The 

language  of  this  singular  document  was  more  re- 
spectful than  might  be  inferred  from  its  import.  It 
was  dated  the  14th  of  October,  1546,  and  was 
subscribed  by  seventy  of  the  principal  cavaliers  in 

25  "  Porque  perdo  ninguno   de  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte 

nosotros  le  pide,  porque  no  enten-  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  33. 
demos  que  emos  errado,  sino  serui-        96  «  Porque  el  por  sus  virtudes 

do    a    su    Magestad  :    conseruado  es  muy  amado  de  todos :  y  tenido 

nuestro  derecho  ;  que  por  sus  leyes  por  padre  del  Peni."     Ibid.,  ubi 

Reales  a  sus  vasallos  es  permitido . ' '  supra. 


360  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BooK  V 

the  city.  It  was  not  improbably  dictated  by  Ce- 
peda,  whose  hand  is  visible  in  most  of  the  intrigues 
of  Pizarro's  little  court.  It  is  also  said, — the  au- 
thority is  somewhat  questionable,  —  that  Aldana 
received  instructions  from  Gonzalo  secretly  to  offer 
a  bribe  of  fifty  thousand  pesos  de  oro  to  the  presi- 
dent, to  prevail  on  him  to  return  to  Castile  ;  and 
in  case  of  his  refusal,  some  darker  and  more  effec- 
tual way  was  to  be  devised  to  rid  the  country  of  his 
presence.27 

Aldana,  fortified  with  his  despatches,  sped  swiftly 
on  his  voyage  to  Panama.  Through  him  the  gov- 
ernor learned  the  actual  state  of  feeling  in  the  coun- 
cils of  Pizarro ;  and  he  listened  with  regret  to  the 
envoy's  conviction,  that  no  terms  would  be  admitted 
by  that  chief  or  his  companions,  that  did  not  con- 
firm him  in  the  possession  of  Peru.28 


27    Ibid.,    loc.    cit.  —  Herrera,  que  aunque  arriba  digo  que  dicen 

Hist.  General,  dec.  8,  lib.  2,  cap.  ques  un  santo,  es  un  hombre  mas 

10.  —  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  manoso  que  havia  en  toda  Espana 

6,  cap.  8.  —  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  e  mas  sabio ;  e  asi  venia  por  pre- 

Ind.,  cap.  17?.  —  Montesinos,  An-  sidente  e  Governador,  e  todo  quanto 

nales,  MS.,  ano  1546.  el  quiera  ;  e  para  poderme  embiar 

Pizarro,  in  his  letter  to  Valdivia,  a  mi  a  Espana,  i  a  cabo  de  dos 
notices  this  remonstrance  to  Gasca,  anos  que  andavamos  fuera  de  nues- 
wKo,  with  all  his  reputation  as  a  tras  casas  queria  el  Rey  darme 
saint,  was  as  deep  as  any  man  in  este  pago,  mas  yo  con  todos  los 
Spain,  and  had  now  come  to  send  cavalleros  deste  Rey  no  le  embia- 
him  home,  as  a  reward,  no  doubt,  of  vamos  a  decir  que  se  vaya,  sino 
his  faithful  services.  "  But  I  and  que  haremos  con  el  como  con 
the  rest  of  the  cavaliers',"  he  con-  Blasco  Nufiez."  Carta  de  Con- 
cludes, "  have  warned  him  not  to  zalo  Pizarro  a  Valdivia,  MS. 
set  foot  here."  "  Y  agora  que  yo  &  With  Aldana's  mission  to 
tenia  puesta  esta  tierra  en  sosiego  Castile  Gonzalo  Pizarro  closes  the 
embiava  su  parte  al  de  la  Gasca,  important  letter,  so  often  cited  in 


CH.  I.]  HIS  OFFERS  TO  PIZARRO.  361 

Aid  ana  was  soon  admitted  to  an  audience  by 
the  president.  It  was  attended  with  very  different 
results  from  what  had  followed  from  the  conferences 
with  Hinojosa ;  for  Pizarro's  envoy  was  not  armed 
by  nature  with  that  stubborn  panoply  which  had 
hitherto  made  the  other  proof  against  all  argument. 
He  now  learned  with  surprise  the  nature  of  Gasca's 
powers,  and  the  extent  of  the  royal  concessions  to 
the  insurgents.  He  had  embarked  with  Gonzalo 
Pizarro  on  a  desperate  venture,  and  he  found  that 
it  had  proved  successful.  The  colony  had  noth- 
ing more,  in  reason,  to  demand  ;  and,  though  de- 
voted in  heart  to  his  leader,  he  did  not  feel  bound 
by  any  principle  of  honor  to  take  part  with  him, 
solely  to  gratify  his  ambition,  in  a  wild  contest  with 
the  Crown  that  must  end  in  inevitable  ruin.  He 
consequently  abandoned  his  mission  to  Castile,  prob- 
ably never  very  palatable  to  him,  and  announced  his 
purpose  to  accept  the  pardon  proffered  by  govern- 
ment, and  support  the  president  in  settling  the  affairs 
of  Peru.  He  subsequently  wrote,  it  should  be  add- 
ed, to  his  former  commander  in  Lima,  stating  the 
course  he  had  taken,  and  earnestly  recommending 
the  latter  to  follow  his  example. 

The  influence  of  this  precedent  in  so  important  a 
person  as  Aldana,  aided,  doubtless,  by  the  conviction 

these  pages,  and  which  may  be  openly  espoused  the  cause  of  Gasca, 

supposed  to  furnish  the  best  argu-  and  his  troops  formed  part  of  the 

ments  for  his  own  conduct.     It  is  forces  who  contended  with  Pizarro, 

a  curious  fact,  that  Valdivia,  the  not  long  afterwards,   at  Huarina. 

conqueror  of  Chili,   to  whom  the  Such  was  the  friend  on  whom  Gon- 

epistle  is  addressed,  soon  after  this  zalo  relied ! 
VOL.    II.                        46 


362  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BooK  V. 

that  no  change  was  now  to  be  expected  in  Pizarro, 
while  delay  would  be  fatal  to  himself,  at  length  pre- 
vailed over  Hinojosa's  scruples,  and  he  intimated  to 
Gasca  his  willingness  to  place  the  fleet  under  his 
command.  The  act  was  performed  with  great  pomp 
and  ceremony.  Some  of  Pizarro's  stanchest  parti- 
sans were  previously  removed  from  the  vessels  ;  and 
on  the  nineteenth  of  November,  1546,  Hinojosa 
and  his  captains  resigned  their  commissions  into  the 
hands  of  the  president.  They  next  took  the  oaths 
of  allegiance  to  Castile  ;  a  free  pardon  for  all  past 
offences  was  proclaimed  by  the  herald  from  a  scaf- 
fold erected  in  the  great  square  of  the  city ;  and  the 
president,  greeting  them  as  true  and  loyal  vassals  of 
the  Crown,  restored  their  several  commissions  to  the 
cavaliers.  The  royal  standard  of  Spain  was  then 
unfurled  on  board  the  squadron,  and  proclaimed  that 
this  strong-hold  of  Pizarro's  power  had  passed  away 
from  him  for  ever.29 

The  return  of  their  commissions  to  the  insurgent 
captains  was  a  politic  act  in  Gasca.  It  secured 
the  services  of  the  ablest  officers  in  the  country,  and 
turned  against  Pizarro  the  very  arm  on  which  he 
had  most  leaned  for  support.  Thus  was  this  great 

29  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  a  wholesome  counterpoise  to  the 
Conq.,  MS. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  unfavorable  views  taken  of  his  con- 
Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  9.  — Fernandez,  duct  by  most  other  writers.  —  in 
Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  his  notice  of  this  transaction,  seems 
38,  42. —  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  disposed  to  allow  little  credit  to 
Indias,  cap.  178.  — MS.  de  Cara-  that  loyalty  which  is  shown  by  the 
vantes.  sacrifice  of  a  benefactor.  Com. 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  —  whose  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  4. 
partiality  for  Gonzalo  Pizarro  forms 


CH.  I.]  GAINS  THE  FLEET.  363 

step  achieved,  without  force  or  fraud,  by  Gasca's 
patience  and  judicious  forecast.  He  was  content  to 
bide  his  time  ;  and  he  now  might  rely  with  well- 
grounded  confidence  on  the  ultimate  success  of  his 
mission. 


. 


f 


CHAPTER    II. 


ASSEMBLES    HIS    FORCES.  —  DEFECTION   OF   PlZARRO's   FoLLOW- 
ERS.  —  HE     MUSTERS    HIS    JjEVIES.  —  AGITATION     IN    LlMA.  —  HE 

ABANDONS  THE  ClTY.  -  GASCA  SAILS  FROM  PANAMA.  -  BLOODY 
BATTLE  OF  HUARINA. 

1547. 

No  sooner  was  Gasca  placed  in  possession  of 
Panama  and  the  fleet,  than  he  entered  on  a  more 
decisive  course  of  policy  than  he  had  been  hitherto 
allowed  to  pursue.  He  made  levies  of  men,  and 
drew  together  supplies  from  all  quarters.  He  took 
care  to  discharge  the  arrears  already  due  to  the  sol- 
diers, and  promised  liberal  pay  for  the  future  ;  for, 
though  mindful  that  his  personal  charges  should  cost 
little  to  the  Crown,  he  did  not  stint  his  expenditure 
when  the  public  good  required  it.  As  the  funds  in 
the  treasury  were  exhausted,  he  obtained  loans  on 
the  credit  of  the  government  from  the  wealthy  citi- 
zens of  Panama,  who,  relying  on  his  good  faith, 
readily  made  the  necessary  advances.  He  next  sent 
letters  to  the  authorities  of  Guatemala  and  Mexico, 
requiring  their  assistance  in  carrying  on  hostilities,  if 
necessary,  against  the  insurgents  ;  and  he  despatched 
a  summons,  in  like  manner,  to  Benalcazar,  in  the 
provinces  north  of  Peru,  to  meet  him,  on  his  landing 
in  that  country,  with  his  whole  available  force. 


CH.  II.]  GASCA  ASSEMBLES  HIS  FORCES.  365 

The  greatest  enthusiasm  was  shown  by  the  peo- 
ple of  Panama  in  getting  the  little  navy  in  order  for 
his  intended  voyage ;  and  prelates  and  commanders 
did  not  disdain  to  prove  their  loyalty  by  taking 
part  in  the  good  work,  along  with  the  soldiers 
and  sailors.1  Before  his  own  departure,  however, 
Gasca  proposed  to  send  a  small  squadron  of  four 
ships  under  Aldana,  to  cruise  off  the  port  of  Lima, 
with  instructions  to  give  protection  to  those  well 
affected  to  the  royal  cause,  and  receive  them,  if 
need  be,  on  board  his  vessels.  He  was  also  in- 
trusted with  authenticated  copies  of  the  president's 
commission,  to  be  delivered  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  that 
the  chief  might  feel,  there  was  yet  time  to  return 
before  the  gates  of  mercy  were  closed  against  him.2 

While  these  events  were  going  on,  Gasca's  proc- 
lamations and  letters  were  doing  their  work  in  Peru. 
It  required  but  little  sagacity  to  perceive  that  the 
nation  at  large,  secured  in  the  protection  of  person 
and  property,  had  nothing  to  gain  by  revolution. 
Interest  and  duty,  fortunately,  now  lay  on  the  same 
side  ;  and  the  ancient  sentiment  of  loyalty,  smoth- 
ered for  a  time,  but  not  extinguished,  revived  in  the 
breasts  of  the  people.  Still  this  was  not  mani- 

1  "Y  ponia    sus    fuergas    con        2  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Montesinos, 

tanta  llaneza  y  obediencia,  que  los  Annales,  MS.,  ano   1546.  —  Go- 

Obispos  y  clerigos  y  los  capitanes  mara,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  178. 

y  mas  principales  personas  eran  los  — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6, 

que  primero  echauan  mano,  y  'ti-  cap.  9.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  General, 

rauan  de  las  gumenas  y  cables  de  dec.  8,  lib.  3,  cap.  3. 
los  nauios,  para  los    sacar  a   la 
costa."  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru, 
Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  70. 


366  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boon  V. 

fested,  at  once,  by  any  overt  act ;  for,  under  a 
strong  military  rule,  men  dared  hardly  think  for 
themselves,  much  less  communicate  their  thoughts 
to  one  another.  But  changes  of  public  opinion,  like 
changes  in  the  atmosphere  that  come  on  slowly  and 
imperceptibly,  make  themselves  more  and  more 
widely  felt,  till,  by  a  sort  of  silent  sympathy,  they 
spread  to  the  remotest  corners  of  the  land.  Some 
intimations  of  such  a  change  of  sentiment  at  length 
found  their  way  to  Lima,  although  all  accounts  of 
the  president's  mission  had  been  jealously  excluded 
from  that  capital.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  himself  became 
sensible  of  these  symptoms  of  disaffection,  though 
almost  too  faint  and  feeble,  as  yet,  for  the  most  ex- 
perienced eye  to  descry  in  them  the  coming  tempest. 

Several  of  the  president's  proclamations  had  been 
forwarded  to  Gonzalo  by  his  faithful  partisans  ;  and 
Carbajal,  who  had  been  summoned  from  Potosi,  de- 
clared they  were  "more  to  be  dreaded  than  the 
lances  of  Castile." 3  Yet  Pizarro  did  not,  for  a  mo- 
ment, lose  his  confidence  in  his  own  strength  ;  and 
with  a  navy  like  that  now  in  Panama  at  his  com- 
mand, he  felt  he  might  bid  defiance  to  any  enemy 
on  his  coasts.  He  had  implicit  confidence  in  the 
fidelity  of  Hinojosa. 

It  was  at  this  period  that  Paniagua  arrived  off  the 
port  with  Gasca's  despatches  to  Pizarro,  consisting 
of  the  emperor's  letter  and  his  own.  They  were 
instantly  submitted  by  that  chieftain  to  his  trusty 

3    "  Que  eran   mas    de    temer    ReydeCastilla."  Fernandez,  Hist, 
aquellas  cartas  que  a  las  la^as  del    del  Peru  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  45. 


CH.  II.]        DEFECTION  OF  PIZARRO'S  FOLLOWERS.  367 

counsellors,  Carbajal  and  Cepeda,  and  their  opinions 
asked  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued.  It  was  the 
crisis  of  Pizarro's  fate. 

»  '  S** 

Carbajal,  whose  sagacious  eye  fully  comprehended 
the  position  in  which  they  stood,  was  in  favor  of  ac- 
cepting the  royal  grace  on  the  terms  proposed ; 
and  he  intimated  his  sense  of  their  importance  by 
declaring,  that  "he  would  pave  the  way  for  the 
bearer  of  them  into  the  capital  with  ingots  of  gold 
and  silver." 4  Cepeda  was  of  a  different  way  of 
thinking.  He  was  a  judge  of  the  Royal  Audience ; 
and  had  been  sent  to  Peru  as  the  immediate  coun- 
sellor of  Blasco  Nunez.  But  he  had  turned  against 
the  viceroy,  had  encountered  him  in  battle,  and  his 
garments  might  be  said  to  be  yet  wet  with  his 
blood  !  What  grace  was  there,  then,  for  him  ? 
Whatever  respect  might  be  shown  to  the  letter  of 
the  royal  provisions,  in  point  of  fact,  he  must  ever 
live  under  the  Castilian  rule  a  ruined  man.  He 
accordingly  strongly  urged  the  rejection  of  Gasca's 
offers.  "  They  will  cost  you  your  government," 
he  said  to  Pizarro ;  "  the  smooth-tongued  priest  is 
not  so  simple  a  person  as  you  take  him  to  be.  He 
is  deep  and  politic.5  He  knows  well  what  promises 
to  make ;  and,  once  master  of  the  country,  he  will 
know,  too,  how  to  keep  them." 


4  "  Y  le  enladrillen  los  cami-  5  "  Que  no  lo  embiauan  por 
nos  por  do  viniere  con  barras  de  hombre  sencillo  y  llano,  sino  de 
plata,  y  tejos  de  Oro."  Garci-  grandes  cautelas,  astucias,  false- 
lasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  dades  y  enganos."  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 
cap.  5. 


368  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boos  V. 

***/' 

Carbajal  was  not  shaken  by  the  arguments  or 
the  sneers  of  his  companions ;  and  as  the  discus- 
sion waxed  warm,  Cepeda  taxed  his  opponent  with 
giving  counsel  suggested  by  fears  for  his  own  safety, 
—  a  foolish  taunt,  sufficiently  disproved  by  the  whole 
life  of  the  doughty  old  warrior.  Carbajal  did  not 
insist  further  on  his  own  views,  however,  as  he  found 
them  unwelcome  to  Pizarro,  and  contented  himself 
with  coolly  remarking,  that  "  he  had,  indeed,  no 
relish  for  rebellion  ;  but  he  had  as  long  a  neck  for  a 
halter,  he  believed,  as  any  of  his  companions  ;  and 
as  he  could  hardly  expect  to  live  much  longer,  at 
any  rate,  it  was,  after  all,  of  little  moment  to  him." 6 

Pizarro,  spurred  on  by  a  fiery  ambition  that  over- 
leaped every  obstacle,7  did  not  condescend  to  count 
the  desperate  chances  of  a  contest  with  the  Crown. 
He  threw  his  own  weight  into  the  scale  with  Cepe- 
da. The  offer  of  grace  was  rejected ;  and  he  thus 
cast  away  the  last  tie  which  held  him  to  his  coun- 
try, and,  by  the  act,  proclaimed  himself  a  rebel.8 


6  "  For  lo  demas,  quado  acaezca  powering  him,  in  case  he  judged  it 
otra  cosa,  ya  yo  he  viuido  muchos  necessary  to  the  preservation  of 
anos,  y  tengo  tan  hue  palmo  de  the  royal  authority,  to  confirm  Pi- 
pescueco  para  la  soga,  como  cada  zarro  in  the  government,  "  it  being 
uno  de  vuesas  mercedes."    Ibid.,  little  matter  if  the    Devil    ruled 
loc.  cit.  there,    provided    the    country  re- 

7  "  Loca  y  luciferina  soberuia,"  mained    to    the    Crown  !  "      The 
as  Fernandez  characterizes  the  as-  fact  was  so  reported  by  Paniagua, 
piring  temper  of  Gonzalo.     Hist,  who  continued  in  Peru  after  these 
del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  15.  events.     (Com.    Real.,    Parte   2, 

8  MS.  de  Caravantes.  lib.  5,  cap.  5.)     This  is  possible. 
According  to  Garcilasso,  Pania-  But    it  is  more  probable  that   a 

gua  was  furnished  with  secret  in-  credulous  gossip,  like  Garcilasso, 

structions  by  the  president,   em-  should  be  in  error,  than  that  Charles 


CH.  II.]       DEFECTION  OF  PIZARRO'S  FOLLOWERS.  369 

It  was  not  long  after  the  departure  of  Paniagua, 
that  Pizarro  received  tidings  of  the  defection  of 
Aldana  and  Hinojosa,  and  of  the  surrender  of  the 
fleet,  on  which  he  had  expended  an  immense  sum, 
as  the  chief  bulwark  of  his  power.  This  unwel- 
come intelligence  was  followed  by  accounts  of  the 
further  defection  of  some  of  the  principal  towns 
in  the  north,  and  of  the  assassination  of  Puelles, 
the  faithful  lieutenant  to  whom  he  had  confided 
the  government  of  Quito.  It  was  not  very  long, 
also,  before  he  found  his  authority  assailed  in 
the  opposite  quarter  at  Cuzco ;  for  Centeno,  the 
loyal  chieftain  who,  as  the  reader  may  remember, 
had  been  driven  by  Carbajal  to  take  refuge  in  a 
cave  near  Arequipa,  had  issued  from  his  conceal- 
ment after  remaining  there  a  year,  and,  on  learning 
the  arrival  of  Gasca,  had  again  raided  the  royal 
standard.  Then  collecting  a  small  body  of  follow- 
ers, and  falling  on  Cuzco  by  night,  he  made  himself 
master  of  that  capital,  defeated  the  garrison  who 
held  it,  and  secured  it  for  the  CrowTn.  Marching 
soon  after  into  the  province  of  Charcas,  the  bold 
chief  allied  himself  with  the  officer  who  commanded 
for  Pizarro  in  La  Plata ;  and  their  combined  forces, 
to  the  number  of  a  thousand,  took  up  a  position  on 
the  borders  of  Lake  Titicaca,  where  the  two  cava- 
liers coolly  waited  an  opportunity  to  take  the  field 
against  their  ancient  commander. 

the  Fifth  should  have  been  prepared  selected  for  Gasca's  confidence 
to  make  such  an  acknowledgment  should  have  so  indiscreetly  betray^ 
of  his  imbecility,  or  that  the  man  ed  his  trust. 

VOL.  II.  47 


370  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [Boo*  V. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro,  touched  to  the  heart  by  the  de- 
sertion of  those  in  whom  he  most  confided,  was 
stunned  by  the  dismal  tidings  of  his  losses  coming 
so  thick  upon  him.  Yet  he  did  not  waste  his  time 
in  idle  crimination  or  complaint;  but  immediately 
set  about  making  preparations  to  meet  the  storm 
with  all  his  characteristic  energy.  He  wrote,  at 
once,  to  such  of  his  captains  as  he  believed  still 
faithful,  commanding  them  to  be  ready  with  their 
troops  to  march  to  his  assistance  at  the  shortest 
notice.  He  reminded  them  of  their  obligations  to 
him,  and  that  their  interests  were  identical  with 
his  own.  The  president's  commission,  he  added, 
had  been  made  out  before  the  news  had  reached 
Spain  of  the  battle  of  Anaquito,  and  could  never 
cover  a  pardon  to  those  concerned  in  the  death  of 
the  viceroy.9 

Pizarro  was  equally  active  in  enforcing  his  levies 
in  the  capital,  and  in  putting  them  in  the  best  fight- 
ing order.  He  soon  saw  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
thousand  men,  beautifully  equipped,  and  complete  in 
all  their  appointments  ;  "  as  gallant  an  array,"  says 
an  old  writer,  "  though  so  small  in  number,  as  ever 
trod  the  plains  of  Italy,"  —  displaying  in  the  ex- 
cellence of  their  arms,  their  gorgeous  uniforms,  and 
the  caparisons  of  their  horses,  a  magnificence  that 
could  be  furnished  only  by  the  silver  of  Peru. 


10 


9    Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y  lib.  2,  cap.  45,  59.  —  Montesinos, 

Conq.,   MS. —  Zarate,   Conq.  del  Annales,  MS.,  afio  1547. 
Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  11,  13. — Fer-        10  "  Mil  Hombres  tan  bien  ar- 

nandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  mados  i  adere9ados,  como  se  han 


CH.  II.]  HE  MUSTERS  HIS  LEVIES.  371 

Each  company  was  provided  with  a  new  stand  of 
colors,  emblazoned  with  its  peculiar  device.  Some 
bore  the  initials  and  arms  of  Pizarro,  and  one  or 
two  of  these  were  audaciously  surmounted  by  a 
crown,  as  if  to  intimate  the  rank  to  which  their 
commander  might  aspire.11 

Among  the  leaders  most  conspicuous  on  this  oc- 
casion was  Cepeda,  "  who,"  in  the  words  of  a  writ- 
er of  his  time,  "had  exchanged  the  robe  of  the 
licentiate  for  the  plumed  casque  and  mailed  harness 
of  the  warrior."12  But  the  cavalier  to  whom  Pi- 
zarro confided  the  chief  care  of  organizing  his  bat- 
talions was  the  veteran  Garbajal,  who  had  studied 
the  art  of  war  under  the  best  captains  of  Europe, 
and  whose  life  of  adventure  had  been  a  practical 
commentary  on  their  early  lessons..  It  was  on  his 


visto  en  Italia,  en  la  maior  prospe-  ello   despacho  cartas  a  todas  las 

ridad,  porque  ninguno  havia,  demas  ciudades  del  Peru."    (Montesinos, 

de  las  Armas,  que  no  llevase  Cal-  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1547.)     But  it 

gas,  i  Jubon  de  Seda,  i  muchos  de  is  hardly  probable  he  could  have 

Tela  de  Oro,  i  de  Brocade,  i  otros  placed  so  blind  a  confidence  in  the 

bordados,   i  recamados  de  Oro,  i  colonists  at  this  crisis,  as  to  have 

Plata,  con  mucha  Chaperia  de  Oro  meditated  so   rash  a  step.     The 

por  los  Sombreros,  i  especialmente  loyal   Castilian  historians   are  not 

por  Frascos,  i  Caxas  de  Arcubu-  slow  to  receive  reports  to  the  dis- 

ces."    Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  credit  of  the  rebel. 
6,  cap.  11.  12  «  El    qual  en    este   tiempo, 

11  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  oluidado  de  lo  que  conuenia  a  sua 

Some  writers  even  assert  that  letras,   y  profession,   y  officio   de 

Pizarro  was  preparing  for  his  coro-  Oydor ;    salio  en  calgas  jubon,   y 

nation  at  this  time,  and  that  he  had  cuera,   de  muchos  recamados  :    y 

actually  despatched   his  summons  gorra  con  plumas."     Fernandez, 

to  the  different  towns  to  send  their  Hist,   del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2, 

deputies  to  assist  at  it.     "  Queria  cap.  62. 
apresurar  su  coronacion,    y  para 


372  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE   COUNTRY.          [Boo*  V. 

arm  that  Gonzalo  most  leaned  in  the  hour  of  dan- 
ger ;  and  well  had  it  been  for  him,  if  he  had 
profited  by  his  counsels  at  an  earlier  period. 

It  gives  one  some  idea  of  the  luxurious  accommo- 
dations of  Pizarro's  forces,  that  he  endeavoured  to 
provide  each  of  his  musketeers  with  a  horse.  The 
expenses  incurred  by  him  were  enormous.  The  im- 
mediate cost  of  his  preparations,  we  are  told,  was 
not  less  than  half  a  million  of  pesos  de  oro ;  and  his 
pay  to  the  cavaliers,  and,  indeed,  to  the  common 
soldiers,  in  his  little  army,  was  on  an  extravagant 
scale,  nowhere  to  be  met  with  but  on  the  silver 
soil  of  Peru.13 

When  his  own  fun<Js  were  exhausted,  he  supplied 
the  deficiency  by  fines  imposed  on  the  rich  citizens 
of  Lima  as  the  price  of  exemption  from  service,  by 
forced  loans,  and  various  other  schemes  of  military 
exaction.14  From  this  time,  it  is  said,  the  chieftain's 
temper  underwent  a  visible  change.15  He  became 
more  violent  in  his  passions,  more  impatient  of 
control,  and  indulged  more  freely  in  acts  of  cruelty 
and  license.  The  desperate  cause  in  which  he 
was  involved  made  him  reckless  of  consequences. 
Though  naturally  frank  and  confiding,  the  frequent 
defection '  of  his  followers  filled  him  with  suspicion. 
He  knew  not  in  whom  to  confide.  Every  one  who 


13   Ibid.,  ubi    supra.  —  Zarate,  lf  Fernandez,  Parte   I,  lib.   2, 

Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  11. —  cap.   62.  —  Montesinos,  Annales, 

Herrera,  Hist.   General,    dec.   8,  MS.,  ano  1547. 

lib.  3,  cap.  5. —  Montesinos,  An-  15  Gomara,   Hist,   de  las  Ind., 

nales,  ano  1547.  cap.  172. 


Ce.  II.]  AGITATION  IN  LIMA.  373 

showed  himself  indifferent  to  his  cause,  or  was  sus- 
pected of  being  so,  was  dealt  with  as  an  open  ene- 
my. The  greatest  distrust  prevailed  in  Lima.  No 
man  dared  confide  in  his  neighbour.  Some  concealed 
their  effects ;  others  contrived  to  elude  the  vigilance 
of  the  sentinels,  and  hid  themselves  in  the  neigh- 
bouring woods  and  mountains.16  No  one  was  allow- 
ed to  enter  or  leave  the  city  without  a  license.  All 
commerce,  all  intercourse,  with  other  places  was 
cut  off.  It  was  long  since  the  fifths  belonging  to 
the  Crown  had  been  remitted  to  Castile ;  as  Pi- 
zarro  had  appropriated  them  to  his  own  use.  He 
now  took  possession  of  the  mints,  broke  up  the  royal 
stamps,  and  issued  a  debased  coin,  emblazoned  with 
his  own  cipher.17  It  was  the  most  decisive  act  of 
sovereignty. 

At  this  gloomy  period,  the  lawyer  Cepeda  contriv- 
ed a  solemn  farce,  the  intent  of  which  was  to  give  a 
sort  of  legal  sanction  to  the  rebel  cause  in  the  eyes 
of  the  populace.  He  caused  a  process  to  be  pre- 
pared against  Gasca,  Hinojosa,  and  Aldana,  in  which 
they  were  accused  of  treason  against  the  existing 


16  "  Andaba  la  Gente  tan  asom-  "  Assi  mismo  echo  Gozalo  Picarro 
brada  con  el  temor  de  la  muerte,  a  toda  la  plata  que  gastaua  y  destri- 
que  no  se  podian  entender,  ni  te-  buya  su  marca,  que   era  una  G. 
nian  animo  para  huir,  i  algunos,  rebuelta  en  una  P.  y  pregon6  que 
que    hallaron    mejor    aparejo,    se  so  pena  de  muerte,  todos  recibiessen 
escondieron  por  los   Canaverales,  por  plata  fina  la  que  tuuiesse  aquel- 
i  Cuevas,  enterrando  sus  Hacien-  la  marca:  sin  ensayo,  ni  otra  dili- 
das."     Zarate,   Conq.    del    Peru,  gencia  alguna.      Y    desta    suerte 
lib.  6,  cap.  15.  hizo  passar  mucha    plata   de  ley 

17  Rel.  Anonima,  MS.  —  Mon-  baja  por  fina."     Fernandez,  Hist, 
tesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1547.  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  62. 


374  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boos  V. 

government  of  Peru,  were  convicted,  and  condemn- 
ed to  death.  This  instrument  he  submitted  to  a 
number  of  jurists  in  the  capita],  requiring  their  sig- 
natures. But  they  had  no  mind  thus  inevitably  to 
implicate  themselves,  by  affixing  their  names  to  such 
a  paper  ;  and  they  evaded  it  by  representing,  that  it 
would  only  serve  to  cut  off  all  chance,  should  any  of 
the  accused  be  so  disposed,  of  their  again  embracing 
the  cause  they  had  deserted.  Cepeda  was  the  only 
man  who  signed  the  document.  Carbajal  treated 
the  whole  thing  with  ridicule.  "  What  is  the  ob- 
ject of  your  process  ?  "  said  he  to  Cepeda.  "  Its 
object,"  replied  the  latter,  "is  to  prevent  delay, 
that,  if  taken  at  any  time,  the  guilty  party  may  be 
at  once  led  to  execution."  "I  cry  you  mercy," 
retorted  Carbajal;  "  I  thought  there  must  be  some 
virtue  in  the  instrument,  that  would  have  killed 
them  outright.  Let  but  one  of  these  same  trai- 
tors fall  into  my  hands,  and  I  will  march  him  off 
to  execution,  without  waiting  for  the  sentence  of  a 
court,  I  promise  you  !  " 18 

While  this  paper  war  was  going  on,  news  was 
brought  that  Aid  ana's  squadron  was  off  the  port  of 
Callao.  That  commander  had  sailed  from  Panama, 

"    •  •*:"  t  '* '' 

18  "  Riose  mucho  entonces  Car-  2,  cap.  55.)  Among  the  jurists  in 
uajal  y  dixo ;  que  segu  auia  hecho  Lima  who  thus  independently  re- 
la  instancia,  que  auia  entendido,  sisted  Cepeda's  requisition  to  sign 
que  la  justicia  como  rayo,  auia  de  the  paper  was  the  Licentiate  Polo 
yr  luego  a  justiciaries.  Y  dezia  Ondegardo,  a  man  of  much  discre- 
que  si  el  los  tuuiesse  presos,  no  se  tion,  and  one  of  the  best  authorities 
le  daria  vn  clauo  por  su  sentecia,  for  the  ancient  institutions  of  the 
ni  firmas."  (Ibid.,  Parte  1,  lib.  Incas. 


*        '•+.-•  ^.« 
^          •**      '  &1  ^ 


CH.  II.]  HE  ABANDONS  THE  CITY.  375 

the  middle  of  February,  1547.  On  his  passage 
down  the  coast  he  had  landed  at  Truxillo,  where 
the  citizens  welcomed  him  with  enthusiasm,  and 
eagerly  proclaimed  their  submission  to  the  royal 
authority.  He  received,  at  the  same  time,  mes- 
sages from  several  of  Pizarro's  officers  in  the  in- 
terior, intimating  their  return  to  their  duty,  and 
their  readiness  to  support  the  president.  Aldana 
named  Caxamalca  as  a  place  of  rendezvous,  where 
they  should  concentrate  their  forces,  and  wait  the 
landing  of  Gasca.  He  then  continued  his  voyage 
towards  Lima. 

No  sooner  was  Pizarro  informed  of  his  approach, 
than,  fearful  lest  it  might  have  a  disastrous  effect  in 
seducing  his  followers  from  their  fidelity,  he  marched 
them  about  a  league  out  of  the  city,  and  there  en- 
camped. He  was  two  leagues  from  the  coast,  and 
he  posted  a  guard  on  the  shore,  to  intercept  all  com- 
munication with  the  vessels.  Before  leaving  the 
capital,  Cepeda  resorted  to  an  expedient  for  securing 
the  inhabitants  more  firmly,  as  he  conceived,  in  Pi- 
zarro's interests.  He  caused  the  citizens  to  be  as- 
sembled, and  made  them  a  studied  harangue,  in  which 
he  expatiated  on  the  services  of  their  governor,  and 
the  security  which  the  country  had  enjoyed  under 
his  rule.  He  then  told  them  that  every  man  was  at 
liberty  to  choose  for  himself ;  to  remain  under  the 
protection  of  their  present  ruler,  or,  if  they  prefer- 
red, to  transfer  their  allegiance  to  his  enemy.  He 
invited  them  to  speak  their  minds,  but  required  every 
one  who  would  still  continue  under  Pizarro  to  take 


376  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BOOK  V. 

an  oath  of  fidelity  to  his  cause,  with  the  assurance, 
that,  if  any  should  be  so  false  hereafter  as  to  vio- 
late this  pledge,  he  should  pay  for  it  with  his  life.19 
There  was  no  one  found  bold  enough  —  with  his 
head  thus  in  the  lion's  mouth  —  to  swerve  from 
his  obedience  to  Pizarro ;  and  every  man  took  the 
oath  prescribed,  which  was  administered  in  the 
most  solemn  and  imposing  form  by  the  licentiate. 
Carbajal,  as  usual,  made  a  jest  of  the  whole  pro- 
ceeding. "  How  long,"  he  asked  his  companion, 
"  do  you  think  these  same  oaths  will  stand  ?  The 
first  wind  that  blows  off  the  coast  after  we  are  gone 
will  scatter  them  in  air ! "  His  prediction  was 
soon  verified. 

Meantime,  Aldana  anchored  off  the  port,  where 
there  was  no  vessel  of  the  insurgents  to  molest  him. 
By  Cepeda's  advice,  some  four  or  five  had  been 
burnt  a  short  time  before,  during  the  absence  of 
Carbajal,  in  order  to  cut  off  all  means  by  which  the 
inhabitants  could  leave  the  place.  This  was  deeply 
deplored  by  the  veteran  soldier  on  his  return.  "  It 
was  destroying,"  he  said,  "the  guardian  angels  of 
Lima."30  And  certainly,  under  such  a  commander, 
they  might  now  have  stood  Pizarro  in  good  stead ; 
but  his  star  was  on  the  wane. 

The  first  act  of  Aldana  was  to  cause  the  copy 

19  Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y  2°  "  Entre  otras  cosas  dixo  a 

Conq.,    MS.  —  Fernandez,   Hist. '  Gongalo    Pizarro    vuesa    Senoria 

del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  61.  mando  quemar  cinco   angeles  que 

—  Montesinos,  Annales,  MS.,  afio  tenia  en  su  puerto  para  guarda  y 

1547.  —  Zarate,    Conq.  del  Peru,  defensa  de  la    costa   del    Peru." 

lib.  6,  cap.  11,  14.  Garcilasso,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  6. 


CH   II.]  HE  ABANDONS  THE  CITY.  377 

of  Gasca's  powers,  with  which  he  had  been  intrust- 
ed, to  be  conveyed  to  his  ancient  commander,  by 
whom  it  was  indignantly  torn  in  pieces.  Aldana 
next  contrived,  by  means  of  his  agents,  to  circulate 
among  the  citizens,  and  even  the  soldiers  of  the 
camp,  the  president's  manifestoes.  They  were  not 
long  in  producing  their  effect.  Few  had  been  at  all 
aware  of  the  real  purport  of  Gasca's  mission,  of  the 
extent  of  his  powers,  or  of  the  generous  terms  of- 
fered by  government.  They  shrunk  from  the  des-  . 
perate  course  into  which  they  had  been  thus  unwa- 
rily seduced,  and  they  sought  only  in  what  way  they 
could,  with  least  danger,  extricate  themselves  from 
their  present  position,  and  return  to  their  allegiance* 
Some  escaped  by  night  frtim  the  camp,  eluded  the 
vigilance  of  the  sentinels,  and  effected  their  retreat 
on  board  the  vessels.  Some  were  taken,  and  found 
no  quarter  at  the  hands  of  Carbajal  and  his  merci- 
less ministers.  But,  where  the  spirit  of  disaffection 
was  abroad,  means  of  escape  were  not  wanting. 

As  the  fugitives  were  cut  off  from  Lima  and  the 
neighbouring  coast,  they  secreted  themselves  in  the 
forests  and  mountains,  and  watched  their  opportuni- 
ty for  making  their  way  to  Truxillo  and  other  ports 
at  a  distance ;  and  so  contagious  was  the  example, 
that  it  not  unfrequently  happened  that  the  very 
soldiers  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  deserters  joined  with 
them.  Among  those  that  fled  was  the  Licentiate 
Carbajal,  who  must  not  be  confounded  with  his 
military  namesake.  He  was  the  same  cavalier 
whose  brother  had  been  put  to  death  in  Lima  by 

VOL.   II.  48 


378  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BOOK  V. 

Blasco  Nunez,  and  who  revenged  himself,  as  we 
have  seen,  by  imbruing  his  own  hands  in  the  blood 
of  the  viceroy.  That  a  person  thus  implicated 
should  trust  to  the  royal  pardon  showed  that  no  one 
need  despair  of  it ;  and  the  example  proved  most 
disastrous  to  Pizarro.21 

Carbajal,  who  made  a  jest  of  every  thing,  even 
of  the  misfortunes  which  pinched  him  the  sharp- 
est, when  told  of  the  desertion  of  his  comrades, 
amused  himself  by  humming  the  words  of  a  popular 
ditty :  — 

"  The  wind  blows  the  hairs  off  my  head,  mother; 
Two  at  a  time,  it  blows  them  away !  "  %* 

But  the  defection  of  his  .followers  made  a  deeper 
impression  on  Pizarro,  and  he  was  sorely  distressed 
as  he  beheld  the  gallant  array,  to  which  he  had  so 
confidently  looked  for  gaining  his  battles,  thus  melt- 
ing away  like  a  morning  mist.  Bewildered  by  the 
treachery  of  those  in  whom  he  had  most  trusted,  he 
knew  not  where  to  turn,  nor  what  course  to  take. 
It  was  evident  that  he  must  leave  his  present  dan- 
gerous quarters  without  loss  of  time.  But  whither 
should  he  direct  his  steps  ?  In  the  north,  the  great 
towns  had  abandoned  his  cause,  and  the  president 
was  already  marching  against  him ;  while  Centeno 

held  the  passes  of  the  south,  with  a  force  double  his 
f 

21    Pedro  .Pizarro,     Descub.     y          &  " Estos  mis  Cabellicos,  Madre, 
Conq. ,  MS.  —  Gomara,  Hist,  de  Dos  a  d°3  me  los  lleva  el  Aire-" 

las  Ind.,  cap.    180.  —  Fernandez,     Gomara,  Hist,   de  las  Ind.,  cap. 
Hist,  del   Peru,   Parte  1,   lib.   2,     180. 
cap.  63,  65.  —  Zarate,  Conq.  del 
Peru,  lib.  6,  cap.  15,  16. 


CH.  II.]  HE  ABANDONS  THE  CITY.  379 

own.  In  this  emergency,  he  at  length  resolved  to 
occupy  Arequipa,  a  seaport  still  true  to  him,  where 
he  might  remain  till  he  had  decided  on  some  future 
course  of  operations. 

After  a  painful  but  rapid  march,  Gonzalo  arrived 
at  this  place,  where  he  was  speedily  joined  by  a  re- 
inforcement that  he  had  detached  for  the  recovery 
of  Cuzco.  But  so  frequent  had  been  the  deser- 
tions from  both  companies,  —  though  in  Pizarro's 
corps  these  had  greatly  lessened  since  the  departure 
from  the  neighbourhood  of  Lima,  • —  that  his  whole 
number  did  not  exceed  five  hundred  men,  less  than 
half  of  the  force  which  he  had  so  recently  mustered 
in  the  capital.  To  such  humble  circumstances  was 
the  man  now  reduced,  who  had  so  lately  lorded 
it  over  the  land  with  unlimited  sway!  Still  the 
chief  did  not  despond.  He  had  gathered  new  spirit 
from  the  excitement  of  his  march  and  his  distance 
from  Lima;  and  he  seemed  to  recover  his  former 
confidence,  as  he  exclaimed,  —  "  It  is  misfortune 
that  teaches  us  who  are  our  friends.  If  but  ten 
only  remain  true  to  me,  fear  not  but  I  will  again  be 
master  of  Peru  !  " 23 

No  sooner  had  the  rebel  forces  withdrawn  from 
the  neighbourhood  of  Lima,  than  the  inhabitants  of 
that  city,  little  troubled,  as  Carbajal  had  predicted, 
by  their  compulsory  oaths  of  allegiance  to  Pizarro, 
threw  open  their  gates  to  Aldana,  who  took  posses- 


23  "  Aunque  siempre  dijo :  que  de  nuevo  el  Peril :  tanta  era  su 
con  diez  Amigos  que  le  quedasen,  sana,  6  su  sobervia."  Ibid.,  loc. 
havia  de  conservarse,  i  conquistar  cit. 


380  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boos  V. 

sion  of  this  important  place  in  the  name  of  the  pres- 
ident. That  commander,  meanwhile,  had  sailed 
with  his  whole  fleet  from  Panama,  on  the  tenth  of 
April,  1547.  The  first  part  of  his  voyage  was 
prosperous ;  but  he  was  soon  perplexed  by  contrary 
currents,  and  the  weather  became  rough  and  tem- 
pestuous. The  violence  of  the  storm  continuing 
day  after  day,  the  sea  was  lashed  into  fury,  and  the 
fleet  was  tossed  about  on  the  billows,  which  ran 
mountain  high,  as  if  emulating  the  wild  character 
of  the  region  they  bounded.  The  rani  descended 
in  torrents,  and  the  lightning  was  so  incessant, 
that  the  vessels,  to  quote  the  lively  language  of  the 
chronicler,  "  seemed  to  be  driving  through  seas  of 
flame !  " M  The  hearts  of  the  stoutest  mariners 
were  filled  with  dismay.  They  considered  it  hope- 
less to  struggle  against  the  elements,  and  they  loud- 
ly demanded  to  return  to  the  continent,  and  post- 
pone the  voyage  till  a  more  favorable  season  of  the 
year. 

But  the  president  saw  in  this  the  ruin  of  his 
cause,  as  well  as  of  the  loyal  vassals  who  had  en- 
gaged, on  his  landing,  to  support  it.  "  I  am  willing 
to  die,"  he  said,  "  but  not  to  return  " ;  and,  regard- 
less of  the  remonstrances  of  his  more  timid  follow- 
ers, he  insisted  on  carrying  as  much  sail  as  the 

'•&'  ' 

24  "  Y  los  truenos  y  relapagos  Peru,   Parte  1,   lib.  2,   cap.  71.) 

eran  tantos  y  tales ;  que  siempre  The  vivid  coloring  of  the  old  chron- 

parecia  que  estauan  en  llamas,  y  icier  shows   that  he  had  himself 

que  sobre  ellos  venian  Rayos  (que  been  familiar  with  these  tropical 

en  todas  aquellas  partes  caen  mu-  tempests  on  the  Pacific, 
chos)."      (Fernandez,    Hist,    del 


CH.  II.]  GASCA  SAILS  FROM   PANAMA.  381 

' 

ships  could  possibly  bear,  at  every  interval  of  the 
storm.25  Meanwhile,  to  divert  the  minds  of  the 
seamen  from  their  present  danger,  Gasca  amused 
them  by  explaining  some  of  the  strange  phenom- 
ena exhibited  by  the  ocean  in  the  tempest,  which 
had  filled  their  superstitious  minds  with  mysterious 
dread.26 

Signals  had  been  given  for  the  ships  to  make  the 
best  of  their  way,  each  for  itself,  to  the  island  of 
Gorgona.  Here  they  arrived,  one  after  another, 
with  but  a  single  exception,  though  all  more  or  less 
shattered  by  the  weather.  The  president  waited 
only  for  the  fury  of  the  elements  to  spend  itself, 
when  he  again  embarked,  and,  on  smoother  waters, 
crossed  over  to  Manta.  From  this  place  he  soon 
after  continued  his  voyage  to  Tumbez,  and  landed 
at  that  port  on  the  thirteenth  of  June.  He  was 
everywhere  received  with  enthusiasm,  and  all  seem- 
ed anxious  to  efface  the  remembrance  of  the  past 
by  professions  of  future  fidelity  to  the  Crown.  Gas- 
ca received,  also,  numerous  letters  of  congratulation 
from  cavaliers  in  the  interior,  most  of  whom  had 
formerly  taken  service  under  Pizarro.  He  made 

25  "  Y  con  lo  poco  que  en  aquella  observed  to  hover  round  the  masts 
sazon,   el  Presidente  estimaua  la  and  rigging  of  the  president's  ves- 
vida  si  no  auia  de  hazer  la  Jornada  :  sel ;   and  he  amused  the  seamen, 
y  el  gran  desseo  que  tenia  de  ha-  according    to   Fernandez,    by  ex- 
zerla  se  puso  cotra  ellos  diziendo,  plaining  the  phenomenon,  and  tell- 
que  qual  quiera  que  le  tocasse  en  ing  the  fables  to  which  they  had 
abaxar  vela,   le  costaria  la  vida."  given  rise  in  ancient  mythology. — 
Fernandez,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  71.  This  little  anecdote  affords  a  key 

26  The  phosphoric  lights,  some-  to  Gasca's  popularity  with    even 
times  seen  in  a  storm  at  sea,  were  the  humblest  classes. 


*  * 


382  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BooK  V. 

courteous  acknowledgments  for  their  offers  of  assist- 
ance, and  commanded  them  to  repair  to  Caxamalca, 
the  general  place  of  rendezvous. 

To  this  same  spot  he  sent  Hinojosa,  so  soon  as 
that  officer  had  disembarked  with  the  land  forces 
from  the  fleet,  ordering  him  to  take  command  of  the 
levies  assembled  there,  and  then  join  him  at  Xauxa. 
Here  he  determined  to  establish  his  head-quarters. 
It  lay  in  a  rich  and  abundant  territory,  and  by  its 
central  position  afforded  a  point  for  acting  with 
greatest  advantage  against  the  enemy. 

He  then  moved  forward,  at  the  head  of  a  small 
detachment  of  cavalry,  along  the  level  road  on  the 
coast  towards  Tmxillo.  After  halting  for  a  short 
time  in  that  loyal  city,  he  traversed  the  mountain 
range  on  the  southeast,  and  soon  entered  the  fruit- 
ful valley  of  Xauxa.  There  he  was  presently  joined 
by  reinforcements  from  the  north,  as  well  as  from 
the  principal  places  on  the  coast;  and,  not  long 
after  his  arrival,  received  a  message  from  Cen- 
teno,  informing  him  that  he  held  the  passes  by 
which  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  preparing  to  make  his 
escape  from  the  country,  and  that  the  insurgent 
chief  must  soon  fall  into  his  hands. 

The  royal  camp  was  greatly  elated  by  these 
tidings.  The  war,  then,  was  at  length  terminated, 
and  that  without  the  president  having  been  called 
upon  so  much  as  to  lift  his  sword  against  a  Span- 
iard. Several  of  his  counsellors  now  advised  him  to 
disband  the  greater  part  of  his  forces,  as  burden- 
some and  no  longer  necessary.  But  the  president 


. 
CH.  II.]  BLOODY  BATTLE  OF  HUARINA.  383 

was  too  wise  to  weaken  his  strength  before  he  had 
secured  the  victory.  He  consented,  however,  to 
countermand  the  requisition  for  levies  from  Mexico 
and  the  adjoining  colonies,  as  now  feeling  sufficient- 
ly strong  in  the  general  loyalty  of  the  country. 
But,  concentrating  his  forces  at  Xauxa,  he  estab- 
lished his  quarters  in  that  town,  as  he  had  first  in- 
tended, resolved  to  await  there  tidings  of  the  opera- 
tions in  the  south.  The  result  was  different  from 
what  he  had  expected.27 

Pizarro,  meanwhile,  whom  we  left  at  Arequipa, 
had  decided,  after  much  deliberation,  to  evacuate 
Peru,  and  pass  into  Chili.  In  this  territory,  beyond 
the  president's  jurisdiction,  he  might  find  a  safe  re- 
treat. The  fickle  people,  he  thought,  would  soon 
weary  of  their  new  ruler ;  and  he  would  then  rally 
in  sufficient  strength  to  resume  active  operations  for 
the  recovery  of  his  domain.  Such  we,re  the  calcula- 
tions of  the  rebel  chieftain.  But  how  was  he  to 
effect  his  object,  while  the  passes  among  the  moun- 
tains, where  his  route  lay,  were  held  by  Centeno 
with  a  force  more  than  double  his  ow7n  ?  He  re- 


27  For  the  preceding  pages,  see  ties  of  information  which  have  en- 
Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  abled  him  to  furnish  several  par- 
MS.  —  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  ticulars  not  to  be  met  with  else- 
lib.  7,  cap.  1.  —  Herrera,  Hist,  where.,  respecting  the  principal 
General,  dec.  8,  lib.  3,  cap.  14,  et  actors  in  these  turbulent  times, 
seq.  —  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  His  work,  still  in  manuscript,  which 
Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  71-77. — MS.  formerly  existed  in  the  archives  of 
de  Caravantes.  the  University  of  Salamanca,  has 

This  last  writer,  who  held  an  been  transferred  to  the  King's  li- 

important  post  in  the   department  brary  at  Madrid, 
of  colonial  finance,  had  opportuni- 


384  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BOOK  V. 

solved  to  try  negotiation  ;  for  that  captain  had  once 
served  under  him,  and  had,  indeed,  been  most  ac- 
tive in  persuading  Pizarro  to  take  on  himself  the 
office  of  procurator.  Advancing,  accordingly,  in  the 
direction  of  Lake  Titicaca,  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
which  Centeno  had  pitched  his  camp,  Gonzalo  de- 
spatched an  emissary  to  his  quarters  to  open  a  ne- 
gotiation. He  called  to  his  adversary's  recollection 
the  friendly  relations  that  had  once  subsisted  be- 
tween them ;  and  reminded  him  of  one  occasion  in 
particular,  in  which  he  had  spared  his  life,  when 
convicted  of  a  conspiracy  against  himself.  He 
harboured  no  sentiments  of  unkindness,  he  said, 
for  Centeno's  recent  conduct,  and  had  not  now 
come  to  seek  a  quarrel  with  him.  His  purpose  was 
to  abandon  Peru  ;  and  the  only  favor  he  had  to  re- 
quest of  his  former  associate  was  to  leave  him  a 
free  passage  across  the  mountains. 

To  this  communication  Centeno  made  answer  in 
terms  as  courtly  as  those  of  Pizarro  himself,  that 
he  was  not  unmindful  of  their  ancient  friendship. 
He  was  now  ready  to  serve  his  former  commander 
in  any  way  not  inconsistent  with  honor,  or  obe- 
dience to  his  sovereign.  But  he  was  there  in  arms 
for  the  royal  cause,  and  he  could  not  swerve  from 
his  duty.  If  Pizarro  would  but  rely  on  his  faith, 
and  surrender  himself  up,  he  pledged  his  knightly 
word  to  use  all  his  interest  with  the  government,  to 
secure  as  favorable  terms  for  him  and  his  followers 
as  had  been  granted  to  the  rest  of  their  countrymen. 
—  Gonzalo  listened  to  the  smooth  promises  of  his 


CH.  II.]  BLOODY  BATTLE  OF  HUARINA.  385 

ancient  comrade  with  bitter  scorn  depicted  in  his 
countenance,  and,  snatching  the  letter  from  his  sec- 
retary, cast  it  away  from  him  with  indignation. 
There  was  nothing  left  but  an  appeal  to  arms.28 

He  at  once  broke  up  his  encampment,  and  di- 
rected his  march  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Titicaca, 
near  which  lay  his  rival.  He  resorted,  however,  to 
stratagem,  that  he  might  still,  if  possible,  avoid  an 
encounter.  He  sent  forward  his  scouts  in  a  differ- 
ent direction  from  that  which  he  intended  to  take, 
and  then  quickened  his  march  on  Huarina.  This 
was  a  small  town  situated  on  the  southeastern  ex- 
tremity of  Lake  Titicaca,  the  shores  of  which,  the 
seat  of  the  primitive  civilization  of  the  Incas,  were 
soon  to  resound  with  the  murderous  strife  of  their 
more  civilized  conquerors! 

But  Pizarro's  movements  had  been  secretly  com- 
municated to  Centeno,  and  that  commander,  ac- 
cordingly, changing  his  ground,  took  up  a  position 
not  far  from  Huarina,  on  the  same  day  on  which 
Gonzalo  reached  this  place.  The  videttes  of  the 
two  camps  came  in  sight  of  each  other  that  even- 
ing, and  the  rival  forces,  lying  on  their  arms,  pre- 
pared for  action  on  the  following  morning. 

It  was  the  twenty-sixth  of  October,  1547,  when 
the  two  commanders,  having  formed  their  troops  in 
order  of  battle,  advanced  to  the  encounter  on  the 
plains  of  Huarina.  The  ground,  defended  on  one 
side  by  a  bold  spur  of  the  Andes,  and  not  far  re- 

28   Pedro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y    Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  16.— 
Conq.,    MS.  —  Garcilasso,   Com.     Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7. 

VOL.   II.  49 


386  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BOOK  \. 

moved  on  the  other  from  the  waters  of  Titicaca, 
was  an  open  and  level  plain,  well  suited  to  military 
manoeuvres.  It  seemed  as  if  prepared  by  Nature 
as  the  lists  for  an  encounter. 

Centeno's  army  amounted  to  about  a  thousand 
men.  His  cavalry  consisted  of  near  two  hundred 
and  fifty,  well  equipped  and  mounted.  Among 
them  were  several  gentlemen  of  family,  some  of 
whom  had  once  followed  the  banners  of  Pizarro , 
the  whole  forming  an  efficient  corps,  in  which  rode 
some  of  the  best  lances  of  Peru.  His  arquebusiers 
were  less  numerous,  not  exceeding  a  hundred  and 
fifty,  indifferently  provided  with  ammunition.  The 
remainder,  and  much  the  larger  part  of  Centeno's 
army,  consisted  of  spearmen,  irregular  levies  hastily 
drawn  together,  and  possessed  of  little  discipline.29 

This  corps  of  infantry  formed  the  centre  of  his 
line,  flanked  by  the  arquebusiers  in  two  nearly 
equal  divisions,  while  his  cavalry  were  also  disposed 
in  two  bodies  on  the  right  and  left  wings.  Un- 
fortunately, Centeno  had  been  for  the  past  week  ill 
of  a  pleurisy,  —  so  ill,  indeed,  that  on  the  preceding 
day  he  had  been  bled  several  times.  He  was  now 
too  feeble  to  keep  his  saddle,  but  was  carried  in  a 
litter,  and  when  he  had  seen  his  men  formed  in 
order,  he  withdrew  to  a  distance  from  the  field,  un- 
able to  take  part  in  the  action.  But  Sola  no,  the 


29  In  the  estimate  of  Centeno's  taken  the  intermediate  number  of  a 

forces,  —  which  ranges,  in  the  dif-  thousand  adopted  by  Zarate,   as, 

ferent  accounts,   from  seven  hun-  on  the  whole,  more  probable  than 

dred  to  twelve  hundred,  —  I  have  either  extreme. 


CH.  II.]  BLOODY   BATTLE  OF   HUARINA.  387 

militant  bishop  of  Cuzco,  who,  with  several  of  his 
followers,  took  part  in  the  engagement,  —  a  circum- 
stance, indeed,  of  no  strange  occurrence,  —  rode 
along  the  ranks  with  the  crucifix  in  his  hand,  be- 
stowing his  benediction  on  the  soldiers,  and  exhort- 
ing each  man  to  do  his  duty. 

Pizarro's  forces  were  less  than  half  of  his  rival's, 
not  amounting  to  more  than  four  hundred  and  eighty 
men.  The  horse  did  not  muster  above  eighty-five 
in  all,  and  he  posted  them  in  a  single  body  on  the 
right  of  his  battalion.  The  strength  of  his  army 
lay  in  his  arquebusiers,  about  three  hundred  and 
fifty  in  number.  It  was  an  admirable  corps,  com- 
manded by  Carbajal,  by  whom  it  had  been  carefully 
drilled.  Considering  the  excellence  of  its  arms, 
and  its  thorough  discipline,  this  little  body  of  in- 
fantry might  be  considered  as  the  flower  of  the  Pe- 
ruvian soldiery,  and  on  it  Pizarro  mainly  relied  for 
the  success  of  the  day.30  The  remainder  of  his 
force,  consisting  of  pikemen,  not  formidable  for  their 
numbers,  though,  like  the  rest  of  the  infantry,  under 
excellent  discipline,  he  distributed  on  the  left  of  his 
musketeers,  so  as  to  repel  the  enemy's  horse. 

Pizarro  himself  had  charge  of  the  cavalry,  taking 
his  place,  as  usual,  in  the  foremost  rank.  He  was 
superbly  accoutred.  Over  his  shining  mail  he  wore 
a  sobre-vest  of  slashed  velvet  of  a  rich  crimson 


30  Flor  de  la  militia  del  Peru,  in  such  a  manner  as  must  infallibly 

says  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  who  secure    him    the    victory.      Corn, 

compares   Carbajal    to    an   expert  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  18 
chess-player,  disposing  his  pieces 


388  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boon  V. 

color;  and  he  rode  a  high-mettled  charger,  whose 
gaudy  caparisons,  with  the  showy  livery  of  his  rider, 
made  the  fearless  commander  the  most  conspicuous 
object  in  the  field. 

His  lieutenant,  Carbajal,  was  equipped  in  a  very 
different  style.  He  wore  armour  of  proof  of  the 
most  homely  appearance,  but  strong  and  service- 
able ;  and  his  steel  bonnet,  with  its  closely  barred 
visor  of  the  same  material,  protected  his  head  from 
more  than  one  desperate  blow  on  that  day.  Over 
his  arms  he  wore  a  surcoat  of  a  greenish  color,  and 
he  rode  an  active,  strong-boned  jennet,  which, 
though  capable  of  enduring  fatigue,  possessed  nei- 
ther grace  nor  beauty.  It  would  not  have  been 
easy  to  distinguish  the  veteran  from  the  most  or- 
dinary cavalier. 

The  two  hosts  arrived  within  six  hundred  paces 
of  each  other,  when  they  both  halted.  Carbajal 
preferred  to  receive  the  attack  of  the  enemy,  rathei 
than  advance  further  ;  for  the  ground  he  now  oc- 
cupied afforded  a  free  range  for  his  musketry,  unob- 
structed by  the  trees  or  bushes  that  were  sprinkled 
over  some  other  parts  of  the  field.  There  was  a 
singular  motive,  in  addition,  for  retaining  his  present 
position.  The  soldiers  were  encumbered,  some  with 
two,  some  with  three,  arquebuses  each,  being  the 
arms  left  by  those  who,  from  time  to  time,  had  de- 
serted the  camp.  This  uncommon  supply  of  mus- 
kets, however  serious  an  impediment  on  a  march, 
might  afford  great  advantage  to  troops  waiting  an 
assault;  since,  from  the  imperfect  knowledge  as  well 


OH.  II.]  BLOODY   BATTLE  OF   HUARINA.  389 

as  construction  of  fire-arms  at  that  day,  much  time 
was  wasted  in  loading  them.31 

Preferring,  therefore,  that  the  enemy  should  begin 
the  attack,  Carbajal  came  to  a  halt,  while  the  oppo- 
site squadron,  after  a  short  respite,  continued  their 
advance  a  hundred  paces  farther.  Seeing  that  they 
then  remained  immovable,  Carbajal  detached  a 
small  party  of  skirmishers  to  the  front,  in  order  to 
provoke  them  ;  but  it  was  soon  encountered  by  a 
similar  party  of  the  enemy,  and  some  shots  were 
exchanged,  though  with  little  damage  to  either  side,* 
Finding  this  manoeuvre  fail,  the  veteran  ordered  his 
men  to  advance  a  few  paces,  still  hoping  .to  pfo- 
voke  his  antagonist  to  the  charge.  This  succeeded. 
"  We  lose  honor,"  exclaimed  Centeno's  soldiers ; 
who,  with  a  bastard  sort  of  chivalry,  belonging  to 
undisciplined  troops,  felt  it  a  disgrace  to  await  an 
assault.  In  vain  their  officers  called  out  to  them 
to  remain  at  their  post.  Their  commander  was  ab- 
sent, and  they  were  urged  on  by  the  cries  of  a 
frantic  friar,  named  Domingo  Ruiz,  who,  believing 
the  Philistines  were  delivered  into  their  hands, 
called  out,  —  "  Now  is  the  time  !  Onward,  onward, 
fall  on  the  enemy!5'32  There  needed  nothing  fur- 


31  Garcilasso,   Com.  Real.,  ubi  Huarina;  and  the  particulars  which 

supra.  he  gave  his  son  enabled  the  latter 

The  historian's  father  —  of  the  to  supply  many  deficiencies  in  the 

same  name  with  himself —  was  one  reports  of  historians. 
of  the   few   noble  cavaliers  who        ^  "  A  las  manos,  a  lasmarios: 

remained  faithful  to  Gonzalo   Pi-  a  ellos,  a  ellos."  Fernandez,  Hist, 

zarro,  in  the  wane  of  his  fortunes,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  79. 
He  was  present  at  the  battle  of 


390  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boo*  V. 

ther,  and  the  men  rushed  forward  in  tumultuous 
haste,  the  pikemen  carrying  their  levelled  weapons 
so  heedlessly  as  to  interfere  with  one  another,  and 
in  some  instances  to  wound  their  comrades.  The 
musketeers,  at  the  same  time,  kept  up  a  disorderly 
fire  as  they  advanced,  which,  from  their  rapid  mo- 
tion and  the  distance,  did  no  execution. 

Carbajal  was  well  pleased  to  see  his  enemies  thus 
wasting  their  ammunition.  Though  he  allowed  a 
few  muskets  to  be  discharged,  in  order  to  stimulate 
his  opponents  the  more,  he  commanded  the  great 
body  of  his  infantry  to  reserve  their  fire  till  every 
shot  could  take  effect.  As  he  knew  the  tendency 
of  marksmen  to  shoot  above  the  mark,  he  directed 
his  men  to  aim  at  the  girdle,  or  even  a  little  below 
it ;  adding,  that  a  shot  that  fell  short  might  still  do 
damage,  while  one  that  passed  a  hair's  breadth 
above  the  head  was  wasted.33 

The  veteran's  company  stood  calm  and  unmoved, 
as  Centeno's  rapidly  advanced  ;  but  when  the  latter 
had  arrived  within  a  hundred  paces  of  their  antago- 
nists, Carbajal  gave  the  wrord  to  fire.  An  instanta- 
neous volley  ran  along  the  line,  and  a  tempest  of 
balls  was  poured  into  the  ranks  of  the  assailants, 
with  such  unerring  aim,  that  more  than  a  hundred 
fell  dead  on  the  field,  while  a  still  greater  number 
were  wounded.  Before  they  could  recover  from 
their  disorder,  Carbajal's  men,  snatching  up  their 
remaining  pieces,  discharged  them  with  the  like 

33  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  ubi  supra. 


CH.  II.]  BLOODY   BATTLE  OF   HUARINA.  391 

dreadful  effect  into  the  thick  of  the  enemy.  The 
confusion  of  the  latter  was  now  complete.  Unable 
to  sustain  the  incessant  shower  of  balls  which  fell 
on  them  from  the  scattering  fire  kept  up  by  the 
arquebusiers,  they  were  seized  with  a  panic,  and 
fled,  scarcely  making  a  show  of  further  fight,  from 
the  field. 

But  very  different  was  the  fortune  of  the  day  in 
the  cavalry  combat.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  drawn 
up  his  troop  somewhat  in  the  rear  of  Carbajal's 
right,  in  order  to  give  the  latter  a  freer  range  for  the 
play  of  his  musketry.  When  the  enemy's  horse 
on  the  left  galloped  briskly  against  him,  Pizarro,  still 
favoring  Carbajal,  —  whose  fire,  moreover,  inflicted 
some  loss  on  the  assailants,  —  advanced  but  a  few 
rods  to  receive  the  charge.  Centeno's  squadron, 
accordingly,  came  thundering  on  in  full  career,  and, 
notwithstanding  the  mischief  sustained  from  their 
enemy's  musketry,  fell  with  such  fury  on  their  ad- 
versaries as  to  overturn  them,  man  and  horse,  in 
the  dust  ;  "  riding  over  their  prostrate  bodies," 
says  the  historian,  "  as  if  they  had  been  a  flock  of 
sheep  !  " M  The  latter,  with  great  difficulty  recov- 
ering from  the  first  shock,  attempted  to  rally  and 
sustain  the  fight  on  more  equal  terms. 

Yet  the  chief  could  not  regain  the   ground   he 
had  lost.     His  men  were  driven  back  at  all  points. 


34    "  Los  de    Diego    Centeno,  los  tropellaron  como  si  fueran  one- 

como  yuan  con  la  pujan^a  de  vna  jas,  y  cayeron  cauallos  y  caualle- 

carrera  larga,    lleuaron    a  los  de  ros."  Ibid.,  ParteS,  lib.  5,  cap.  19. 
Gorwjalo   Pigarro  de  encuentro,  y 


392  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boos  V. 

Many  were  slain,  many  more  wounded,  on  both 
sides,  and  the  ground  was  covered  with  the  dead 
bodies  of  men  and  horses.  But -the  loss  fell  much 
the  most  heavily  on  Pizarro's  troop ;  and  the  greater 
part  of  those  who  escaped  with  life  were  obliged 
to  surrender  as  prisoners.  Cepeda,  who  fought  with 
the  fury  of  despair,  received  a  severe  cut  from  a  sa- 
bre across  the  face,  which  disabled  him  and  forced 
him  to  yield.35  Pizarro,  after  seeing  his  best  and 
bravest  fall  around  him,  was  set  upon  by  three  or 
four  cavaliers  at  once.  Disentangling  himself  from 
the  melee,  he  put  spurs  to  his  horse,  and  the  noble 
animal,  bleeding  from  a  severe  w.ouml  across  the 
back,  outstripped  all  his  pursuers  except  one,  who 
stayed  him  by  seizing  the  bridle.  It  would  have  gone 
hard  with  Gonzalo,  but,  grasping  a  light  battle-axe, 
which  hung  by  his  side,  he  dealt  such  a  blow  on  the 
head  of  his  enemy's  horse  that  he  plunged  violently, 
and  compelled  his  rider  to  release  his  hold.  A  num- 
ber of  arquebusiers,  in  the  mean  time,  seeing  Pi- 
zarro's distress,  sprang  forward  to  his  rescue,  slew 
two  of  his  assailants  who  had  now  come  up  with 
him,  and  forced  the  others  to  fly  in  their  turn/ 


38 


35  Cepeda's  wound  laid  open  his  ed  him  on  his  own.     This  timely 
»ose,   leaving   so    hideous   a  scar  aid  to  the  rebel  did  no  service  to 
that  he  was  obliged  afterwards  to  the  generous  cavalier  in  after  times, 
cover  it  with  a  patch,  as  Garcilasso  but  was  urged  against  him  by  his 
tells  us,  who  frequently  saw  him  enemies  as  a  crime.     The  fact  is 
in  Cuzco.  stoutly  denied  by  his  son,  the  his- 

36  According   to   most  author!-  torian,  who  seems  anxious  to  ro- 
ties,  Pizarro's  horse  was  not  only  lieve  his  father  from  this  honorable 
wounded  but  slain  in  the  fight,  and  imputation,  which   threw   a  cloud 
the  loss  was  supplied  by  his  friend  over    both   their  fortunes.     Ibid., 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  who  mount-  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  23. 


CH.  II.]  BLOODY   BATTLE  OF   HUARINA.  393 

The  rout  of  the  cavalry  was  complete ;  and  Pi- 
zarro  considered  the  day  as  lost,  as  he  heard  the 
enemy's  trumpet  sending  forth  the  note  of  victory. 
But  the  sounds  had  scarcely  died  away,  when  they 
were  taken  up  by  the  opposite  side.  Centeno's  in- 
fantry had  been  discomfited,  as  we  have  seen,  and 
driven  off  the  ground.  But  his  cavalry  on  the  right 
had  charged  Carbajal's  left,  consisting  of  spearmen 
mingled  with  arquebusiers.  The  horse  rode  straight 
against  this  formidable  phalanx.  But  they  were 
unable  to  break  through  the  dense  array  of  pikes, 
held  by  the  steady  hands  of  troops  who  stood  firm 
and  fearless  on  their  post ;  while,  at  the  same  time,, 
the  assailants  were  greatly  annoyed  by  the  galling 
fire  of  the  arquebusiers  in  the  rear  of  the  spearmen. 
Finding  it  impracticable  to  make  a  breach,  the: 
horsemen  rode  round  the  flanks  in  much  disorder, 
and  finally  joined  themselves  with  the  victorious 
squadron  of  Centeno's  cavalry  in  the  rear.  Both 
parties  now  attempted  another  charge  on  Carbajal's 
battalion.  But  his  men  facing  about  with  the 
promptness  and  discipline  of  well-trained  soldiers, 
the  rear  was  converted  into  the  front.  The  same 
forest  of  spears  was  presented  to  the  attack ;  while 
an  incessant  discharge  of  balls  punished  the  au- 
dacity of  the  cavaliers,  who,  broken  and  completely* 
dispirited  by  their  ineffectual  attempt,  at  length 
imitated  the  example  of  the  panic-struck  foot,  and 
abandoned  the  field. 

Pizarro  and  a  few  of  his  comrades  still  fit  for  ac- 
tion followed  up  the  pursuit  for  a  short  distance. 

VOL.  ii.  50 


394  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BdoK  V. 

only,  as,  indeed,  they  were  in  no  condition  them- 
selves, nor  sufficiently  strong  in  numbers,  long  to 
continue  it.  The  victory  was  complete,  and  the  in- 
surgent chief  took  possession  of  the  deserted  tents  of 
the  enemy,  where  an  immense  booty  was  obtained 
in  silver ; 37  and  where  he  also  found  the  tables 
spread  for  the  refreshment  of  Centeno's  soldiers 
after  their  return  from  the  field.  So  confident  were 
they  of  success !  The  repast  now  served  the  neces- 
sities of  their  conquerors.  Such  is  the  fortune  of 
war !  It  was,  indeed,  a  most  decisive  action ;  and 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  as  he  rode  over  the  field  strewed 
with  the  corpses  of  his  enemies,  was  observed  sev- 
eral times  to  cross  himself  and  exclaim, —  "  Jesu  ! 
what  a  victory !  " 

No  less  than  three  hundred  and  fifty  of  Centeno's 
followers  were  killed,  and  the  number  of  wounded 
was  even  greater.  More  than  a  hundred  of  these 
are  computed  to  have  perished  from  exposure  during 
the  following  night ;  for,  although  the  climate  in  this 
elevated  region  is  temperate,  yet  the  night  winds 
blowing  over  the  mountains  are  sharp  and  piercing, 
and  many  a  wounded  wretch,  who  might  have  been 
restored  by  careful  treatment,  was  chilled  by  the 
damps,  and  found  a  stiffened  corpse  at  sunrise. 

37  The  booty  amounted  to  no  less  The  amount  is,  doubtless,  grossly 

than  one  million  four  hundred  thou-  exaggerated.     But  we   get  to   be 

sand  pesos,  according  to  Fernandez,  so  familiar  with  the  golden  won- 

"  El  saco  que  vuo  fue  grande  :  que  ders  of  Peru,  that,  like  the  reader 

se  dixo  ser  de  mas  de  vn  millon  of  the  "Arabian  Nights,"  we  be- 

y  quatrocietos  mil  pesos."     (Hist,  come  of  too  easy  faith  to  resort  to 

del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  79.)  the  vulgar  standard  of  probability. 


CH.  II.]  BLOODY  BATTLE  OF  HUARINA.  395 


The  victory  was  not  purchased  without  a  heavy  loss 
on  the  part  of  the  conquerors,  a  hundred  or  more  of 
whom  were  left  on  the  field.  Their  bodies  lay 
thick  on  that  part  of  the  ground  occupied  by  Pizar- 
ro's  cavalry,  where  the  fight  raged  hottest.  In  this 
narrow  space  were  found,  also,  the  bodies  of  more 
than  a  hundred  horses,  the  greater  part  of  which, 
as  well  as  those  of  their  riders,  usually  slain  with 
them,  belonged  to  the  victorious  army.  It  was  the 
most  fatal  battle  that  had  yet  been  fought  on  the 
blood-stained  soil  of  Peru.38 

The  glory  of  the  day  —  the  melancholy  glory  — 
must  be  referred  almost  wholly  to  Carbajal  and  his 
valiant  squadron.  The  judicious  arrangements  of 
the  old  warrior,  with  the  thorough  discipline  and 
unflinching  courage  of  his  followers,  retrieved  the 
fortunes  of  the  fight,  when  it  was  nearly  lost  by  the 
cavalry,  and  secured  the  victory. 

Carbajal,  proof  against  all  fatigue,  followed  up  the 
pursuit  with  those  of  his  men  that  were  in  condition 
to  join  him.  Such  of  the  unhappy  fugitives  as  fell 
into  his  hands  —  most  of  whom  had  been  traitors  to 

38  "  La  mas  sangrienta  batalla  and  all  assign  to  Carbajal  the  credit 

que  vuo  en  el  Peril."     Ibid.,  loc.  of  the  victory. — For  authorities, 

cit.  besides  Garcilasso  and  Fernandez, 

In  the  accounts  of  this  battle  repeatedly  quoted,  see  Pedro  Pi- 
there  are  discrepancies,  as  usual,  zarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.  (He 
which  the  historian  must  reconcile  was  present  in  the  action.) — Za- 
as  he  can.  But  on  the  whole,  rate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap. 
there  is  a  general  conformity  in  the  3.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec. 
outline  and  in  the  prominent  points.  8,  lib.  4,  cap.  2.  —  Gomara,  Hist. 
All  concur  in  representing  it  as  the  de  las  Indias,  cap.  181.  —  Montesi- 
bloodiest  fight  that  had  yet  occurred  nos,  Annales,  MS.,  ano  1547. 
between  the  Spaniards  in  Peru, 


396  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boon  V. 

the  cause  of  Pizarro  —  were  sent  to  instant  execu^ 
tion.  The  laurels  he  had  won  in  the  field  against 
brave  men  in  arms,  like  himself,  were  tarnished  by 
cruelty  towards  his  defenceless  captives.  Their 
commander,  Centeno,  more  fortunate,  made  his  es- 
cape. Finding  the  battle  lost,  he  quitted  his  litter* 
threw  himself  upon  his  horse,  and,  notwithstanding 
his  illness,  urged  on  by  the  dreadful  doom  that 
awaited  him,  if  taken,  he  succeeded  in  making  his 
way  into  the  neighbouring  sierra.  Here  he  vanish* 
ed  from  his  pursuers,  and,  like  a  wounded  stag,  with 
the  chase  close  upon  his  track,  he  still  contrived  to 
elude  it,  by  plunging  into  the  depths  of  the  forests* 
till,  by  a  circuitous  route,  he  miraculously  succeeded 
in  effecting  his  escape  to  Lima.  The  bishop  of 
Cuzco,  who  went  off  in  a  different  direction,  was 
no  less  fortunate.  Happy  for  him  that  he  did  not: 
fall  into  the  hands  of  the  ruthless  Carbajal,  who,  as 
the  bishop  had  once  been  a  partisan  of  Pizarro^ 
would,  to  judge  from  the  little  respect  he  usually 
showed  those  of  his  cloth,  have  felt  as  little  com- 
punction in  sentencing  him  to  the  gibbet  as  if  he 
had  been  the  meanest  of  the  common  file.39 

On  the  day  following  the  action,  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
caused  the  bodies  of  the  soldiers,  still  lying  side  by 
side  on  the  field  where  they  had  been  so  lately  en- 
gaged together  in  mortal  strife,  to  be  deposited  in  a 
common  sepulchre.  Those  of  higher  rank  —  for 


39  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  7,  cap.  3.  —  Garcilasso,  Com, 
Conq.,  MS.  —  Fernandez,  Hist.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  21,  22. 
del  Peru,  ubi  supra.  —  Zarate,  lib. 


CU.  H.]  BLOODY   BATTLE  OF   HUARINA.  397 

distinctions  of  rank  were  not  to  be  forgotten  in  the 
grave  —  were  removed  to  the  church  of  the  village 
of  Huarina,  which  gave  its  name  to  the  battle. 
There  they  were  interred  with  all  fitting  solemnity. 
But  in  later  times  they  were  transported  to  the  ca- 
thedral church  of  La  Paz,  "  The  City  of  Peace," 
and  laid  under  a  mausoleum  erected  by  general  sub- 
scription in  that  quarter.  For  few  there  were  who 
had  not  to  mourn  the  loss  of  some  friend  or  relative 
on  that  fatal  day. 

The  victor  now  profited  by  his  success  to  send 
detachments  to  Arequipa,  La  Plata,  and  other  cities 
in  that  part  of  the  country,  to  raise  funds  and  rein- 
forcements for  the  war.  His  own  losses  were  more 
than  compensated  by  the  number  of  the  vanquished 
party  who  were  content  to  take  service  under  his 
banner.  Mustering  his  forces,  he  directed  his  march 
to  Cuzco,  which  capital,  though  occasionally  se- 
duced into  a  display  of  loyalty  to  the  Crown,  had 
early  manifested  an  attachment  to  his  cause. 

Here  the  inhabitants  were  prepared  to  receive 
him  in  triumph,  under  arches  thrown  across  the 
streets,  with  bands  of  music,  and  minstrelsy  com- 
memorating his  successes.  But  Pizarro,  with  more 
discretion,  declined  the  honors  of  an  ovation  while 
the  country  remained  in  the  hands  of  his  enemies. 
Sending  forward  the  main  body  of  his  troops,  he 
followed  on  foot,  attended  by  a  slender  retinue  of 
friends  and  citizens,  and  proceeded  at  once  to  the 
cathedral,  where  thanksgivings  were  offered  up,  and 
Te  Deum  was  chanted  in  honor  of  his  victory.  He 


398 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boo*  V 


then  withdrew  to  his  residence,  announcing  his  pur- 
pose to  establish  his  quarters,  for  the  present,  in  the 
venerable  capital  of  the  Incas.40 

All  thoughts  of  a  retreat  into  Chili  were  aban- 
doned ;  for  his  recent  success  had  kindled  new 
hopes  in  his  bosom,  and  revived  his  ancient  confi- 
dence. He  trusted  that  it  would  have  a  similar  ef- 
fect on  the  vacillating  temper  of  those  whose  fidel- 
ity had  been  shaken  by  fears  for  their  own  safety, 
and  their  distrust  of  his  ability  to  cope  with  the 
president.  They  would  now  see  that  his  star  was 
still  in  the  ascendant.  Without  further  apprehen- 
sions for  the  event,' he  resolved  to  remain  in  Cuzco, 
and  there  quietly  await  the  hour  when  a  last  appeal 
to  arms  should  decide  which  of  the  two  was  to  re- 
main master  of  Peru. 


*>  Ibid.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  27. 
—  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq., 
MS.  —  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru, 
lib.  7,  cap.  3. 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  who  was 
a  boy  at^the  time,  witnessed  Pizar- 
ro's  entry  into  Cuzco.  He  writes, 
therefore,  from  memory ;  though 


after  an  interval  of  many  years. 
In  consequence  of  his  father's  rank, 
he  had  easy  access  to  the  palace 
of  Pizarro  ;  and  this  portion  of  his 
narrative  may  claim  the  considera- 
tion due  not  merely  to  a  contem- 
porary, but  to  an  eyewitness. 


CHAPTER    III. 

DISMAY    IN   GASCA'S    CAMP.  —  His   WINTER  QUARTERS. — RESUMES 
HIS  MARCH.  —  CROSSES  THE  APURIMAC. — PIZARRO'S   CONDUCT  IN 

CUZCO.  HE     ENCAMPS     NEAR     THE     ClTY.  ROUT     OF     XAQUIXA 

GUANA. 

1547—1548. 

WHILE  the  events  recorded  in  the  preceding 
chapter  were  passing,  President  Gasca  had  remain- 
ed at  Xauxa,  awaiting  further  tidings  from  Cente- 
no,  little  doubting  that  they  would  inform  him  of 
the  total  discomfiture  of  the  rebels.  Great  was 
his  dismay,  therefore,  on  learning  the  issue  of  the 
fatal  conflict  at  Huarina,  —  that  the  royalists  had 
been  scattered  far  and  wide  before  the  sword  of 
Pizarro,  while  their  commander  had  vanished  like 
an  apparition,1  leaving  the  greatest  uncertainty  as 
to  his  fate. 

The  intelligence  spread  general  consternation 
among  the  soldiers,  proportioned  to  their  former  con- 
fidence ;  and  they  felt  it  was  almost  hopeless  to  con- 
tend with  a  man  who  seemed  protected  by  a  charm 
that  made  him  invincible  against  the  greatest  odds. 
The  president,  however  sore  his  disappointment, 

1  '"  Y  salio  a  la  Ciudad  de  los  fue,  sino  que  parecio  encantami- 
Reyes,  sin  que  Carbajal,  ni  alguno  ento."  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 
de  los  suyos  supiesse  por  donde  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  22. 


400  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boos  V. 

was  careful  to  conceal  it,  while  he  endeavoured  to 
restore  the  spirits  of  his  followers.  "  They  had 
been  too  sanguine,"  he  said,  "  and  it  was  in  this 
way  that  Heaven  rebuked  their  presumption.  Yet 
it  was  but  in  the  usual  course  of  events,  that  Provi- 
dence, when  it  designed  to  humble  the  guilty, 
should  allow  him  to  reach  as  high  an  elevation  as 
possible,  that  his  fall  might  be  the  greater !  " 

But  while  Gasca  thus  strove  to  reassure  the  su- 
perstitious and  the  timid,  he  bent  his  mind,  with  his 
Usual  energy,  to  repair  the  injury  which  the  cause 
had  sustained  by  the  defeat  at  Huarina.  He  sent  a 
detachment  under  Alvarado  to  Lima,  to  collect  such 
of  the  royalists  as .  had  fled  thither  from  the  field  of 
battle,  and  to  dismantle  the  ships  of  their  cannon, 
a#d  bring  them  to  the  camp.  Another  body  was 
sent  to  Guamanga,  about  sixty  leagues  from  Cuzco, 
for  the  similar  purpose  of  protecting  the  fugitives, 
and  also  of  preventing  the  Indian  caciques  from  for- 
warding supplies  to  the  insurgent  army  in  Cuzco. 
As  his  own 'forces  now  amounted  to  considerably 
more  than  any  his  opponent  could  bring  against  him, 
Gasca  determined  to  break  up  his  camp  without 
further  delay,  and  march  on  the  Inca  capital.2 

2  Gasca,  according  to  Ondegar-  ed  by  the  hungry   Conquerors.  — 

do,  supported  his  army,  during  his  "  Cuando  el  Sefior  Presidente  Gasca 

stay  at  Xauxa,  from  the  Peruvian  passo   con  la  gente  de  castigo   de 

granaries  in  the  valley,  as  he  found  Gonzalo  Pizarro   por  el  Valle  de 

a  quantity  of  maize  still  remain-  Jauja,  estuvo  alii  siete  semanas  a 

ing  in  them  sufficient  for  several  lo  que  me  acuerdo,  se  hallaron  en 

years'   consumption.     It    is   pass-  deposito  maiz  de  cuatro  y  de  tres  y 

ing  strange  that  these  depositaries  de  dos  afios  mas  de  15,000  hane- 

should  have  been  so  long  respect-  gas  junto  al  camino,  e  alii  comio  la 


CH.  HI.]  GASCA'S   WINTER  QUARTERS.  401 

Quitting  Xauxa,  December  29,  1547,  he  passed 
through  Guamanga,  and  after  a  severe  march,  ren- 
dered particularly  fatiguing  by  the  inclement  state 
of  the  weather  and  the  badness  of  the  roads,  he 
entered  the  province  of  Andaguaylas.  It  was  a  fair 
and  fruitful  country,  and  since  the  road  beyond 
would  take  him  into  the  depths  of  a  gloomy  sierra, 
scarcely  passable  in  the  winter  snows,  Gasca  resolv- 
ed to  remain  in  his  present  quarters  until  the  se- 
verity of  the  season  was  mitigated.  As  many  of 
the  troops  had  already  contracted  diseases  from  ex- 
posure to  the  incessant  rains,  he  established  a  camp 
hospital ;  and  the  good  president  personally  visited 
the  quarters  of  the  sick,  ministering  to  their  wants, 
and  winning  their  hearts  by  his  sympathy.3 

Meanwhile,  the  royal  camp  was  strengthened  by 
the  continual  arrival  .of  reinforcements ;  for  not- 
withstanding the  shock  that  was  caused  through- 
out the  country  by  the  first  tidings  of  Pizarro's  vic- 
tory, a  little  reflection  convinced  the  people  that  the 
right  was  the  strongest,  and  must  eventually  prevail. 
There  came,  also,  with  these  levies,  several  of  the 
most  distinguished  captains  in  the  country.  Cen- 
teno,  burning  to  retrieve  his  late  disgrace,  after  re- 
covering from  his  illness,  joined  the  camp  with  his 
followers  from  Lima.  Benalcazar,  the  conqueror  of 
Quito,  who,  as  the  reader  will  remember,  had  shared 


gente."     Ondegardo,    Rel.    Seg.,     Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  82-85. 
MS.  —  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq . , 

3  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.     MS.  — Cieza  de  Leon,  cap.  90. 
7,  cap.  4. —Fernandez,  Hist,  del 
VOL.    II.  51 


402  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boon  V 

in  the  defeat  of  Blasco  Nunez  in  the  north,  came 
with  another  Detachment  •  and  was  soon  after  fol- 
lowed by  Valdivia,  the  famous  conqueror  of  Chili, 
who,  having  returned  to  Peru  to  gather  recruits  for 
his  expedition,  had  learned  the  state  of  the  country, 
and  had  thrown  himself,  without  hesitation,  into  the 
same  scale  with  the  president,  though  it  brought 
him  into  collision  with  his  old  friend  and  comrade, 
Gonzalo  Pizarro.  The  arrival  of  this  last  ally  was 
greeted  with  general  rejoicing  by  the  camp ;  for 
Valdivia,  schooled  in  the  .Italian  wars,  was  esteemed 
the  most  accomplished  soldier  in  Peru ;  and  Gasca 
complimented  him  by  declaring  "  he  would  rather 
see  him  than  a  reinforcement  of  eight  hundred 
men!"4 

Besides  these  warlike  auxiliaries,  the  president 
was  attended  by  a  train  of  ecclesiastics  and  ci- 
vilians, such  as  was  rarely  found  in  the  martial 
fields  of  Peru.  Among  'them  were  the  bishops  of 
Quito,  Cuzco,  and  Lima,  the  four  judges  of  the 
new  Audience,  and  a  considerable  number  of 
churchmen  and  monkish  missionaries.5  However 
little  they  might  serve  to  strengthen  his  arm  in 
battle,  their  presence  gave  authority  and  something 
of  a  sacred  character  to  the  cause,  which  had  their 
effect  on  the  minds  of  the  soldiers. 

The  wintry  season  now  began  to  give  way  before 


4  At  least,  so  says  Valdivia  in  hombres.de  guerra  que  le  pudieran 

his  letter  to  the  emperor.    "Idixo  venir    aquella    hora."      Carta    de 

publico  que  estimara  mas  mi  per-  Valdivia,  MS. 

eona  que  a  los  mejores  ochocientos  5  Zarate.  MS. 

j<5 


C^H.  III.]  RESUMES   HIS   MARCH.  403 

the  mild  influence  of  spring,  which  makes  itself 
early  felt  in  these  tropical,  but  from  their  elevation 
temperate,  regions  ;  and  Gasca,  after  nearly  three 
months'  detention  in  Andaguaylas,  mustered  his 
levies  for  the  final  march  upon  Cuzco.6  Their 
whole  number  fell  little  short  of  two  thousand,  — 
the  largest  European  force  yet  assembled  in  Peru. 
Nearly  half  were  provided  with  fire-arms  ;  and  in- 
fantry was  more  available  than  horse  in  the  moun- 
tain countries  which  they  were  to  traverse.  But  his 
cavalry  was  also  numerous,  and  he  carried  with  him 
a  train  of  eleven  heavy  guns.  The  equipment  and 
discipline  of  the  troops  were  good  ;  they  were  well 
provided  with  ammunition- and  military  stores  ;  and 
were  led  by  officers  whose  names  were  associated 
with  the  most  memorable  achievements  in  the  New 
World.  All  who  had  any  real  interest  in  the  weal 
of  the  country  were  to  be  found,  in  short,  under  the 
president's  banner,  making  a  striking  contrast  to  the 
wild  and  reckless  adventurers  who  now  swelled  the 
ranks  of  Pizarro. 

Gasca,  who  did  not  affect  a  greater  knowledge 
of  military  affairs  than  he  really  possessed,  had  giv- 
en the  charge  of  his  forces  to  Hinojosa,  naming  the 
Marshal  Alvarado  as  second  in  command.  Valdivia, 
Who  came  after  these  dispositions  had  been  made, 
accepted  a  colonel's  commission,  with  the  under- 


6  Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  present  in  the  campaign,  he  tells 

90.  us ;  so  that  his  testimony,  always 

The  old  chronicler,  or  rather  good,  becomes  for  the  remaining 

geographer,  Cieza  de  Leon,  was  events  of  more  than  usual  value 


404  SETTLEMENT   OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boon  V 

standing  that  he  was  to  be  consulted  and  employed 
in  all  matters  of  moment.7  —  Having  completed  his 
arrangements,  the  president  broke  up  his  camp  in 
March,  1548,  and  moved  upon  Cuzco. 

The  first  obstacle  to  his  progress  was  the  river 
Abancay,  the  bridge  over  which  had  been  broken 
down  by  the  enemy.  But  as  there  was  no  force  to 
annoy  them  on  the  opposite  bank,  the  army  was  not 
long  in  preparing  a  new  bridge,  and  throwing  it 
across  the  stream,  which  in  this  place  had  nothing 
formidable  in  its  character.  The  road  now  struck 
into  the  heart  of  a  mountain  region,  where  woods, 
precipices,  and  ravines  were  mingled  together  in  a 
sort  of  chaotic  confusion,  with  here  and  there  a 
green  and  sheltered  valley,  glittering  like  an  island 
of  verdure  amidst  the  wild  breakers  of  a  troubled 
ocean  !  The  bold  peaks  of  the  Andes,  rising  far 
above  the  clouds,  Were  enveloped  in  snow,  which, 
descending  far  down  their  sides,  gave  a  piercing 
coldness  to  the  winds  that  swept  over  their  surface, 
until  men  and  horses  were  benumbed  and  stiffened 
under  their  influence.  The  roads,  in  these  regions, 

7  Valdivia,    indeed,    claims    to  quelesmandaseacercade  la  guerra, 

have  had  the  whole  command  in-  i    cumpliesen    mis    mandamientos 

trusted  to  him  by  Gasca.    "  Luego  como  los  suyos."     (Carta  de  Val- 

me  dio  el  autoridad  toda  que  traia  divia,  MS.)     But  other  authorities 

de  parte  de  V.  M.  para  en  los  casos  state  it,  with  more  probability,  as 

tocantes  a  la  guerra,  i  me  encargo  given    in  the  text.     Valdivia,    it 

todo  el  exercito,  i  le  puso  baxo  de  must  be  confessed,  loses  nothing 

mi  mano  rogando  i  pidiendo  por  from  modesty.     The  whole  of  his 

merced  de  su  parte  a  todos  aquellos  letter  to  the  emperor  is  written  in 

caballeros    capitanes    e    gente  de  a  strain  of  self-glorification,  rarely 

guerra,  i  de  la  de  V .  M.  mandan-  matched  even  by  a  Castilian  hi- 

doles  me  obedesciesen  en   todo  lo  dalgo. 


CH.  III.]  '       CROSSES  THE  APURIMAC.  405 

were  in  some  places  so  narrow  and  broken,  as 
to  be  nearly  impracticable  for  cavalry.  The  cav- 
aliers were  compelled  to  dismount ;  and  the  presi- 
dent, with  the  rest,  performed  the  journey  on  foot, 
so  hazardous,  that,  even  in  later  times,  it  has  been 
no  uncommon  thing  for  the  sure-footed  mule  to  be 
precipitated,  with  its  cargo  of  silver,  thousands  of 
feet  down  the  sheer  sides  of  a  precipice.8 

By  these  impediments  of  the  ground,  the  march 
was  so  retarded,  that  the  troops  seldom  accomplish- 
ed more  than  two  leagues  a  day.9  Fortunately, 
the  distance  was  not  great  ;  and  the  president 
looked  with  more  apprehension  to  the  passage  of 
the  Apurimac,  which  he  was  now  approaching. 
This  river,  one  of  the  most  formidable  tributaries 
of  the  Amazon,  rolls  its  broad  waters  through  the 
gorges  of  the  Cordilleras,  that  rise  up  like  an  im- 
mense rampart  of  rock  on  either  side,  presenting  a 
natural  barrier  which  it  would  be  easy  for  an  enemy 
to  make  good  against  a  force  much  superior  to  his 
own.  The  bridges  over  this  river,  as  Gasca  learned 
before  his  departure  from  Andaguaylas,  had  been  all 
destroyed  by  Pizarro.  The  president,  accordingly, 
had  sent  to  explore  the  banks  of  the  stream,  and 
determine  the  most  eligible  spot  for  reestablishing 
communications  with  the  opposite  side. 

The  place  selected  was  near  the  Indian  village  of 
Cotapampa,  about  nine  leagues  from  Cuzco ;  for  the 
river,  though  rapid  and  turbulent  from  being  com- 
pressed within  more  narrow  limits,  was  here  less 

8  Cieza  de  Leon,  Cronica,  cap.  91.    ,  9  MS.  de  Caravantes. 


, 

406  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boo*  V 

than  two  hundred  paces  in  width  ;  a  distance,  how- 
ever, not  inconsiderable.  Directions  had  been  given 
to  collect  materials  in  large  quantities  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  this  spot  as  soon  as  possible  ;  and  at  the 
same  time,  in  order  to  perplex  the  enemy  and  com- 
pel him  to  divide  his  forces,  should  he  be  disposed 
to  resist,  materials  in  smaller  quantities  were  as- 
sembled on  three  other  points  of  the  river.  The 
officer  stationed  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Cotapampa 
was  instructed  not  to  begin  to  lay  the  bridge,  till  the 
arrival  of  a  sufficient  force  should  accelerate  the 
work,  and  insure  its  success. 

The  structure  in  question,  it  should  be  remem- 
bered, was .  one  of  tfyose  suspension  bridges  for- 
merly employed  by  the  Incas,  and  still  used  in  cross- 
ing the  deep  and  turbulent  rivers  of  South  America. 
They  are  made  of  osier  withes,  twisted  into  enor- 
mous cables,  which,  when  stretched  across  the  wa- 
ter, are  attached  to  heavy  blocks  of  masonryj  or, 
where  it  will  serve,  to  the  natural  rock.  Planks 
are  laid  transversely  across  these  cables,  and  a 
passage  is  thus  secured,  which,  notwithstanding  the 
light  and  fragile  appearance  of  the  bridge,  as  it 
swings  at  an  elevation  sometimes  of  several  hun- 
dred feet  above  the  abyss,  affords  a  tolerably  safe 
means  of  conveyance  for  men,  and  even  for  such 
heavy  burdens  as  artillery.10 


1°  Fernandez,   Hist,   del   Peru,  y  Conq.,  MS.  —  MS.  de  Caravan- 

Parte   1,  lib.   2,  cap.  86,  87.—  tes.  —  Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS.— 

Zarate,   Conq.   del  Peru,    lib.   7,  Relacion  del  Lie.  Gasca,  MS. 
cap.  5.  —  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub. 


CH.  III.'  UKOSSES  THE   APURIMAC  407 

Notwithstanding  the  peremptory  commands  of 
Gasca,  the  officer  intrusted  with  collecting  the  ma- 
terials for  the  bridge  was  so  anxious  to  have  the 
honor  of  completing  the  work  himself,  that  he  com- 
menced it  at  once.  The  president,  greatly  dis- 
pleased at  learning  this,  quickened  his  march,  in 
order  to  cover  the  work  with  his  whole  force.  But, 
while  toiling  through  the  mountain  labyrinth,  tidings 
were  brought  him  that  a  party  of  the  enemy  had 
demolished  the  small  portion  of  the  bridge  already 
made,  by.  cutting  the  cables  on  the  opposite  bank. 
Valdivia,  accordingly,  hastened  forward  at  the  head 
of  two  hundred  arquebusiers,  while  the  main  body 
of  the  army  followed  with  as  much  speed  as  practi- 
cable. 

That  officer,  on  reaching  the  spot,  found  that 
the  interruption  4i ad  .been  caused  by  a  small  party-of 
Pizarro's  followers,  not  exceeding  twenty  in  -number, 
assisted  by  £  stronger  body  of  Indians.  He  at 
once  caused  balsas,  broad  and  clumsy  barks,  or 
rather  rafts,  of  the  country,  to  be  provided,  and  by 
this  means  passed  his  men  over,  without  opposition, 
to  the  other  side  of  the  river.  The  enemy,  discon- 
certed by  the  arrival  of  such  a  force,  retreated  and 
made  the  best  of  their  way  to  report  the  affair  to 
their  commander  at  Cuzco.  Meanwhile,  Valdivia, 
who  saw  the  importance  of  \  every  moment  in  the 
present  crisis,  pushed  forward  the  work  with  the 
greatest  vigor.  Through  all  that  night  his  weary 
troops  continued  the  labor,  which  was  already  well 
advanced,  when  the  president  and  his  battalions, 


408  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BooK  V. 

emerging  from  the  passes  of  the  Cordilleras,   pre- 
sented themselves  at  sunrise  on  the  opposite  bank. 

.Little  time  was  given  for  repose,  as  all  felt  assured 
that  the  success  of  their  enterprise  hung  on  the  short 
respite  now  given  them  by  the  improvident  enemy. 
The  president,  with  his  principal  officers,  took  part 
in  the  labor  with  the  common  soldiers;11  and  before 
ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  Gasca  had  the  satisfaction 
to  see  the  bridge  so  well  secured,  that  the  leading 
files  of  the  army,  unencumbered  by  their  baggage, 
might  venture  to  cross  it.  A  short  time  sufficed  to 
place  several  hundred  men  on  the  other  bank.  But 
here  a  new  difficulty,  not  less  formidable  than  that 
of  the  river,  presented  itself  to  the  troops.  The 
ground  rose  up 'with  an  abrupt,  almost  precipitous, 
swell  from  the  river-side,  till,  in  the  highest  peaks, 
it  reached  an  elevation  of  several  thousand  feet. 
This  steep  ascent,  though  •«  not  to  its  full  height, 
indeed,  was  now  to  be  .surmounted.  The  difficul- 
ties of  the  ground,  broken  up  into  fearful  chasms 
and  water-courses,  and  tangled  with  thickets,  were 
greatly  increased  by  the  darkness  of  the  night ;  and 
the  soldiers,  as  they  toiled  slowly  upward,  were 
filled  with  apprehension,  a;kin  to  fear,  from  ,the  un- 
certainty whether  each  successive  step  might  not 
bring  them  into  an  ambuscade,  for  which  the  ground 
w'as  so  favorable.  More  than  once,  the  Spaniards 

11  "Lagente  que  estaua,  de  la  persona  quisiesse  tener  preuilegio 

vna  parte  y  de  la  otra,  todps  ti-  para  dexar  de  trabajar."     Fernan- 

tauan    y  trabajauan  al  poner,    y  dez.  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib. 

apretar  de  las  Criznejas :  sin  que  2,  cap.  87. 
el   Presidente  ni  Obispos,  ni  otra 


OH.  III.]  CROSSES  THE  APURIMAC.  409 

were  thrown  into  a  panic  by  false  reports  that  the 
enemy  were  upon  them.  But  Hinojosa  and  Valdi- 
via  were  at  hand  to  rally  their  men,  and  cheer 
them  on,  .until,  at  length,,  before  dawn  broke,  the 
bold  cavaliers  and  their  followers  placed  themselves 
on  the  highest  point  traversed  by  the  road,  where 
they  waked  the  arrival  of  the  president.  This  was 
not  long  delayed ;  and  in  the  course  of  the  follow- 
ing morning,  the  royalists  were  already  in  sufficient 
strength  to  bid  defiance  to  their  enemy. 

The  passage  of  the  river  had  been  effected  with 
less  loss  than  might  have  been  expected,  considering 
the  darkness  of  the  night,  and  the  numbers  that 
crowded  over  the  aerial  causeway.  Some  few,  in- 
deed, fell  into  the  water,  and  were  drowned  ;  and 
more  than  sixty  horses,  in  the  attempt  to  swim  them 
across  the  river,  were  hurried  down  the  current,  and 
dashed  against  the  rocks  below.12  It  still  required 
time  to  bring  up  the  heavy  train  of  ordnance  and 
the  military  wagons;  and  the  president  encamped 
on  the  strong  ground  which  he  now  occupied,  to 
await  their  arrival,  and  to  breathe  his  troops  after 
their  extraordinary  efforts.  In  these  quarters  we 
must  leave  him,  to  acquaint  the  reader  with  the 
state  of  things  .in  the  insurgent  army,  and  with  the 


12  "  Aquel  dia  pasaron  mas  de  en   vnas  pefias,   donde  se  hacian 

quatrocientos   Hombres,    llevando  peda§os,  sin  daries  lugar  el  impetu 

los  Caballos  a  nado,    encima  de  del  rio,   a  que  pudiesen  nadar." 

ellos  atadas  sus  armas,  i  arcabuces,  Zarate,    Conq.   del   Peru,   lib.   7, 

easo  que  se  perdieron  mas  de  se-  cap.   6.  — Gomara,   Hist,   de   las 

senta  Caballos,  que  con  la  corriente  Indias,  cap.  184. 
grande  se  desataron,  i  luego  daban 

VOL.    II.  52 


410  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BooK  V 

cause   of    its   strange   remissness  in    guarding   the 
passes  of  the  Apurimac.13 

From  the  time  of  Pizarro's  occupation  of  Cuzco, 
he  had  lived  in  careless  luxury  in  the  midst  of  his 
followers,  like  a  soldier  of  fortune  in  the  hour  of 
prosperity ;  enjoying  the  present,  with  as  little  con- 
cern for  the  future  as  if  the  crown  of  Peru  were 
already  fixed  irrevocably  upon  his  head.  It  was 
otherwise  with  Carbajal.  He'  looked  on  the  victory 
at  Huarina  as  the  commencement,  not  the  close,  of 
the  struggle  for  empire ;  and  he  was  indefatigable  in 
placing  his  troops  in  the  best  condition  for  maintain- 
ing their  present  advantage.  At  the  first  streak 
of  dawn,  the  veteran  might  be  seen  mounted  on  his 
mule,  with  the  garb  and  air  of  a  common  soldier, 
riding  about  in  the  different  quarters  of  the  capital, 
sometimes  superintending  the  manufacture  of  arms, 
or  providing  military  stores,  and  sometimes  drilling 
his  men,  for  he*  was  most  careful  always  to  maintain 
the  strictest  discipline,14  His  restless  spirit  seemed 
to  find  no  pleasure  but  in  incessant  action ;  living,  as 
he  had  always  done,  in  the  turmoil  of  military  ad- 


13  Ibid.,  ubi supra. — Fernandez,  y  bermejo,  yo  no  le  vi  en  otra  ca- 
Hist.   del  Peru,   Parte   1,  lib.  2,  ualgadura  en  todo  el  tiempo  que 
cap.  87. — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  estuuo   en   el  Cozco  antes   de    la 
lib.    7,   cap.    5.  —  Pedro   Pizarro,  batalla  de   Sacsahuana.     Era  tan 
Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. —  MS.  de  contino  y  diligete  en   solicitar  lo 
Caravantes.  —  Carta  de  Valdivia,  que  a  su  exercito  conuenia,  que  a 
MS.  —  Cieza  de  Leon,   Cronica,  todas  horas  del  dia  y  de  la  noche 
cap.  91.  —  Relacion  del  Lie.  Gasca,  le  topauan  sus'soldados  haziendo 
MS.  su  oficio,  y  los  agenos."     Garci- 

14  "  Andaua   siempre  en    vna  lasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  1,  lib.  5, 
mula  crescida  de  color  entre  pardo  cap.  27. 


CH.  III.]  PIZARRO'S  CONDUCT  IN   QUZCO.  411 

venture,  he  had  no  relish  for  any  thing,  unconnected 
with  war,  and  in  the  city  saw  only  the  materials  for 
a  well-organized  camp. 

With  these  feelings,  he  was  much  dissatisfied  at 
the  course  taken  by  his  younger  leader,  who  now 
professed  his  intention  to  abide  where  he  was,  and, 
when  the  enemy  advanced,  to  give  him  battle. 
Carbajal  advised  a  very  different  policy.  He  had 
not  that  full  confidence,  it  would  seem,  in  the  loyalty 
of  Pizarro's  partisans,  at  least,  not  of  those  who  had 
once  followed  the  banner  of  Centeno.  These  men, 
some  three  hundred  in  number,  had  been  in  a  man- 
ner, compelled  to  take  service  under  Pizarro.  They 
showed  no  heartiness  in  the  cause,  and  the  veteran 
strongly  urged  his  commander  to  disband  them  at 
once  ;  since  it  was  far  better  to  go  to  battle  with  a 
few  faithful  followers  than  with  a  .host  of  the  false 
and  faint-hearted. 

But  Carbajal  thought,  also,  that  his  leader  was 
not  sufficiently  strong  in  numbers  to-  encounter  his 
opponent,  supported  as  he  was  by  the  best  cap- 
tains of  Peru.  He  advised,  accordingly,  that  he 
should  abandon  Cuzco,  carrying  off  all  the  treasure, 
provisions,  and  stores  of  every  kind  from  the  city, 
which  might,  in  any  tvay,  serve  the  necessities  of 
the  royalists.  The  latter,  on  their  arrival,  disap- 
pointed by  the  poverty  of  a  place  where  they  had 
expected  to  find  so  much  booty,  would  become  dis- 
gusted with  the  service.  Pizarro,  meanwhile,  might 
take  refuge  with  his  men  in  the  neighbouring  fast- 
nesses, where,  familiar  with  the  ground,  it  would  be 


412  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [Boon  V. 

easy  to  elude  -the  enemy;  and  if  the  latter  perse- 
vered in  the  pursuit,  with  numbers  diminished  by 
desertion,  it  would  not  be  difficult  in  the  moun- 
tain passes  to  find  an  opportunity  for  assailing  him 
at  advantage.  —  Such  was  the  wary  counsel  of  the 
old  warrior.  But  it  was  not  to  the  taste  of  his 
fiery  commander,  who  preferred  to  risk  the  chances 
of  a  battle,  rather  than  turn  nis  back  on  a  foe. 

Neither  did  Pizarro  show  more  favor  to  a  propo- 
sition, said  to  have  been  made  -by  the  Licentiate 
Cepeda,  —  that  he  should  avail  himself  of  his  late 
success  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  Gasca. 
Such  advice,  from  the  man  who  had  so  recently 
resisted  all  overtures  of  the  president,  could  only 
have  proceeded  from  a  conviction,  that  the  late 
victory  placed  Pizarro  on  a  vantage-ground  for  de- 
manding terms  far  better  than  would  have  been 
before  conceded  to  him.  It  may  be  that  subse- 
quent experience  had  also  led  him  to  distrust  the 
fidelity  of  Gonzalo's  followers,  or,  possibly,  the  ca- 
pacity of  their  chief  to  conduct  them  through  the 
present  crisis.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  mo- 
tives of  the  slippery  counsellor,  Pizarro  gave  little 
heed  to  the  suggestion,  and  even  showed  some  re- 
sentment, as  the  matter  was  pressed  on  him.  In 
every  contest,  with  Indian  or  -European,  whatever 
had  been  the  odds,  he  had  come  off  victorious. 
He  was  not  now  for  the  first  time  to  despond  : 
and  he  resolved  to  remain  in  Cuzco,  and  hazard  all 
on  the  chances  of  a  battle.  There  was  something 
in  the  hazard  itself  captivating  to  his  bold  and 


CH.  III.]  PIZARRO'S  CONDUCT   IN   CUZCO.  413 

chivalrous  temper.  In  this,  too,  he  was  confirmed 
by  some  of  the  cavaliers  who  had  followed  him 
through  all  his  fortunes  ;  reckless  young  adventur- 
ers, who,  like  himself,  would  rather  risk  all  on  a 
single  throw  of  the  dice,  than  adopt  the  cautious, 
and,  as  it  seemed  to  them,  timid,  policy  of  graver 
counsellors.  It  was  by  such  advisers,  then,  that 
Pizarro's  future  course  was  to  be  shaped.15 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  Cuzco,  when 
Pizarro's  soldiers  returned  with  the  tidings,  that  a 
detachment  of  the  enemy  had  crossed  the  Apuri- 
mac,  and  were  busy  in  reestablishing  the  bridge. 
Carbajal  saw  at  once  the  absolute  necessity  of 
maintaining  this  pass.  "  It  is  my  affair,"  he  said ; 
"  I  claim  to  be  employed  on  this  service.  Give 
me  but  a  hundred  picked  men,  and  I  will  engage 
to  defend  the  pass  against  an  army,  and  bring 
back  the  chaplain — the  name  by  which  the  pres- 
ident was  known  in  the  rebel  camp  —  a  prisoner 
to  Cuzco." 16  "  I  cannot  spare  you,  father,"  said 
Gonzalo,  addressing  him  by  this  affectionate  epi- 
thet, which  he  usually  applied  to  his  aged  follow- 
er,17 "  I  cannot  spare  you  so  far  from  my  own 
person  " ;  and  he  gave  the  commission  to  Juan  de 

15  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte        }6  "  Paresceme  vuestra  Senoria 

2,  lib.  5,  cap.  27.  —  Gomara,  Hist,  se  vaya  a  la  vuelta  del  Collao  y 

de  las  Indias,  cap.  182.  — Eernan-  me  deje  cien  hombres,  los  que  yo 

dez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  escojiere,   que  yo  me  ire  a  vista 

2,  cap.  88.  deste  capellan,  que  an  si  llamaba  e"l 

"  Finalmente,  Gon§alo  Pizarro  al    presidente."      Pedro    Pizarro, 

dixo  que  queria  prouar  su  ventura :  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 
pues  siernpre  auia  sido  vencedor,  y        17  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 

iamas  vencido."     Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  31. 


414  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [Boon  V. 

; 
Acosta,  a  young    cavalier  warmly    attached  to  his 

commander,  and  who  had  given  undoubted  evidence 
of  his  valor  on  more  than  one  occasion,  but  who, 
as  the  event  proved,  was  signally  deficient  in  the 
qualities  demanded  for  so  critical  an  undertaking 
as  the  present.  Acosta,  accordingly,  was  placed  at 
the  head  of  two  hundred  mounted  musketeers,  and, 
after  much  wholesome  counsel  from  Carbajal,  set 
out  on  his  expedition. 

But  he  soon  forgot  the  veteran's  advice,  and 
moved  at  so  dull  a  pace  over  the  difficult  roads, 
that,  although  the  distance  was  not  more  than  nine 
leagues,  he  found,  on  his  arrival,  the  bridge  com- 
pleted, and  so  large  a  body  of  the  enemy  already 
crossed,  that  he  was  in  no  'strength  to  attack  them. 
Acosta  did,  indeed,  meditate  an  ambuscade  by 
night ;  but  the  design  was  betrayed  by  a  deserter, 
and  he  contented  himself  with  retreating  to  a  safe 
distance,  and  sending  for  a  further  reinforcement 
from  Cuzco.  Three  hundred  men  were  promptly 
detached  to  his  support ;  but  when  they  arrived,  the 
enemy  was  already  planted  in  full  force  on  the  crest 
of  the  eminence.  The  golden  opportunity  was  ir- 
recoverably lost;  and  the  disconsolate  cavalier  rode 
back  in  all  haste  to  report  the  failure  of  his  en- 
terprise to  his  commander  .in  Cuzco.18 

18  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  dated  at  Conception,  was  written 

Conq.,  MS. —  Fernandez,  Hist  about  two  years  after  the  events 

del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  88.  above  recorded.  It  is  chiefly  taken 

—  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.<7,  up  with  his  Chilian  conquests,  to 

cap.  5.  —  Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS.  which  his  campaign  .under  Gasca, 

Valdivia's  letter  to  the  emperor,  on  his  visit  to  Peru,  forms  a  kind 


CH.  III.]  HE  ENCAMPS   NEAR  T.HE   CITY.  415 

The  only  question  now  to  be  decided  was  as  to 
the  spot  where  Gonzalo  Pizarro  should  give  battle 
to  his  enemies.  He  determined  at  once  to  abandon 
the  capital," and  wait  for  his  opponents  in  the  neigh- 
bouring valley  of  Xaquixaguana.  It  was  about  five 
leagues  distant,  and  the  reader  may  remember  it  as 
the  place  where  Francis  Pizarro  burned  the  Peru- 
vian general  Challcuchima,  on  his  first  occupation 
of  Cuzco.  The  valley,  fenced  round  by  the  lofty 
rampart  of  the  Andes,  was,  for  the  most  part,  green 
and  luxuriant,  affording  many  picturesque  points  of 
view  ;  and,  from  the  genial  temperature  of  the  cli- 
mate, had  been  a  favorite  summer  residence  of  the 
Indian  nobles,  many  of  whose  pleasure-houses  still 
dotted  the  sides  of  the  mountains.  A  river,  or  rath- 
er stream,  of  no  great  volume,  flowed  through  one 
end  of  this  inclosure,  and  the  ^neighbouring  soil  was 
so  wet  and  mirj  as  to  have  the  character  of  a 
morass. 

Here  the  rebel  commander  arrived,  after  a  tedious 
march  over  roads  not  easily  traversed  by  his  train 
of  heavy  wagons  and  artillery.  His  forces  amounted 
in  all  to  about  nine  hundred  men,  with  some  half- 


of  brilliant  episode.  This  letter,  sessed  by  the  writers,  are  of  the 
the  original  of  which  is  preserved  highest  worth.  The  despatches 
in  Simancas,  covers  about  seventy  addressed  to  the  Court,  particular- 
folio  pages  in  the  copy  belonging  ly,  may  compare  with  the  cele- 
to  me.  It  is  one  of  that  class  of  brated  Relazioni  made  by  the  Ve- 
historical  documents,  consisting  of  netian  ambassadors  to  their  repub- 
the  despatches  and  correspondence  lie,  and  now  happily  in  the  course 
of  the  colonial  governors,  which,  of  publication,  at  Florence,  under 
from  the  minuteness  of  the  details  the  editorial  auspices  of  the  learned 
and  the  means  of  information  pos-  Alberi. 


416  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boos  V. 

dozen  pieces  of  ordnance.  It  was  a  well-appointed 
body,  and  under  excellent  discipline,  for  it  had  been 
schooled  by  the  strictest  martinet  in  the  Peruvian 
service.  But  it  was  the  misfortune  of  Pizarro  that 
his  army  was  composed,  in  part,  at  least,  of  men  on 
whose  attachment  to  his  cause  he  could  not  confi- 
dently rely.  This  was  a  deficiency  which  no  cour- 
age nor  skill  in  the  leader  could  supply. 

On  entering  the  valley,  Pizarro  selected  the  east- 
ern quarter  of  it,  towards  Cuzco,  as  the  most  fa- 
vorable spot  for  his  encampment.  It  was  crossed 
by  the  stream  above  mentioned,  and  he  stationed  his 
army  in  such  a  manner,  that,  while  one  extremity 
of  the  camp  rested  on  a  natural  barrier  formed  by 
the  mountain  cliffs  that  here  rose  up  almost  per- 
pendicularly, the  other  was  protected  by  the  river. 
While  it  was  scarcely  possible,  therefore,  to  assail 
his  flanks,  the  approaches  in  front^  were  so  extreme- 
ly narrowed  by  these  obstacles,  that  it  would  not  be 
easy  to  overpower  him  by  numbers  in  that  direc- 
tion. In  the  rear,  his  communications  remained 
open  with  Cuzco,  furnishing  a  ready  means  for  ob- 
taining supplies.  Having  secured  this  strong  po- 
sition, he  resolved  patiently  to  wait  the  assault  of 
the  enemy.19 

Meanwhile,  the  royal  army  had  been  toiling  up 
the  steep  sides  of  the  Cordilleras,  until,  at  the  close 


S.  — Gar-  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.    185.- 

cilasso,  Com.Real.,Parte2,iib.  5,  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru, 

cap.  33,  34.  —  Pedro  Pizarro,  Des-  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  6S. 
cub.    y  Conq.,    MS.  —  Gomara, 


*.«• 


CH.  III.]  HE   ENCAMPS   NEAR  THE  CITY.  41? 

of  the  third  day,  the  president  had  the  satisfaction 
to  find  himself  surrounded  by  his  whole  force,  with 
their  guns  and  military  stores.  Having  now  suf- 
ficiently refreshed  his  men,  he  resumed  his  march, 
and  all  went  forward  with  the  buoyant  confidence 
of  bringing  their  quarrel  with  the  tyrant,  as  Pizarro 
was  called,  to  a  speedy  issue. 

Their  advance  was  slow,  as  in  the  previous  part 
of  the  march,  for  the  ground  was  equally  embar- 
rassing. It  was  not  long,  however,  before  the  pres- 
ident learned  that  his  antagonist  had  pitched  his 
camp  in  the  neighbouring  valley  of  Xaquixaguana. 
Soon  afterward,  two  friars,  sent  by  Gonzalo  him- 
self, appeared  in  the  army,  for  the  ostensible  pur- 
pose of  demanding  a  sight  of  the  powers  with  which 
Gasca  was  intrusted.  But  as  their  conduct  gave 
reason  to  suspect  they  were  spies,  the  president 
caused  the  holy  men  to  be  seized,  and  refused  to 
allow  them  to  return  to  Pizarro.  By  an  emissary 
of  his  own,  whom  he  despatched  to  the  rebel  chief, 
he  renewed  the  assurance  of  pardon  already  given 
him,  in  case  he  would  lay^  down  his  arms  and 
submit.  Such  an  act  of  generosity,  at  this  late 
hour,  must  be  allowed  to  be  highly  creditable  to 
Gasca,  believing,  as  he  probably  did,  that  the  game 
was  in  his  own  hands.  — It  is  a  pity  that  the  anec- 
dote does  not  rest  on  the  best  authority.5 


20 


20  The  fact  is  not  mentioned  by  cumstances,  in  Gomara  (Hist,  de 

any  of  the  parties  present  at  these  las  Indias,  cap.  185)    and   Zarate 

transactions.     It  is  to  be    found,  (Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  6)  ; 

with  some  little  discrepancy  of  cir-  and  their  positive  testimony  may 

VOL.    II.  53 


m 


418  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BooK  V. 

After  a  march  of  a  couple  of  days,  the  advanced 
guard  of  the  royalists  came  suddenly  on  the  out- 
posts of  the  insurgents,  from  whom  they  had  been 
concealed  by  a  thick  mist,  and  a  slight  skirmish  took 
place  between  them.  At  length,  on  the  morning 
of  the  eighth  of  April,  the  royal  army,  turning  the 
crest  of  the  lofty  range  that  belts  round  the  lovely 
valley  of  Xaquixaguana,  beheld  far  below  on  the 
opposite  side  the  glittering  lines  of  the  enemy,  with 
their  white  pavilions,  looking  like  clusters  of  wild 
fowl  nestling  among  the  cliffs  of  the  mountains. 
And  still  further  off  might  be  descried  a  hostsof  In- 
dian warriors,  showing  gaudily  in  their  variegated 
costumes;  for  the  natives,  in  this  part  of  the  coun- 
try, with  little  perception  of  their  true  interests, 
manifested  great  "zeal  in  the  cause  of  Pizarro. 

Quickening  their  step,  the  royal  army  now  hastily 
descended  the  steep  sides  of  the  sierra  ;  and  notwith- 
standing every  effort  of  their  officers,  they  moved  in 
so  little  order,  each  man  picking  his  way  as  he 
could,  that  the  straggling  column  presented  many 
a  vulnerable  point  to  the  enemy ;  and  the  descent 
would  not  have  been  accomplished  without  consid- 
erable loss,  had  Pizarro's  cannon  been  planted  on 
any  of  the  favorable  positions  which  the  ground  af- 
forded. But  that  commander,  far  from  attempting  to 
check  the  president's  approach,  remained  doggedly 
in  the  strong  position  he  had  occupied,  with  the  full 
confidence  that  his  adversaries  would  not  hesitate  to 

toe    thought    by  most  readers  to    the  silence  of  other  contempora- 
outweigh  the  negative  afforded  by    ries. 


CH.  III.]  ROUT  OF   XAQUIXAGUANA.  419 

assail  it,  strong  as  it  was,  in  the  same  manner  as 
they  had  done  at  Huarina.21 

Yet  he  did  not  omit  to  detach  a  corps  of  arque- 
busiers  to  secure  a  neighbouring  eminence  or  spur 
of  the  Cordilleras,  which  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy 
might  cause  some  annoyance  to  his  own  camp, 
while  it  commanded  still  more  effectually  the  ground 
soon  to  be  occupied  by  the  assailants.  But  his 
manoeuvre  was  noticed  by  Hinojosa ;  and  he  de- 
feated it  by  sending  a  stronger  detachment  of  the 
royal  musketeers,  who  repulsed  the  rebels,  and,  after 
a  short  skirmish,  got  possession  of  the  heights. 
Gasca's  general  profited  by  this  success  to  plant  a 
small  battery  of  cannon  on  the  eminence,  from  which, 
although  the  distance  was  too  great  for  him  to  do 
much  execution,  he  threw  some  shot  into  the  hostile 
camp.  One  ball,  indeed,  struck  down  two  men,  one 
of  them  Pizarro's  page,  killing  a  horse,  at  the  same 
time,  which  he  held  by  the  bridle  ;  and  the  chief  in- 
stantly ordered  the  tents  to  be  struck,  considering  that 
they  afforded  too  obvious  a  mark  for  the  artillery.22 

•i 

21  "  Sali6  a  Xaquixaguana  con  Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS. —  Relacion 

toda  su  gente  y  alii  nos  aguardo  en  del  Lie.  Gasca,  MS. 

un  llano  junto  a  un  cerro  alto  por  %*  "  Porq.  muchas  pelotas  dieron 

donde  bajabamos  ;  y  cierto  nuestro  en  medio  de  la  gente,  y  una  dellas 

Senor  le    cego   el   entendimiento,  mato  juto  a   Gonc_alo  Pizarro  vn 

porque  si  nos  aguardaran  al  pie  de  criado  suyo  que  se  estaua  armando  : 

la  bajada,  hicieran  mucho  dafio  a  y  mato  otro  hombre  y  vn  cauallo  : 

nosotros.     Retiraronse  a  un  llano  que  puso  grande  alteracion  en  el 

junto  a  una  cienaga,  creyendo  que  campo,  y  abatieron  todas  las  tiedas 

nuestro  campo  alii  les  acometiera  y  toldos."     Fernandez,  Hist,  del 

y  con  la  ventaja  que  nos  tenian  Peru,  Pafte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  89. — 

del  puesto  nos  vencieran."     Pedro  Carta de  Valdivia,  MS.  —  Relacion 

Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. —  del  Lie.  Gasca,  MS. 


420  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE   COUNTRY  [Booic  V. 

'  Meanwhile,  the  president's  forces  had  descended 
into  the  valley,  and  as  they  came  on  the  plain  were 
formed  into  line  by  their  officers.  The  ground 
occupied  by  the  army  was  somewhat  lower  than 
that  of  their  enemy,  whose  shot,  as  discharged, 
from  time  to  time,  from  his  batteries,  passed  over 
their  heads.  Information  was  now  brought  by 
a  deserter,  one  of  Centeno's  old  followers,  that 
Pizarro  was  getting  ready  for  a  night  attack. 
The  president,  in  consequence,  commanded  his 
whole  force  to  be  drawn  up  in  battle  array,  pre- 
pared, at  any  instant,  to  repulse  the  assault.  But 
if  such  were  meditated  by  the  insurgent  chief,  he 
abandoned  it,  —  and,  as  it  is  said,  from  a  distrust 
of  the  fidelity  of  some  of  the  troops,  who,  under 
cover  of  the  darkness,  he  feared,  would  go  over  to 
the  opposite  side.  If  this  be  true,  he  must  have 
felt  the  full  force  of  Carbajal's  admonition,  when 
too  late  to  profit  by  it.  The  unfortunate  command- 
er was  in  the  situation  of  some  bold,  high-mettled 
cavalier,  rushing  to  battle  on  a  war-horse  whose 
tottering  joints  threaten  to  give  way  under  him  at 
every  step,  and  leave  his  rider  to  the  mercy  of  his 
enemies  ! 

The  president's  troops  stood  to  their  arms  the 
greater  part  of  the  night,  although  the  air  from  the 
mountains  was  so  keen,  that  it  was  with  difficulty 
they  could  hold  their  lances  in  their  hands.23  But 

^       .  :;•.,.,*.  ,,;«,*, ^4^^-£-s:r 

23  "  I  asi  estuvo  el  Campo  toda  que  no  podian  tener  las  Langas  eii 
la  Noche  en  Arma,  desarmadas  las  las  manos."  Zarate,  Conq.  del 
Tiendas,  padesciendo  mui  gran  frio  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  6. 


CH.  III.]  ROUT  OF  XAQUIXAGUANA.  421 

before  the  rising  sun  had  kindled  into  a  glow  the 
highest  peaks  of  the  sierra,  both  camps  were  in 
motion,  and  busily  engaged  in  preparations  for  the 
combat.  The  royal  army  was  formed  into  two  bat- 
talions of  infantry,  one  to  attack  the  enemy  in  front, 
and  the  other,  if  possible,  to  operate  on  his  flank. 
These  battalions  were  protected  by  squadrons  of 
horse  on  the  wings  and  in  the  rear,  while  reserves 
both  of  horse  and  arquebusiers  were  stationed  to  act 
as  occasion  might  require.  -The  dispositions  were 
made  in  so  masterly  a  manner,  as  to  draw  forth 
a  hearty  eulogium  from  old  Carbajal,  who  exclaimed, 
"  Surely  the  Devil  or  Valdivia  must  be  among 
them ! "  an  undeniable  compliment  to  the  latter, 
since  the  speaker  was  ignorant  of  that  commander's 
presence  in  the  camp.24 

Gasca,  leaving  the  conduct  of  the  battle  to  his 
officers,  withdrew  to  the  rear  with  his  train  of  cler- 
gy and  licentiates,  the  last  of  whom  did  not  share  in 
the  ambition  of  their  rebel  brother,  Gepeda,  to  break 
a  lance  in  the  field. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  formed  his  squadron  in  the 
same  manner  as  he  had  done  on  the  plains  of  Hua- 
rina ;  except  that  the  increased  number  of  his 
horse  now  enabled  him  to  cover  both  flanks  of  his 


24  "  Y  assi  quando  vio  Francisco  Relacion  del   Lie.  Gasca,  MS.  — 

de  Caruajal  el  campo  Real;  pare-  Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS.  —  Gomara, 

ciendole  que  los  esquadrones  venian  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.    185.  — 

bie  ordenados  dixo,  Valdiuia  esta  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap. 

en  la  tierra,  y  rige  el  campo,  6  el  6. — Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte 

diablo."      Fernandez,    Hist,     del  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  34.  —  Pedro  Pizarro, 

Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  89. —  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 


422  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [BOOK  V, 

infantry.  It  was  still  on  his  fire-arms,  however, 
that  he  chiefly  relied.  As  the  ranks  were  formed, 
he  rode  among  them,  encouraging  his  men  to  do 
their  duty  like  brave  cavaliers,  and  true  soldiers  of 
the  Conquest.  Pizarro  was  superbly  armed,  as 
usual,  and  wore  a  complete  suit  of  mail,  of  the 
finest  manufacture,  which,  as  well  as  his  helmet, 
was  richly  inlaid  with  gold.25  He  rode  a  chestnut 
horse  of  great  strength  and  spirit,  and  as  he  galloped 
along  the  line,  brandishing  his  lance,  and  displaying 
his  easy  horsemanship,  he  might  be  thought  to  form 
no  bad  personification  of  the  Genius  of  Chivalry. 
To  complete  his  dispositions,  he  ordered  Cepeda  to 
lead  up  the  infantry ;  for  the  licentiate  seems  to 
have  had  a  larger  share  in  the  conduct  of  his  af- 
fairs of  late,  or  at  least  in  the  present  military  ar- 
rangements, than  Carbajal.  The  latter,  indeed, 
whether  from  disgust  at  the  course  taken  by  his 
leader,  or  from  a  distrust,  which,  it  is  said,  he  did 
not  affect  to  conceal,  of  the  success  of  the  present 
operations,  disclaimed  all  responsibility  for  them, 
and  chose  to  serve  rather  as  a  private  cavalier  than 
as  a  commander.26  Yet  Cepeda,  as  the  event  show- 

25  "  Iba  nrai  galan,    i    grentil  desdenado  de  que  Gongalo  Pizarro 
hombre  sobre  vn  poderoso  caballo  no  huuiesse  queride  seguir  su  pa- 
castafio,  armado  de  Cota,  i  Cora-  reeer  y  consejo    (dandose   ya  por 
cinas  ricas,  con  vna  sobre  ropa  de  vencido) ,  no  quiso  hazer  oficio  de 
Raso  bien  golpeada,  i  vn  Capacete  Maesse  de   campo,   como  solia,  y 
de  Oro  en  la  cabeca,  con  su  barbote  assi  fue  a  ponerse  en  el  esquadron 
de  lo  mismo."     Gomara,  Hist,  de  con  su  compania,  como  vno  de  los 
las  Indias,  cap.  185.  capitanes  de   ynfanteria."     Garci- 

26  "  Porque  el  Maesse  de  campo    lasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5, 
Francisco  de  Caruajal,  como  hombre    cap.  35. 


CH.  III.]  ROUT  OF  XAQUIXAGUANA.  423 

ed,  was  no  less  shrewd  in   detecting   the   coming 
ruin. 

When  he  had  received  his  orders  from  Pizarro,  he 
rode  forward  as  if  to  select  the  ground  for  his  troops 
to  occupy ;  and  in  doing  so  disappeared  for  a  few 
moments  behind  a  projecting  cliff.  He  soon  reap- 
peared, however,  and  was  seen  galloping  at  full 
speed  across  the  plain.  His  men  looked  with  aston- 
ishment, yet  not  distrusting  his  motives,  till,  as  he 
continued  his  course  direct  towards  the  enemy's  lines, 
his  treachery  became  apparent.  Several  pushed  for- 
ward to  overtake  him,  and  among  them  a  cavalier, 
better  mounted  than  Cepeda.  The  latter  rode  a 
horse  of  no  great  strength  or  speed,  quite  unfit  for 
this  critical  manoeuvre  of  his  master.  The  animal, 
was,  moreover,  encumbered  by  the  weight  of  the 
caparisons  with  which  his  ambitious  rider  had  loaded 
him,  so  that,  on  reaching  a  piece  of  miry  ground 
that  lay  between  the  armies,  his  pace  was  greatly 
retarded.27  Cepeda's  pursuers  rapidly  gained  on 
him,  and  the  cavalier  above  noticed  came,  at  length, 
so  near  as  to  throw  a  lance  at  the  fugitive,  which, 
wounding  him  in  the  thigh,  pierced  his  horse's 
flank,  and  they  both  came  headlong  to  the  ground. 
It  would  have  fared  ill  with  the  licentiate,  in  this 
emergency,  but  fortunately  a  small  party  of  troopers 
on  the  other  side,  who  had  watched  the  chase,  now 
galloped  briskly  forward  to  the  rescue,  and,  beating 
off  his  pursuers,  they  recovered  Cepeda  from  the 
mire,  and  bore  him  to  the  president's  quarters. 

27  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


424  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [BooK  V. 

He  was  received  by  Gasca  with  the  greatest  sat- 
isfaction, —  so  great,  that,  according  to  one  chroni- 
cler, he  did  not  disdain  to  show  it  by  saluting  the 
licentiate  on  the  cheek.28  The  anecdote  is  scarcely 
reconcilable  with  the  characters  and  relations  of  the 
parties,  or  with  the  president's  subsequent  conduct. 
Gasca,  however,  recognized  the  full  value  of  his 
prize,  and  the  effect  which  his  desertion  at  such  a 
time  must  have  on  the  spirits  of  the  rebels.  Cepe- 
da's  movement,  so  unexpected  -  by  his  own  party, 
was  the  result  of  previous  deliberation,  as  he  had 
secretly  given  assurance,  it  is  said,  to  the  prior  of 
Arequipa,  then  in  the  royal  camp,  that,  if  Gonzalo 
Pizarro  could  not  be  induced  to  accept  the  pardon 
offered  him-,  he  would  renounce  his  cause.29  The 
time  selected  by  the  crafty  counsellor  for  doing  so 
was  that  most  fatal  to  the  interests  of  his  com- 
mander. 

The  example  of  Cepeda  was  contagious.  Gar- 
cilasso  de  la  Vega,  father  of  the  historian,  a  cava- 
lier of  old  family,  and  probably  of  higher  considera- 
tion than  any  other  in  Pizarro's  party,  put  spurs  to 
his  horse,  at  the  same  .time  with  the  licentiate,  and 
rode  over  to  the  enemy.  Ten  or  a  dozen  of  the 
arquebusiers  followed  in  the  same  direction,  and 


28  "  Gasca  abra£6,  i  beso  en  el  Castro,  Prior  de  Santo  Domingo  en 
carrillo  a  Cepeda,  annque  lo  lleva-  Arequipa,  que  si  Pi$arro  no  quisi- 
ba  encenagado,  teniendo  por  venci-  esse  concierto  ninguno,  el  se  pasa- 
do  a  Pizarro,  con  su  falta."     Go-  ria   al   servicio   del   Emperador  a 
mara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.  185.  tiempo  que  le  deshiciese."     Ibid., 

29  "  Ca,  segun  parecio,  Cepeda  ubi  supra, 
le  huvo  avisado  con  Fr.  Antonio  de 


CH.  III.]  ROUT  OF  XAQUIXAGUANA.  426 

succeeded  in  placing  themselves  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  advanced  guard  of  the  royalists. 

Pizarro  stood  aghast  at  this  desertion,  in  so  criti- 
cal a  juncture,  of  those  in  whom  he  had  most  trust- 
ed. He  was,  for  a  moment,  bewildered.  The  very 
ground  on  which  he  stood  seemed  to  be  crumbling 
beneath  him.  With  this  state  of  feeling  among  his 
soldiers,  he  saw  that  every  minute  of  delay  was 
fatal.  He  dared  not  wait  for  the  assault,  as  he  had 
intended,  in  his  strong  position,  but  instantly  gave 
the  word  to  advance.  Gasca's  general,  Hinojosa, 
seeing  the  enemy  in  motion,  gave  similar  orders  to 
his  own  troops.  Instantly  the  skirmishers  and  ar- 
quebusiers  on  the  flanks  moved  rapidly  forward,  the 
artillery  prepared  to  open  their  fire,  and  "  the  whole 
army,"  says  the  president  in  his  own  account  of  the 
affair,  "  advanced  with  steady  step  and  perfect  de- 
termination." 30 

But  before  a  shot  was  fired,  a  column  of  arque- 
busiers,  composed  chiejly  of  Centeno's  followers, 
abandoned  their  post,  and  marched  directly  over  to 
the  enemy.  A  squadron  of  horse,  sent  in  pursuit  of 
them,  followed  their,  example.  The  president  in- 
stantly commanded  his  men  to  halt,  unwilling  to 
spill  blood  unnecessarily,  as  the  rebel  host  was  like 
to  fall  to  pieces  of  itself. 

30  "  Visto  por  Gonzalo  Pizarro  se  empezaron  a  llegar  a  ellos  i  a 

i  Caravajal  su  Maestre  de  Campo  disparar  en  ellos  i  que  lo   mesmo 

que  se  les  iva  gente  procuraron  de  hizo  la  artilleria,  i  todo  el  campo 

caminar  en  su  orden  hacia  el  campo  con  paso  bien  concertado  i  entera 

de  S.  M.  i  que  viendo  esto  los  lados  determinacion   se   llego   a   ellos.' 

i  sobre  salientes  del  exercito  real  Relacion  del  Lie.  Gasca,  MS. 
VOL.    II.                        54 


426  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BOOK  V. 

Pizarro's  faithful  adherents  were  seized  with  a 
panic,  as  they  saw  themselves  and  their  leader  thus 
betrayed  into  the  enemy's  hands.  Further  resist- 
ance was  useless.  Some  threw  down  their  arms, 
and  fled  in  the  direction  of  Cuzco.  Others  sought 
to  escape  to  the  mountains ;  and  some  crossed  to  the 
opposite  side,  and  surrendered  themselves  prisoners, 
hoping  it  was  not  too  late  to  profit  by  the  promises 
of  grace.  The  Indian  allies,  on  seeing  the  Span- 
iards falter,  had  been  the  first  to  go  off  the  ground.31 

Pizarro,  amidst  the  general  wreck,  found  himself 
left  with  only  a  few  cavaliers  who  disdained  to  fly. 
Stunned  by  the  unexpected  reverse  of  fortune,  the 
unhappy  chief  could  hardly  comprehend  his  situ- 
ation. "  What  remains  for  us  ?  "  said  he  to  Acosta, 
one  of  those  who  still  adhered  to  him.  "  Fall  on 
the  enemy,  since  nothing  else  is  left,"  answered 
the  lion-hearted  soldier,  "  and  die  like  Romans  !  " 
"  Better  to  die  like  Christians,"  replied  his  com- 
mander ;  and,  slowly  turning  his  horse,  he  rode  off 
in  the  direction  of  the  royal  army.32 


31  "Los  Indies  que  tenian  los  — Zarate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7, 

enemigos  que  diz  que  eran  mucha  cap.  7.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  General, 

cantidad    huyeron    mui  a  furia."  dec.  8,  lib.  4,  cap.  16. 
(Relacion  del   Lie.   Gasca,  MS.)         &  "  Gongalo  Picarro  boluiendo 

For  the  particulars  of  the  battle,  el  rostro,  a  Juan  de  Acosta,  que 

more  or  less  minute,  see  Carta  de  estaua  cerca  del,  le  dixo,  que  hare 

Valdivia,  MS. —  Garcilasso,  Com.  mos  hermano  Juan?     Acosta  pre- 

ReaL,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  35. —  sumiendo  mas  de  valiente  que  de 

Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  discrete  respondio,  Sefior  arreme- 

MS.  —  Gomara,  Hist,   de   las*  In-  tamos,  y  muramos  como  los  anti- 

dias,  cap.  185.  —  Fernandez,  Hist,  guos  Romanos.     Gongalo  Pi$arro 

del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  90.  dixo  mejor  es  morir  como  Cristia 


CH.  III.]  ROUT  OF   XAQUIXAGUANA.  427 

He  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  he  was  met  by 
an  officer,  to  whom,  after  ascertaining  his  name  and 
rank,  Pizarro  delivered  up  his  sword,  and  yieldt  I 
himself  prisoner.  The  officer,  overjoyed  at  Ls 
prize,  conducted  him,  at  once,  to  the  president's 
quarters.  Gasca  was  on  horseback,  surrounded  by 
his  captains,  some  of  whom,  when  they  recognized 
the  person  of  the  captive,  had  the  grace  to  with- 
draw, that  they  might  not  witness  his  humiliation.33 
Even  the  best  of  them,  with  a  sense  of  right  on 
their  side,  may  have  felt  some  touch  of  compunction 
at  the  thought  that  their  desertion  had  brought  their 
benefactor  to  this  condition. 

Pizarro  kept  his  seat  in  his  saddle,  but,  as  he  ap- 
proached, made  a  respectful  obeisance  to  the  presi- 
dent, which  the  latter  acknowledged  by  a  cold  sa- 
lute. Then,  addressing  his  prisoner  in  a  tone  of 
severity,  Gasca  abruptly  inquired, — "  Why  he  had 
thrown  the  country  into  such  confusion  ;  —  raising 
the  banner  of  revolt ;  killing  the  viceroy  ;  usurping 
the  government ;  and  obstinately  refusing  the  offers 
of  grace  that  had  been  repeatedly  made  him  ?  " 

Gonzalo  attempted  to  justify  himself  by  referring 
the  fate  of  the  viceroy  to  his  misconduct,  and  his 
own  usurpation,  as  it  was  styled,  to  the  free  election 
of  the  people,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Royal  Audience. 
"  It  was  my  family,"  he  said,  "  who  conquered  the 
country ;  and,  as  their  representative  here,  I  felt  I 

nos."      Garcilasso,    Com.    Real.,        ^  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  ubi 
Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  36.  —  Zarate,     supra. 
Oonq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  7. 


428  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE   COUNTRY.  [BOOK  V. 

had  a  right  to  the  government."  To  this  Gasca  re- 
plied, in  a  still  severer  tone,  "Your  brother  did, 
,  ideed,  conquer  the  land ;  and  for  this  the  emperor 
u  as  pleased  to  raise  both  him  and  you  from  the  dust. 
He  lived  and  died  a  true  and  loyal  subject;  and  it 
only  makes  your  ingratitude  to  your  sovereign  the 
more  heinous."  Then,  seeing  his  prisoner  about  to 
reply,  the  president  cut  short  the  conference,  order- 
ing him  into  close  confinement.  He  was  committed 
to  the  charge  of  Centeno,  who  had  sought  the  office, 
not  from  any  unworthy  desire  to  gratify  his  revenge, 
— for  he  seems  to  have  had  a  generous  nature, — but 
for  the  honorable  purpose  of  ministering  to  the  com- 
fort of  the  captive.  Though  held  in  strict  custody 
by  this  officer,  therefore,  Pizarro  was  treated  with 
the  deference  due  to  his  rank,  and  allowed  every 
indulgence  by  his  keeper,  except  his  freedom.34 

In  this  general  wreck  of  their  fortunes,  Francisco 
de  Carbajal  fared  no  better  than  his  chief.  As  he 
saw  the  soldiers  deserting  their  posts  and  going  over 
to  the  enemy,  one  after  another,  he  coolly  hummed 
the  words  of  his  favorite  old  ballad, — 

"  The  wind  blows  the  hairs  off  my  \iead,  mother  !  " 

But  when  he  found  the  field  nearly  empty,  and 
his  stout-hearted  followers  vanished  like  a  wreath 
of  smoke,  he  felt  it  was  time  to  provide  for  his  own 


34  Fernandez,    Hist,   del  Peru,  Gomara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap. 

Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  90.  185.  —  Garcilasso,    Com.    Real., 

Historians,  of  course,  report  the  Parte  2,  lib.  5,   cap.  36.  —  Rela- 

dialogue  between   Gasca  and  his  cion  del  Lie.  Gasca,  MS. 
prisoner  with  some  variety.     See 


CH.  III.]  ROUT   OF   XAQUIXAGUANA.  429 

safety.  He  knew  there  could  be  no  favor  for  him  ; 
and,  putting  spurs  to  his  horse,  he  betook  himself  to 
flight  with  all  the  speed  he  could  make.  He  crossed 
the  stream  that  flowed,  as  already  mentioned,  by  the 
camp,  but,  in  scaling  the  opposite  bank,  which  was 
steep  and  stony,  his  horse,  somewhat  old,  and  op- 
pressed by  the  weight  of  his  rider,  who  was  large 
and  corpulent,  lost  his  footing  and  fell  with  him  in- 
to the  water.  Before  he  could  extricate  himself, 
Carbajal  was  seized  by  some  of  his  own  followers, 
who  hoped,  by  such  a  prize,  to  make  their  peace 
with  the  victor,  and  hurried  off  towards  the  presi- 
dent's quarters. 

The  convoy  was  soon  swelled  by  a  number  of  the 
common  file  from  the  royal  army,  some  of  whom 
had  long  arrears  to  settle  with  the  prisoner;  and, 
not  content  with  heaping  reproaches  and  impreca- 
tions on  his  head,  they  now  threatened  to  proceed  to 
acts  of  personal  violence,  which  Carbajal,  far  from 
deprecating,  seemed  rather  to  court,  as  the  speediest 
way  of  ridding  himself  of  life.35  When  he  approach- 
ed the  president's  quarters,  Centeno,  who  was  near, 
rebuked  the  disorderly  rabble,  and  compelled  them 
to  give  way.  Carbajal,  on  seeing  this,  with  a  re- 
spectful air  demanded  to  whom  he  was  indebted  for 
this  courteous  protection.  To  which  his  ancient 
comrade  replied,  "  Do  you  not  know  me  ?  —  Die 


35  "  Luego  llevaron  antel  dicho  ofendidas  que  le  querian  matar,  el 

Licenciado  Caravajal    Maestre   de  qua!  diz  que  mostrava  que  olgara 

campo  del  dicho  Pizarro  i  tan  cer-  que    le    mataran   alii."     Relacion 

cado  de  gentes  que  del  havian  sido  del  Lie.  Gasca,  MS. 


430  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [Boox  V. 

go  Centeno !  "  "  1  crave  your  pardon,"  said  the 
veteran,  sarcastically  alluding  to  his  long  flight  in 
the  Charcas,  and  his  recent  defeat  at  Huarina  ;  "  it 
is  so  long  since  1  have  seen  any  thing  but  your  back, 
that  I  had  forgotten  your  face !  " 36 

Among  the  president's  suite  was  the  martial 
bishop  of  Cuzco,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  had 
shared  with  Centeno  in  the  disgrace  of  his  defeat. 
His  brother  had  been  taken  by  Carbajal,  in  his  flight 
from  the  field,  and  instantly  hung  up  by  that  fierce 
chief,  who,  as  we  have  had  more  than  one  occasion 
to  see,  was  no  respecter  of  persons.  The  bishop 
now  reproached  him  with  his  brother's  murder,  and, 
incensed  by  his  cool  replies,  was  ungenerous  enough 
to  strike  the  prisoner  on  the  face.  Carbajal  made 
no  attempt  at  resistance.  Nor  would  he  return  a 
word  to  the  queries  put  to  him  by  Gasca ;  but, 
looking  haughtily  round  on  the  circle,  maintained  a 
contemptuous  silence.  The  president,  seeing  that 
nothing  further  was  to  be  gained  from  his  captive, 
ordered  him,  together  with  Acosta,  and  the  other 
cavaliers  who  had  surrendered,  into  strict  custody, 
until  their  fate  should  be  decided.37 


36  "  Diego  Centeno  reprehendia  niendo  le  de  cara,  no  le  conocia." 

mucho  a  los  que  le  offendian.     For  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte 

lo  qual  Caruajal  le  mird,  y  le  dixo,  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  90. 

Senor  quien  es  vuestra  merced  que  ^  Ibid.,  ubi  supra, 

tanta  merced  me  haze  ?  a  lo  qual  It  is  but  fair  to  state  that  Garci- 

Centeno  respondio,  Que  no  conoce  lasso,  who  was  personally  acquaint- 

vuestra  merced  a  Diego  Centeno  ?  ed  with  the  bishop  of  Cuzco,  doubts 

Dixo  entonces  Caruajal,  Por  Dios  the  fact  of  the  indecorous  conduct 

sen  or  que  como  siempre  vi  a  vuestra  imputed  to  him  by  Fernandez,  as 

merced  de  espaldas,  que  agora  te-  inconsistent  with  the  prelate's  char- 


CH.  III.]  ROUT  OF   XAQUIXAGUANA.  431 

Gasca's  next  concern  was  to  send  an  officer  to 
Cuzco,  to  restrain  his  partisans  from  committing  ex- 
cesses in  consequence  of  the  late  victory,  —  if  victo- 
ry that  could  be  called,  where  not  a  blow  had  been 
struck.  Every  thing  belonging  to  the  vanquished, 
their  tents,  arms^  ammunition,  and  military  stores, 
became  the  property  of  the  victors.  Their  camp  was 
well  victualled,  furnishing  a  seasonable  supply  to  the 
royalists,  who  had  nearly  expended  their  own  stock 
of  provisions.  There  was,  moreover,  considerable 
booty  in  the  way  of  plate  and  money  ;  for  Pizarro's 
men,  as  was  not  uncommon  in  those  turbulent  times, 
went,  many  of  them,  to  the  war  with  the  whole  of 
their  worldly  wealth,  not  knowing  of  any  safe  place 
in  which  to  bestow  it.  An  anecdote  is  told  of  one 
of  Gasca's  soldiers,  who,  seeing  a  mule  running  over 
the  field,  with  a  large  pack  on  his  back,  seized  the 
animal,  and  mounted  him,  having  first  thrown  away 
the  burden,  supposing  it  to  contain  armour,  or  some- 
thing of  little  worth.  Another  soldier,  more  shrewd, 
picked  up  the  parcel,  as  his  share  of  the  spoil,  and 
found  it  contained  several  thousand  gold  ducats! 
It  was  the  fortune  of  war.38 

Thus  terminated  the  battle,  or  rather  rout,  of 
Xaquixaguana.  The  number  of  killed  and  wound- 
ed —  for  some  few  perished  in  the  pursuit  —  was 
not  great ;  according  to  most  accounts,  not  exceed- 
ing fifteen  killed  on  the  rebel  side,  and  one  only  on 
that  of  the  royalists  !  and  that  one*  by  the  careless- 

acter.     Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.        x  Zarate,   Conq.  del  Peru,  lib. 
5,  cap.  39.  7,  cap.  8. 


432 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [Boos  V. 


ness  of  a  comrade.39  Never  was  there  a  cheaper 
victory ;  so  bloodless  a  termination  of  a  fierce  and 
bloody  rebellion !  It  was  gained  not  so  much  by 
the  strength  of  the  victors  as  by  the  weakness 
of  the  vanquished.  They  fell  to  pieces  of  their 
own  accord,  because  they  had  no  sure  ground  to 
stand  on.  The  arm,  not  nerved  by  the  sense  of 
right,  became  powerless  in  the  hour  of  battle.  It 
was  better  that  they  should  thus  be  overcome  by 
moral  force  than  by  a  brutal  appeal  to  arms.  Such 
a  victory  was  more  in  harmony  with  the  beneficent 
character  of  the  conqueror  and  of  his  cause.  It 
was  the  triumph  of  order ;  the  best  homage  to  law 
and  justice. 


39  "  Temiose  que  en  esta  batalla 
muriria  mucha  gente  de  ambas 
partes  por  haver  en  ellas  mill  i 
quatrocientos  arcabuceros  i  seis- 
cientos  de  caballo  i  mucho  numero 
de  piqueros  i  diez  i  ocho  piezas  de 
artilleria,  pero  plugo  a  Dios  que 
solo  murio  un  hombre  del  campo 
de  S.  M.  i  quince  de  los  contraries 
como  esta  dicho."  Relacion  del 
Lie.  Gasca,  MS. 

The  MS.  above  referred  to  is 
supposed  by  Mufioz  to  have  been 
written  by  Gasca,  or  rather  dictated 
by  him  to  his  secretary.  The 
original  is  preserved  at  Simancas, 


without  date,  and  in  the  character 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  It  is 
principally  taken  up  with  the  battle, 
and  the  events  immediately  con- 
nected with  it ;  and  although  very 
brief,  every  sentence  is  of  value  as 
coming  from  so  high  a  source. 
Alcedo,  in  his  Biblioteca  Ameri- 
cana, MS.,  gives  the  title  of  a 
work  from  Gasca's  pen,  which 
would  seem  to  be  an  account  of  his 
own  administration,  Historia  del 
Peru,  y  de  su  Pacification,  1576, 
fol.  —  I  have  never  met  with  the 
work,  or  with  any  other  allusion 
to  it. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

EXECUTION  OF  CARBAJAL.  —  GONZALO  PIZARRO  BEHEADED. — SPOILS 
OF  VICTORY. — WISE  REFORMS  BY  GASCA.  —  HE  RETURNS  TO 
SPAIN.  —  His  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER. 

1548—1550. 

IT  was  now  necessary  to  decide  on  the  fate  of 
the  prisoners ;  and  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  with  the  Li- 
centiate Cianca,  one  of  the  new  Royal  Audience, 
was  instructed  to  prepare  the  process.  It  did  not 
require  a  long  time.  The  guilt  of  the  prisoners 
was  too  manifest,  taken,  as  they  had  been,  with 
arms  in  their  hands.  They  were  all  sentenced  to 
be  executed,  and  their  estates  were  confiscated  to 
the  use  of  the  Crown.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  to  be 
beheaded,  and  Carbajal  to  be  drawn  and  quartered. 
No  mercy  was  shown  to  him  who  had  shown  none 
to  others.  There  was  some  talk  of  deferring  the 
execution  till  the  arrival  of  the  troops  in  Cuzco ;  but 
the  fear  of  disturbances  from  those  friendly  to  Pizarro 
determined  the  president  to  carry  the  sentence  into 
effect  the  following  day,  on  the  field  of  battle.1 

1  The  sentence  passed  upon  Pi-  rian  omitted  it  in  his  printed  work  ; 

zarro  is    given   at  length   in   the  but  the  curious  reader  may  find  it 

manuscript  copy  of  Zarate's  His-  entire,   cited  in   the    original,    in 

tory,  to  which  I  have  had  occasion  Appendix,  No.  14. 
more  than  once  to  refer.  The  histo- 
VOL.   II.                     55 


434  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [BOOK  V 

I  *  -      ..  ' 

When  his  doom  was  communicated  to  Carbajal, 
he  heard  it  with  his  usual  indifference.  "  They  can 
but  kill  me,"  he  said,  as  if  he  had  already  settled 
the  matter  in  hrs  own  mind.2  During  the  day, 
many  came  to  see  him  in  his  confinement ;  some 
to  upbraid  him  with  his  cruelties ;  but  most,  from 
curiosity  to  see  the  fierce  warrior  who  had  made 
his  name  so  terrible  through  the  land.  He  showed 
no  unwillingness  to  talk  with  them,  though  it  was  in 
those  sallies  of  caustic  humor  in  which  he  usually 
indulged  at  the  expense  of  his  hearer.  Among 
these  visiters  was  a  cavalier  of  no  note,  whose  life, 
it  appears,  Carbajal  had  formerly  spared,  when  in  his 
power.  This  person  expressed  to  the  prisoner  his 
strong  desire  to  serve  him  ;  and  as  he  reiterated  his 
professions,  Carbajal  cut  them  short  by  exclaiming, 
—  "  And  what  service  can  you  do  me?  Can  you 
set  me  free  ?  If  you  cannot  do  that,  you  can  do 
nothing.  If  I  spared  your  life,  as  you  say,  it  was 
probably  because  I  did  not  think  it  worth  while  to 
take  it." 

Some  piously  disposed  persons  urged  him  to  see  a 
priest,  if  it  were  only  to  unburden  his  conscience 
before  leaving  the  world.  "  But  of  what  use  would 
that  be  ?  "  asked  Carbajal.  "  I  have  nothing  that 
lies  heavy  on  my  conscience,  unless  it  be,  indeed, 
the  debt  of  half  a  real  to  a  shopkeeper  in  Seville, 
which  I  forgot  to  pay  before  leaving  the  country!  "3 

f     *S      'V   "• 

2  "  Basta  matar."  Fernandez,  3  "  En  esso  no  tengo  que  con- 
Hist.  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  fessar :  porque  juro  a  tal,  que  no 
cap.  91.  tengo  otro  cargo,  si  no  medio  real 


CH.  IV.]  EXECUTION   OF   CARBAJAL. 

•"  <;  ;"  ,.,-    '* 

jfcfc-  *' 
He  was  carried  to  execution  on  a  hurdle,  or  rather 

in  a  basket,  drawn  by  two  mules.  His  arms  were 
pinioned,  and,  as  they  forced  his  bulky  body  into 
this  miserable  conveyance,  he  exclaimed,  —  "  Cra- 
dles for  infants,  and  a  cradle  for  the  old  man  too,  it 
seems  !  " 4  Notwithstanding  the  disinclination  he 
had  manifested  to  a  confessor,  he  was  attended 
by  several  ecclesiastics  on  his  way  to  the  gallows  ; 
and  one  of  them  repeatedly  urged  him  to  give  some 
token  of  penitence  at  this  solemn  hour,  if  it  were 
only  by  repeating  the  Pater  Noster  and  Ave  Maria. 
Carbajal,  to  rid  himself  of  the  ghostly  father's 
importunity,  replied  by  coolly  repeating  the  words, 
"  Pater  Noster,"  "Ave  Maria " !  He  then  remained 
obstinately  silent.  He  died,  as  he  had  lived,  with 
a  jest,  or  rather  a  scoff,  upon  his  lips.5 

Francisco  de  Carbajal  was  one  of  the  most  extra- 
ordinary characters  of  these  dark  and  turbulent 
times  ;  the  more  extraordinary  from  his  great  age .; 
for,  at  the  period  of  his  -death,  he  was  in  his  eighty- 
fourth  year ;  —  an  age  when  the  bodily  powers,  and, 
fortunately,  the  passions,  are  usually  blunted ;  when, 
in  the  witty  words  of  the  French  moralist,  "We  flat- 
ter ourselves  we  are  leaving  our  vices,  whereas  it 

que  deuo  en  Seuilla  a  vna  bodego-  mas  a  la  ppstrer  vez  que  me  hab!6 

nera  de  la  puerta  del  Arenal,  del  llevandole  a  matar  le  decia  el  sa- 

tiempo  que  passe  a  Indias."    Ibid.,  cerdote  que  con  e*l  iba,  quo  se  en- 

ubi  supra.  comendase  a  Dios  y  dijese  el  Pater 

4  "  Nino   en  cuna,  y  viejo  en  Noster  y  el  Ave  Maria,  y  diceh 

cuna."     Ibid.,  loc.  cit.  que  dijo  Pater  Noster,  Ave  Maria, 

.    5  "  Murio   como  gentil,  porque  y  que  no  dijo  otra  palabra."     Pe- 

dicen,  que  yo  no  le  quise  ver,  que  dro    Pizarro,    Descub.    y   Conq. 

ansi  le  di  la  palabra  de  no  velle  ;  MS. 


436  SETTLEMENT  OF  1HE  COUNTRY.          [Boo*  V. 


is  our  vices  that  are  leaving  us." 6  But  the  fires 
of  youth  glowed  fierce  and  unquenchable  in  the 
bosom  of  Carbajal. 

The  date  of  his  birth  carries  us  back  towards  the 
middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  before  the  times  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  He  was  of  obscure  parent 
age,  and  born,  as  it  is  said,  at  Arevalo.  For  forty 
years  he  served  in  the  Italian  wars,  under  the  most 
illustrious  captains  of  the  day,  Gonsalvb  de  Cor 
dova,  Navarro,  and  the  Colonnas.  He  was  an  en- 
sign at  the  battle  of  Ravenna;  witnessed  the  cap 
ture  of  Francis  the  First  at  Pavia ;  and  followed  the 
banner  of  the  ill-starred  Bourbon  at  the  sack  of 
Rome.  He  got  no  gold  for  his  share  of  the  booty, 
on  this  occasion,  but  simply  the  papers  of  a  notary's 
office,  which,  Carbajal  shrewdly  thought,  would  be 
worth  gold  to  him.  And  so  it  proved ;  for  the  no- 
tary was  fain  to  redeem  them  at  a  price  which  ena- 
bled the  adventurer  to  cross  the  seas  to  Mexico,  and 
seek  his  fortune  in  the  New  World.  On  the  insur- 
rection of  the  Peruvians,  he  was  sent  to  the  support 
of  Francis  Pizarro,  and  was  rewarded  by  that  chief 
with  a  grant  of  land  in  Cuzco.  Here  he  remained 
for  several  years,  busily  employed  in  increasing 
his  substance  ;  for  the  love  of  lucre  was  a  ruling 
passion  in  his  bosom.  On  the  arrival  of  Vaca  de 
Castro,  we  find  him  doing  good  service  under  the 
royal  banner ;  and  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  great 

6  I  quote  from  memory,  but  be-    wisdom,    The    Characters  of   La 
lieve  the.  reflection  may  be  found  in     Bruy&re. 
that  admirable  digest  of  worldly 


CH.  IV.]  EXECUTION   OF   CARBAJAL.  437 

rebellion  under  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  he  converted  his 
property  into  gold,  and  prepared  to  return  to  Cas- 
tile. He  seemed  to  have  a  presentiment  that  to 
remain  where  he  was  would  be  fatal.  But,  al- 
though he  made  every  effort  to  leave  Peru,  he  was 
unsuccessful,  for  the  viceroy  had  laid  an  embargo 
on  the  shipping.7  He  remained  in  the  country, 
therefore,  and  took  service,  as  we  have  seen,  though 
reluctantly,  under  Pizarro.  It  was  his  destiny. 

The  tumultuous  life  on  which  he  now  entered 
roused  all  the  slumbering  passions  of  his  soul,  which 
lay  there,  perhaps  unconsciously  to  himself;  cruelty, 
avarice,  revenge.  He  found  ample  exercise  for  them 
in  the  war  with  his  countrymen  ;  for  civil  war  is 
proverbially  the  most  sanguinary  and  ferocious  of  all. 
The  atrocities  recorded  of  Garbajal,  in  his  new  ca- 
reer, and  the  number  of  his  victims,  are  scarcely 
credible.  For  the  honor  of  humanity,  we  may  trust 
the  accounts  are  greatly  exaggerated ;  but  that  he 
should  have  given  rise  to  them  at  all  is  sufficient  to 
consign  his  name  to  infamy.8 

He  even  took  a  diabolical  pleasure,  it  is  said,  in 

7  Pedro  Pizarro  bears  testimony  doom  of   the    prisoners  who   fell 

to   Carbajal's  endeavours  to  leave  into  his  hands, 
the  country,  in  which  he  was  aided,         8  Out  of  three  hundred  and  forty 

though  ineffectually,  by  the  chroni-  executions,  according   to   Fernan- 

cler,   who   was,  at  that  time,   in  dez,  three  hundred  were  by  Car- 

the    most  friendly  relations   with  bajal.     (Hist,  del  Peru,   Parte  1, 

him.     Civil  war  parted  these  an-  lib.    2,    cap.    91.)     Zarate   swells 

cient  comrades ;   but  Carbajal  did  the  number  of  these  executions  to 

not  forget  his  obligations  to  Pedro  five  hundred.     (Conq.    del  Peru, 

Pizarro,   which   he  afterwards  re-  lib.  7,  cap.  1.)     The  discrepancy 

paid  by   exempting    him    on  two  shows  how  little  we  can  confide  in 

different  occasions  from  the  general  the  accuracy  of  such  estimates. 


438  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE   COUNTRY.  [Boon  V. 

'«*, 

amusing  himself  with  the  sufferings  of  his  victims, 
and  in  the  hour  of  execution  would  give  utterance 
to  frightful  jests,  that  made  them  taste  more  keenly 
the  bitterness  of  death !  He  had  a  sportive  vein,  if 
such  it  could  be  called,  which  he  freely  indulged  on 
every  occasion.  Many  of  his  sallies  were  preserved 
by  the  soldiery ;  but  they  are,  for  the  most  part,  of 
a  coarse,  repulsive  character,  flowing  from  a  mind 
familiar  with  the  weak  and  wicked  side  of  hu- 
manity, and  distrusting  every  other.  He  had  his 
jest  for  every  thing,  —  for  the  misfortunes  of  others, 
and  for  his  own.  He  looked  on  life  as  a  farce,  — 
though  he  too  often  made  it  a  tragedy. 

Carbajal  must  be  allowed  one  virtue ;  that  of 
fidelity  to  his  party.  This  made  him  less  tolerant 
of  perfidy  in  others.  He  was  never  known  to  show 
mercy  to  a  renegade.  This  undeviating  fidelity, 
though  to  a  bad  cause,  may  challenge  something  like 
a  feeling  of  respect,  where  fidelity  was  so  rare.9 

As  a  military  man,  Carbajal  takes  a  high  rank 
among  the  soldiers  of  the  New  World.  He  was 
strict,  even  severe,  in  enforcing  discipline,  so  that  he 

9  Fidelity,  indeed,  is  but  one  of  doubtless,  to  his  father's  position 
many  virtues  claimed  for  Carbajal  in  the  rebel  army,  he  has  well 
by  Garcilasso,  who  considers  most  repaid  by  depicting  their  portraits 
of  the  tales  of  cruelty  and  avarice  in  the  favorable  colors  in  which 
circulated  of  the  veteran,  as  well  they  appeared  to  his  young  imagi- 
as  the  hardened  levity  imputed  to  nation.  But  the  garrulous  old  man 
him  in  his  latter  moments,  as  in-  has  recorded  several  individual  in- 
ventions of  his  enemies.  The  Inca  stances  of  atrocity  in  the  ,  career 
chronicler  was  a  boy  when  Gon-  of  Carbajal,  which  form  but  an 
zalo  and  his  chivalry  occupied  indifferent  commentary  on  the  cor- 
Cuzco ;  and  the  kind  treatment  he  rectness  of  his  general  assertions 
experienced  from  them,  owing,  in  respect  to  his  character. 


LH.  IV.]  GONZALO  PIZARRO  BEHEADED.  439 

was  little  loved  by  his  followers.  Whether  he  had 
the  genius  for  military  combinations  requisite  for 
conducting  war  on  an  extended  scale  may  be 
doubted ;  but  in  the  shifts  and  turns  of  guerilla 
warfare  he  was  unrivalled.  Prompt,  active,  and 
persevering,  he  was  insensible  to  danger  or  fatigue, 
and,  after  days  spent  in  the  saddle,  seemed  to  attach 
little  value  to  the  luxury  of  a  bed.10 

He  knew  familiarly  every  mountain  pass,  and, 
such  were  the  sagacity  and  the  resources  displayed 
in  his  roving  expeditions,  that  he  was  vulgarly  be- 
lieved to  be  attended  by  a  familiar.11  With  a 
character  so  extraordinary,  with  powers  prolonged 
so  far  beyond  the  usual  term  of  humanity,  and 
passions  so  fierce  in  one  tottering  on  the  verge  of 
the  grave,  it  was  not  surprising  that  many  fabulous 
stories  should  be  eagerly  circulated  respecting  him, 
and  that  Carbajal  should  be  clothed  with  myste- 
rious terrors  as  a  sort  of  supernatural  being,  —  the 
demon  of  the  Andes ! 

Very  different  were  the  circumstances  attending 
the  closing  scene  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro.  At  his  re- 


10  «  pue  jnaior  sufridor  de  tra-  have   entertained  feelings  not  un- 
bajos,  que  requeria  su  edad,  porque  friendly  to  Carbajal,  thus  sums  up 
a  maravilla  se  quitaba  las  Armas  his    character    in    a    few    words, 
de  Dia,  ni  de  Noche,  i  quando  era  "  Era  mui  lenguaz  :  hablaba   muy 
necesario,  tampoco  se  acostaba,  ni  discreptamente  y  a  gusto   de  los 
dormia  mas  de  quanto  recostado  en  que  le   oian :   era  hombre   sagaz, 
vna  Silla,  se  le  cansaba  la  mano  cruel,  bien  entendido  en  la  guerra. 

en  que  arrimaba  la  Cabe§a."     Za-  Este  Carbajal  era  tan  sabio 

rate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  5,  cap.  que  decian  tenia  familiar."     Des 

14.  cub.  y  Conq.,  MS. 

11  Pedro  Pizarro,  who  seems  to 


'440  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BooK  V. 

quest,  no  one  had  been  allowed  to  visit  him  in  his 
confinement.  He  was  heard  pacing  his  tent  during 
the  greater  part  of  the  day,  and  when  night  came, 
having  ascertained  from  Centeno  that  his  execution 
was  to  take  place  on  the  following  noon,  he  laid 
himself  down  to  rest.  He  did  not  sleep  long,  how- 
ever, but  soon  rose,  and  continued  to  traverse  his 
apartment,  as  if  buried  in  meditation,  till  dawn. 
He  then  sent  for  a  confessor,  and  remained  with 
him  till  after  the  hour  of  noon,  taking  little  or 
no  refreshment.  The  officers  of  justice  became  im- 
patient ;  but  their  eagerness  was  sternly  rebuked  by 
the  soldiery,  many  of  whom,  having  served  under 
Gonzalo's  banner,  were  touched  with  pity  for  his 
misfortunes. 

When  the  chieftain  came  forth  to  execution,  he 
showed  in  his  dress  the  same  love  of  magnificence 
and  display  as  in  happier  days.  Over  his  doublet 
he  wore  a  superb  cloak  of  yellow  velvet,  stiff  with 
gold  embroidery,  while  his  head  was  protected  by  a 
cap' of  the  same  materials,  richly  decorated,  in  like 
manner,  with  ornaments  of  gold.12  In  this  gaudy 
attire  he  mounted  his  mule,  and  the  sentence  was 
so  far  relaxed  that  his  arms  were  suffered  to  remain 
unshackled.  He  was  escorted  by  a  goodly  number 
of  priests  and  friars,  who  held  up  the  crucifix  before 
his  eyes,  while  he  carried  in  his  own  hand  an  image 

12  "  Al  tiempo  que  lo  mataron,  toda  cubierta  de  Chaperia  de  Oro, 

di6  al  Verdugo  toda  la  Ropa,  que  i  vn  Chapeo  de  la  misma  forma." 

traia  que  era  mui  rica,  i  de  mucho  Zarate,   Conq.    del   Peru,   lib.  7, 

valor,  porque  tenia  vna  Ropa  de  cap.  8. 
Armas  de  Terciopelo  amarillo,  casi 


CH.  IV.]  GONZALO   PIZARRO  BEHEADED.  441 

of  the  Virgin.  She  had  ever  been  the  peculiar  ob- 
ject of  Pizarro's  devotion ;  so  much  so,  that  those 
who  knew  him  best  in  the  hour  of  his  prosperity 
were  careful,  when  they  had  a  petition,  to  prefer  it 
in  the  name  of  the  blessed  Mary. 

Pizarro's  lips  were  frequently  pressed  to  the  em- 
blem of  his  divinity,  while  his  eyes  were  bent  on 
the  crucifix  in  apparent  devotion,  heedless  of  the 
objects  around  him.  On  reaching  the  scaffold,  he 
ascended  it  with  a  firm  step,  and  asked  leave  to  a& 
dress  a  few  words  to  the  soldiery  gathered  round 
it.  "  There  are  many  among  you,"  said  he,  "  who 
have  grown  rich  on  my  brother's  bounty,  and  my 
own.  Yet,  of  all  my  riches,  nothing  remains  to  me 
but  the  garments  I  have  on ;  and  even  these  are  not 
mine,  but  the  property  of  the  executioner.  I  am 
without  means,  therefore,  to  purchase  a  mass  for  the 
welfare  of  my  soul ;  and  I  implore  you,  by  the  re- 
membrance of  past  benefits,  to  extend  this  charity  to 
me  when  I  am  gone,  that  it  may  be  well  with  you 
in  the  hour  of  death."  A  profound  silence  reigned 
throughout  the  martial  multitude,  broken  only  by 
sighs  and  groans,  as  they  listened  to  Pizarro's  re- 
quest ;  and  it  was  faithfully  responded  to,  since, 
after  his  death,  masses  were  said  in  many  of  the 
towns  for  the  welfare  of  the  departed  chieftain. 

Then,  kneeling  down  before  a  crucifix  placed  on 
a  table,  Pizarro  remained  for  some  minutes  absorbed 
in  prayer;  after  which,  addressing  the  soldier  who 
was  to  act  as  the  minister  of  justice,  he  calmly  bade 
him  "do  his  duty  with  a  steady  hand."  He  refused 

VOL.    II.  56 


442 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boox  V. 


to  have  his  eyes  bandaged,  and,  bending  forward  his 
neck,  submitted  it  to  the  sword  qf  the  executioner, 
who  struck  off  the  head  with  a  single  blow,  so  true 
that  the  body  remained  for  some  moments  in  the 
same  erect  posture  as  in  life.13  The  head  was 
taken  to  Lima,  where  it  was  set  in  a  cage  or  frame, 
and  then  fixed  on  a  gibbet  by  the  side  of  CarbajaPs. 
On  it  was  placed  a  label,  bearing,  —  "  This  is  the 
head  of  the  traitor  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  who  rebelled 
in  Peru  against  his  sovereign,  and  battled  in  the 
cause  of  tyranny  and  treason  against  the  royal  stand- 
ard in  the  valley  of  Xaquixaguana."14  His  large 
estates,  including  the  rich  mines  in  Potosi,  were 
confiscated ;  his  mansion  in  Lima  was  razed  to  the 
ground,  the  place  strewed  with  salt,  and  a  stone 
pillar  set  up,  with  an  inscription  interdicting  any 
one  from  building  on  a  spot  which  had  been  pro- 
faned by  the  residence  of  a  traitor. 

Gonzalo's  remains  were  not  exposed  to  the  indig- 
nities inflicted  on  Carbajal's,  whose  quarters  were 
hung  in  chains  on  the  four  great  roads  leading  to 
Cuzco.  Centeno  saved  Pizarro's  body  from  being 

13    «  The    executioner,"    says  14  "  Esta  es  la  cabeza  del  trai- 

Garcilasso,  with  a  simile  more  ex-  dor  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  que  se  hizo 

pressive   than  elegant,   "  did    his  justicia  del  en  el  valle  de  Aquixa- 

work  as  cleanly  as  if  he  had  been  guana,  donde  dio  la  batalla  campal 

slicing  off  a    head  of   lettuce !  "  contra  el  estandarte  real  queriendo 

"  De  vn  reues  le  cortd  la  cabega  defender  su  traicion  e  tirania  :  nin- 

con  tanta  facilidad,  como  si  fuera  guno  sea  osado   de  la  quitar   de 

vna  hoja  de  lechuga,  y  se  qued6  aqui  so  pena  de  muerte  natural." 

con  ella  en  la  mano,  y  tardo  el  Zarate,  MS. 
cuerpo  algun  espacio  en  caer  en  el 
suelo."     Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 
Parte  3,  lib.  5,  cap.  43. 


CH.  IV.]  GONZALO  PIZARRO  BEHEADED.  443 

stripped,  by  redeeming  his  costly  raiment  from  the 
executioner,  and  in  this  sumptuous  shroud  it  was 
laid  in  the  chapel  of  the  convent  of  Our  Lady  of 
Mercy  in  Cuzco.  It  was  the  same  spot  where,  side 
by  side,  lay  the  bloody  remains  of  the  Almagros, 
father  and  son,  who  in  like  manner  had  perished  by 
the  hand  of  justice,  and  were  indebted  to  private 
charity  for  their  burial.  All  these  were  now  con- 
signed "to  the  same  grave,"  says  the  historian,  with 
some  bitterness,  "as  if  Peru  could  not  afford  land 
enough  for  a  burial-place  to  its  conquerors."  15 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  reached  only  his  forty-second 
year  at  the  time  of  his  death,  — being  just  half  the 
space  allotted  to  his  follower  Carbajal.  He  was 
the  youngest  of  the  remarkable  family  to  whom 
Spain  was  indebted  for  the  acquisition  of  Peru. 
He  came  over  to  the  country  with  his  brother  Fran- 
cisco, on  the  return  of  the  latter  from  his  visit  to 
Castile.  Gonzalo  was  present  in  all  the  remarkable 
passages  of  the  Conquest.  He  witnessed  the  seiz- 
ure of  Atahuallpa,  took  an  active  part  in  suppressing 
the  insurrection  of  the  Incas,  and  especially  in  the 
reduction  of  Charcas.  He  afterwards  led  the  disas- 
trous expedition  to  the  Amazon  ;  and,  finally,  head- 

15  "  Y  las  sepolturas  vna  sola  MS.   de   Caravantes.  —  Pedro  Pi- 

auiendo   de   ser  tres:   que  aim  la-  zarro,   Descub.  y  Conq.,   MS. — 

tierra  parece  que  les  falto  para  auer  Gomara,  Hist.de  las  Indias,  cap. 

los  de  cubrir."     Garcilasso,  Com.  186.  —  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru, 

Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  43.  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  91.  —  Zarate, 

For  the  tragic  particulars  of  the  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  8.  — 

preceding  pages,   see   Ibid.,   cap.  Herrera,   Hist.   General,    dec.   8, 

39_43.  —  Relacion  del  Lie.  Gasca,  lib.  4,  cap.  16. 
MS.  —  Carta  de  Yaldivia,  MS.  — 


444  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE   COUNTRY.          [Boos  V 

ed  the  memorable  rebellion  which  ended  so  fatally 
to  himself.  There  are  but  few  men  whose  lives 
abound  in  such  wild  and  romantic  adventure,  and, 
for  the  most  part,  crowned  with  success.  The 
space  which  he  occupies  in  the  page  of  history  is 
altogether  disproportioned  to  his  talents.  It  may 
be  in  some  measure  ascribed  to  fortune,  but  still 
more  to  those  showy  qualities  which  form  a  sort  of 
substitute  for  mental  talent,  and  which  secured  his 
popularity  with  the  vulgar. 

He  had  a  brilliant  exterior ;  excelled  in  all  martial 
exercises ;  rode  well,  fenced  well,  managed  his  lance 
to  perfection,  was  a  first-rate  marksman  with  the 
arquebuse,  and  added  the  accomplishment  of  being 
an  excellent  draughtsman.  He  was  bold  and  chival- 
rous, even  to  temerity ;  courted  adventure,  and  was 
always  in  the  front  of  danger.  He  was  a  knight- 
errant,  in  short,  in  the  most  extravagant  sense  of 
the  term,  and,  "  mounted  on  his  favorite  charger," 
says  one  who  had  often  seen  him,  "  made  no  more 
account  of  a  squadron  of  Indians  than  of  a  swarm 
of  flies."  16 

While  thus,  by  his  brilliant  exploits  and  showy 
manners,  he  captivated  the  imaginations  of  his  coun- 
trymen, he  won  their  hearts  no  less  by  his  soldier- 
like frankness,  his  trust  in  their  fidelity,  —  too  often 
abused,  —  and  his  liberal  largesses ;  for  Pizarro, 
though  avaricious  of  the  property  of  others,  was, 

J6  '<  Quando  Gon§alo  Pizarro,  drones  de  Yndios,  que  si  fueran  de 
que  ay  a  gloria,  se  veya  en  su  zay-  moscas."  Garcilasso,  Parte  2,  lib. 
nillo,  no  hazia  mas  caso  de  esqua-  5,  cap.  43. 


CH.  IV.]  GONZALO   PIZARRO  BEHEADED.  445 

like  the  Roman  conspirator,  prodigal  of  his  own. 
This  was  his  portrait  in  happier  days,  when  his 
heart  had  not  been  corrupted  by  success ;  for  that 
some  change  was  wrought  on  him  by  his  prosperity 
is  well  attested.  His  head  was  made  giddy  by  his 
elevation ;  and  it  is  proof  of  a  want  of  talent  equal 
to  his  success,  that  he  knew  not  how  to  profit  by  it. 
Obeying  the  dictates  of  his  own  rash  judgment,  he 
rejected  the  warnings  of  his  wisest  counsellors,  and 
relied  with  blind  confidence  on  his  destiny.  Garci- 
lasso  imputes  this  to  the  malignant  influence  of  the 
stars.17  But  the  superstitious  chronicler  might  have 
better  explained  it  by  a  common  principle  of  human 
nature ;  by  the  presumption  nourished  by  success  ; 
the  insanity,  as  the  Roman,  or  rather  Grecian,  prov- 
erb calls  it,  with  which  the  gods  afflict  men  when 
they  design  to  ruin  them.18 

Gonzalo  was  without  education,  except  such  as 
he  had  picked  up  in  the  rough  school  of  war.  He 
had  little  even  of  that  wisdom  which  springs  from 
natural  shrewdness  and  insight  into  character.  In 
all  this  he  was  inferior  to  his  elder  brothers,  although 
he  fully  equalled  them  in  ambition.  Had  he  pos- 
sessed a  tithe  of  their  sagacity,  he  would  not  have 
madly  persisted  in  rebellion,  after  the  coming  of  the 
oresident.  Before  this  period,  he  represented  the 

i7  "  Dezian  que  no  era  falta  de  Garcilasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2, 

entendimiento,  pues  lo  teniabastan-  lib.  5,  cap.  33. 

te,  sino  que  deuia  de  ser  sobra  de  18  ""Orai/fie  Aaipuv  dvSpl  iropo  v~ 

influeneia  de  signos  y  planetas,  que  yrj  /ca/ca, 

le  cegauan  y  forcauan  a  que  pu-  Tbv  vovv  e/SXa^e  irp&Tov. " 

fiiesse  la    garganta    al  cuchillo*"  Eurip.  Fragmenta. 


446  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [Boox  V. 

people.  Their  interests  and  his  were  united.  He 
had  their  support,  for  he  was  contending  for  the  re- 
dress of  their  wrongs.  When  these  were  redressed 
by  the  government,  there  was  nothing  to  contend  for. 
From  that  time,  he  was  battling  only  for  himself. 
The  people  had  no  part  nor  interest  in  the  contest. 
Without  a  common  sympathy  to  bind  them  together, 
was  it  strange  that  they  should  fall  off  from  him, 
like  leaves  in  winter,  and  leave  him  exposed,  a  bare 
and  sapless  trunk,  to  the  fury  of  the  tempest  ? 

Cepeda,  more  criminal  than  Pizarro,  since  he  had 
both  superior  education  and  intelligence,  which  he 
employed  only  to  mislead  his  commander,  did  not 
long  survive  him.  He  had  come  to  the  country  in 
an  office  of  high  responsibility*  His  first  step  was 
to  betray  the  viceroy  whom  he  was  sent  to  support ; 
his  next  was  to  betray  the  Audience  with  whom  he 
should  have  acted  ;  and  lastly,  he  betrayed  the  lead- 
er whom  he  most  affected  to  serve.  His  whole 
career  was  treachery  to  his  own  government.  His 
life  was  one  long  perfidy. 

After  his  surrender,  several  of  the  cavaliers,  dis- 
gusted at  his  cold-blooded  apostasy,  would  have 
persuaded  Gasca  to  send  him  to  execution  along 
with  his  commander ;  but  the  president  refused,  in 
consideration  of  the  signal  service  he  had  rendered 
the  Crown  by  his  defection.  He  was  put  under 
arrest,  however,  and  sent  to  Castile.  There  he  was 
arraigned  for  high-treason.  He  made  a  plausible 
defence,  and  as  he  had  friends  at  court,  it  is  not 
improbable  he  would  have  been  acquitted;  but, 


CH.  IV.]  GONZALO  PIZARRO  BEHEADED  447 

before  the  trial  was  terminated,  he  died  in  prison. 
It  was  the  retributive  justice  not  always  to  be  found 
in  the  affairs  of  this  world.19 

Indeed,  it  so  happened,  that  several  of  those 
who  had  been  most  forward  to  abandon  the  cause 
of  Pizarro  survived  their  commander  but  a  short 
time.  The  gallant  Centeno,  and  the  Licentiate 
Carbajal,  who  deserted  him  near  Lima,  and  bore 
the  royal  standard  on  the  field  of  Xaquixaguana, 
both  died  within  a  year  after  Pizarro.  Hinojosa 
was  assassinated  but  two  years  later  in  La  Plata ; 
and  his  old  comrade  Valdivia,  after  a  series  of  bril- 
liant exploits  in  Chili,  which  furnished  her  most  glo- 
rious theme  to  the  epic  Muse  of  Castile,  was  cut 
off  by  the  invincible  warriors  of  Arauco.  The 
Manes  of  Pizarro  were  amply  avenged. 

Acosta,  and  three  or  four  other  cavaliers  who  sur- 
rendered with  Gonzalo,  were  sent  to  execution  on 
the  same  day  with  their  chief ;  and  Gasca,  on  the 
morning  following  the  dismal  tragedy,  broke  up  his 
quarters  and  marched  with  his  whole  army  to 
Cuzco,  where  he  was  received  by  the  politic  people 
with  the  same  enthusiasm  which  they  had  so  re- 
cently shown  to  his  rival.  He  found  there  a  num- 
ber of  the  rebel  army  who  had  taken  refuge  in 
the  city  after  their  late  defeat,  where  they  were 

*„    :*      'V'j    '       !    ,  »  ,f{  '';..;'  :«'.!     1        :      *i"ii*a,I       *:ii 

19  The  cunning  lawyer  prepared  from  the  perusal   of   it  with    an 

so  plausible    an  argument  in  his  entire  conviction   of   the   writer's 

own  justification,  that  Yllescas,  the  innocence,   ancf    of   his  unshaken 

celebrated  historian  of  the  Popes,  loyalty   to   the   Crown.      See  the 

declares  that  no  one  who  read  the  passage    quoted     by    Garcilasso, 

paper   attentively,    but  must  rise  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  10. 


448  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [BooK  V. 

immediately  placed  under  arrest.  Proceedings,  by 
Gasca's  command,  were  instituted  against  them. 
The  principal  cavaliers,  to  the  number  of  ten  or 
twelve,  were  executed ;  others  were  banished  or  sent 
to  the  galleys.  The  same  rigorous  decrees  were  pass- 
ed against  such  as  had  fled  and  were  not, yet  taken; 
and  the  estates  of  all  were  confiscated.  The  estates 
of  the  rebels  supplied  a  fund  for  the  recompense  of 
the  loyal.20  The  execution  of  justice  may  seem  to 
have  been  severe ;  but  Gasca  was  willing  that  the 
rod  should  fall  heavily  on  those  who  had  so  often  re- 
jected his  proffers  of  grace.  Lenity  was  wasted  on 
a  rude,  licentious  soldiery,  who  hardly  recognized  the 
existence  of  government,  unless  they  felt  its  rigor. 

A  new  duty  now  devolved  on  the  president,  — 
that  of  rewarding  his  faithful  followers,  —  not  less 
difficult,  as  it  proved,  than  that  of  punishing  the 
guilty.  The  applicants  were  numerous;  since  every 
pne  who  had  raised  a  finger  in  behalf  of  the  gov- 
ernment claimed  his  reward.  They  urged  their  de- 
mands with  a  clamorous  importunity  which  per- 
plexed the  good  president,  and  consumed  every 
moment  of  his  time. 

Disgusted  with  this  unprofitable  state  of  things, 
Gasca  resolved  to  rid  himself  of  the  annoyance  at 
once,  by  retiring  to  the  valley  of  Guaynarima,  about 
twelve  leagues  distant  from  the  city,  and  there  di- 
gesting, in  quiet,  a  scheme  of  compensation,  adjust- 

U ',*• 'i  -"  -  «-5*  i '.i-  .'-»     '*.'•:  > 

ao  Pedro  Pizarro,  Descub.  y  —  Carta  de  Valdivia,  MS.—  Za- 
Conq.,  MS.  —  Fernandez,  Hist,  rate,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap. 
del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  91.  8.  — Relacion  del  Lie.  Gasca,  MS. 


CH.  IV.]  SPOILS   OF  VICTORY.  449 

ed  to  the  merits  of  the  parties.  He  was  accompa- 
nied only  by  his  secretary,  and  by  Loaysa,  now 
archbishop  of  Lima,  a  man  of  sense,  and  well 
acquainted  with  the  affairs  of  the  country.  In  this 
seclusion  the  president  remained  three  months, 
making  a  careful  examination  into  the  conflicting 
claims,  and  apportioning  the  forfeitures  among  the 
parties  according  to  their  respective  services.  The 
repartimientos,  it  should  be  remarked,  were  usually 
granted  only  for  life,  and,  on  the  death  of  the  in- 
cumbent, reverted  to  the  Crown,  to  be  reassigned 
or  retained  at  its  pleasure. 

When  his  arduous  task  was  completed,  Gasca  de- 
termined to  withdraw  to  Lima,  leaving  the  instru- 
ment of  partition  with  the  archbishop,  to  be  com- 
municated to  the  army.  Notwithstanding  all  the 
care  that  had  been  taken  for  an  equitable  adjust- 
ment, Gasca  was  aware  that  it  was  impossible  to 
satisfy  the  demands  of  a  jealous  and  irritable  sol- 
diery, where  each  man  would  be  likely  to  exag- 
gerate his  own  deserts,  while  he  underrated  those 
of  his  comrades ;  and  he  did  not  care  to  expose 
himself  to  importunities  and  complaints  that  could 
serve  no  other  purpose  than  to  annoy  him. 

On  his  departure,  the  troops  were  called  together 
by  the  archbishop  in  the  cathedral,  to  learn  the  con- 
tents of  the  schedule  intrusted  to  him.  A  discourse 
was  first  preached  by  a  worthy  Dominican,  the 
prior  of  Arequipa,  in  which  the  reverend  father  ex- 
patiated on  the  virtue  of  contentment,  the  duty  of 
obedience,  and  the  folly,  as  well  as  wickedness,  of 

VOL.    II.  57 


460  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BOOK  V. 

an  attempt  to  resist  the  constituted  authorities,  — 
topics,  in  short,  which  he  conceived  might  best 
conciliate  the  good-will  and  conformity  of  his  au- 
dience. 

A  letter  from  the  president  was  then  read  from 
the  pulpit.  It  was  addressed  to  the  officers  and  sol- 
diers of  the  army.  The  writer  began  with  briefly 
exposing  the  difficulties  of  his  task,  owing  to  the 
limited  amount  of  the  gratuities,  and  the  great  num- 
ber and  services  of  the  claimants.  He  had  given 
the  matter  the  most  careful  consideration,  he  said, 
and  endeavoured  to  assign  to  each  his  share,  accord- 
ing to  his  deserts,  without  prejudice  or  partiality. 
He  had,  no  doubt,  fallen  into  errors,  but  he  trusted 
his  followers  would  excuse  them,  when  they  reflect- 
ed that  he  had  done  according  to  the  best  of  his 
poor  abilities  ;  and  all,  he  believed,  would  do  him 
the  justice  to  acknowledge  he  had  not  been  in- 
fluenced by  motives  of  personal  interest.  He  bore 
emphatic  testimony  to  the  services  they  had  ren- 
dered to  the  good  cause,  and  concluded  with  the 
most  affectionate  wishes  for  their  future  prosperity 
and  happiness.  The  letter  was  dated  at  Guayna- 
rima,  August  17,  1548,  and  bore  the  simple  signa- 
ture of  the  Licentiate  Gasca.21 

The  archbishop  next  read  the  paper  containing  the 
president's  award.  The  annual  rent  of  the  estates 
to  be  distributed  amounted  to  a  hundred  and  thirty 

21  MS.  de  Caravantes.  —  Pedro    cap.    9.  — ^Fernandez,    Hist,    de) 
Pizarro,  Descub.  y  Conq.,  MS.  —    Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  92. 
Zarate,   Conq.   del    Peru,   lib.   7, 


CH.  IV.] 


SPOILS  OF  VICTORY. 


451 


thousand  pesos  ensayados;22  a  large  amount,  con- 
sidering the  worth  of  money  in  that  day,  —  in 
any  other  country  than  Peru,  where  money  was  a 
drug.23 

The  repartimientos  thus  distributed  varied  in 
value  from  one  hundred  to  thirty-five  hundred  pesos 
of  yearly  rent ;  all,  apparently,  graduated  with  the 


22  The  peso  ensayado,  according 
to  Garcilasso,  was  one  fifth  more 
in  value  than  the  Castilian  ducat. 
Com.  Real.,  Parte2,lib.  6,  cap.  3. 

23  "  Entre  los  cavalleros  capi- 
tanes  y  soldados  que  le  ayudaron  en 
esta  ocasion  repartio  el  Presidente 
Pedro  de  la  Gasca  135,000  pesos 
ensayados  de  renta   que    estaban 
vacos,  y  no  un  millon  y  tantos  mil 
pesos,  como  dize  Diego  Fernandez, 
que  escrivio  en  Palencia  estas  al- 
teraciones,  y  de  quien  lo  tomo  An- 
tonio de  Herrera:    y  porque  esta 
ocasion  fue  la  segunda  en  que  los 
benemeritos  del   Piru   fundan  con 
razon  los  servicios  de  sus  pasados, 
porque  mediante  esta  batalla  ase- 
guro  la  corona  de  Castilla  las  pro- 
vincias    mas    ricas   que    tiene  en 
America,  pondre  sus  nombres  para 
que    se  conserbe    con    certeza  su 
memoria  como  pareze  en  el  auto 
original  que  proveyo  en  el  asiento 
de  Guainarima  cerca  de  la  ciudad 
del  Cuzco  en  diez  y  siete  de  Agosto 
de  1548,  que  esta  en  los  archives 
del  govierno."     MS.  de  Caravan- 
tes. 

The  sum  mentioned  in  the  text, 
as  thus  divided  among  the  army, 
falls  very  far  short  of  the  amount 


stated  by  Garcilasso,  Fernandez, 
Zarate,  and,  indeed,  every  other 
writer  on  the  subject,  none  of 
whom  estimate  it  at  less  than  a 
million  of  pesos.  But  Caravantes, 
from  whom  I  have  taken  it,  copies 
the  original  act  of  partition  preserv- 
ed in  the  royal  archives.  Yet  Gar- 
cilasso de  la  Vega  ought  to  have 
been  well  informed  of  the  value 
of  these  estates,  which,  accord- 
ing to  him,  far  exceeded  the  esti- 
mate given  in  the  schedule.  Thus, 
for  instance,  Hinojosa,  he  says, 
obtained  from  the  share  of  lands 
and  rich  mines  assigned  to  him  from 
the  property  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
no  less  than  200,000  pesos  annu- 
ally, while  Aldana,  the  Licentiate 
Carbajal,  and  others,  had  estates 
which  yielded  them  from  10,000 
to  50,000  pesos.  (Ibid.,  ubi  supra.) 
It  is  impossible  to  reconcile  these 
monstrous  discrepancies.  No  sum 
seems  te  have  been  too  large  for 
the  credulity  of  the  ancient  chroni- 
cler ;  and  the  imagination  of  the 
reader  is  so  completely  bewildered 
by  the  actual  riches  of  this  El 
Dorado,  that  it  is  difficult  to  adjust 
his  faith  by  any  standard  of  proba- 
bility. 


452  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boo*  V. 

nicest  precision  to  the  merits  of  the  parties.  The 
number  of  pensioners  was  about  two  hundred  and 
fifty ;  for  the  fund  would  not  have  sufficed  for 
general  distribution,  nor  were  the  services  of  the 
greater  part  deemed  worthy  of  such  a  mark  of  con- 
sideration.24 

The  effect  produced  by  the  document,  on  men 
whose  minds  were  filled  with  the  most  indefinite  ex- 
pectations, was  just  such  as  had  been  anticipated  by 
the  president.  It  was  received  with  a  general  mur- 
mur of  disapprobation.  Even  those  who  had  got 
more  than  they  expected  were  discontented,  on  com- 
paring their  condition  with  that  of  their  comrades, 
whom  they  thought  still  better  remunerated  in  pro- 
portion to  their  deserts.  They  especially  inveighed 
against  the  preference  shown  to  the  old  partisans  of 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  —  as  Hinojosa,  Centeno,  and  Al- 
dana  — •  over  those  who  had  always  remained  loyal  to 
the  Crown.  There  was  some  ground  for  such  a  pref- 
erence ;  for  none  had  rendered  so  essential  services 
in  crushing  the  rebellion;  and  it  was  these  services 
that  Gasca  proposed  to  recompense.  To  reward 
every  man  who  had  proved  himself  loyal,  simply  for 
his  loyalty,  would  have  frittered  away  the  donative 
into  fractions  that  would  be  of  little  value  to  any.25 

24  Caravantes    has    transcribed  on  them    the   hands  of  the  rich 
from  the  original  act  a  full  cata-  widows  of  the  cavaliers  who  had 
logue  of  the  pensioners,  with  the  perished  in  the  war.     The  inclina- 
amount  of  the  sums  set   against  tions  of  the  ladies  do  not  seem  to 
each  of  their  names.  have  been  always  consulted  in  this 

25  The  president  found  an  in-    politic   arrangement.     See    Garci- 
genious  way  of  remunerating  sev-    lasso,  Com.  Real.,  Parte  2,  lib.  6, 
eral  of  his  followers,  by  bestowing    cap.  3. 


CH.  IV.]  SPOILS  OF  VICTORY. 


453 


It  was  in  vain,  however,  that  the  archbishop,  sec- 
onded by  some  of  the  principal  cavaliers,  endeav- 
oured to  infuse  a  more  contented  spirit  into  the 
multitude.  They  insisted  that  the  award  should  be 
rescinded,  and  a  new  one  made  on  more  equitable 
principles ;  threatening,  moreover,  that,  if  this  were 
not  done  by  the  president,  they  would  take  the  re- 
dress of  the  matter  into  their  own  hands.  Their 
discontent,  fomented  by  some  mischievous  persons 
who  thought  to  find  their  account  in  it,  at  length 
proceeded  so  far  as  to  menace  a  mutiny;  and  it 
was  not  suppressed  till  the  commander  of  Cuzco 
sentenced  one  of  the  ringleaders  to  death,  and  sev- 
eral others  to  banishment.  The  iron  soldiery  of  the 
Conquest  required  an  iron  hand  to  rule  them. 

Meanwhile,  the  president  had  continued  his  jour- 
ney towards  Lima;  and  on  the  way  was  every- 
where received  by  the  people  with  an  enthusiasm, 
the  more  grateful  to  his  heart  that  he  felt  he  had 
deserved  it.  As  he  drew  near  the  capital,  the  loyal 
inhabitants  prepared  to  give  him  a  magnificent  re- 
ception. The  whole  population  came  forth  from  the 
gates,  led  by  the  authorities  of  the  city,  with  Alda- 
na  as  corregidor  at  their  head.  Gasca  rode  on  a 
mule,  dressed  in  his  ecclesiastical  robes.  On  his 
right,  borne  on  a  horse  richly  caparisoned,  was  the 
royal  seal,  in  a  box  curiously  chased  and  orna- 
mented. A  gorgeous  canopy  of  brocade  was  sup- 
ported above  his  head  by  the  officers  of  the  munici- 
pality, who,  in  their  robes  of  crimson  velvet,  walked 
bareheaded  by  his  side.  Gay  troops  of  dancers, 


454  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boon:  V 

clothed  in  fantastic  dresses  of  gaudy-colored  silk, 
followed  the  procession,  strewing  flowers  and  chant- 
ing verses  as  they  went,  in  honor  of  the  president. 
They  were  designed  as  emblematical  of  the  different 
cities  of  the  colony ;  and  they  bore  legends  or  mot- 
toes in  rhyme  on  their  caps,  intimating  their  loyal 
devotion  to  the  Crown,  and  evincing  much  more 
loyalty  in  their  composition,  it  may  be  added,  than 
poetical  merit.26  In  this  way,  without  beat  of  drum, 
or  noise  of  artillery,  or  any  of  the  rude  accompani- 
ments of  war,  the  good  president  made  his  peaceful 
entry  into  the  City  of  the  Kings,  while  the  air  was 
rent  with  the  acclamations  of  the  people,  who  hailed 
him  as  their  "  Father  and  Deliverer,  the  Saviour  of 
their  country  !  " 27 

But,  however  grateful  was  this  homage  to  Gasca's 
heart,  he  was  not  a  man  to  waste  his  time  in  idle 
vanities.  He  now  thought  only  by  what  means  he 
could  eradicate  the  seeds  of  disorder  which  shot  up 
so  readily  in  this  fruitful  soil,  and  how  he  could  place 
the  authority  of  the  government  on  a  permanent 
basis.  By  virtue  of  his  office,  he  presided  over  the 
Royal  Audience,  the  great  judicial,  and,  indeed, 
executive  tribunal  of  the  colony ;  and  he  gave  great 


96  Fernandez  has  collected  these  Puehlo,  por  verse  libre  de  Tiranos ; 
flowers  of  colonial  poesy,  which  i  toda  la  Gente,  a  voces,  bendecia 
prove  that  the  old  Conquerors  were  al  Presidente,  i  le  llamaban :  Pa- 
much  more  expert  with  the  sword  dre,  Restaurador,  i  Paeificador, 
than  with  the  pen.  Hist,  del  Peru,  dando  gracias  a  Dios,  por  haver 
Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  93.  vengado  las  injurias  hechas  a  su 

27  "  Fue  recibimiento  mui  so-  DivinaMagestad."  Herrera,  Hist, 

lemne,  con  universal  alegria  del  General,  dec.  8,  lib.  4,  cap.  17. 


CH.  IV.]  WISE  REFORMS  BY  GASCA.  455 

despatch  to  the  business,  which  had  much  accumu- 
lated during  the  late  disturbances.  In  the  unsettled 
state  of  property,  there  was  abundant  subject  for 
litigation  ;  but,  fortunately,  the  new  Audience  was 
composed  of  able,  upright  judges,  who  labored  dili- 
gently with  their  chief  to  correct  the  mischief  caused 
by  the  misrule  of  their  predecessors 

Neither  was  Gasca  unmindful  of  the  unfortunate 
natives ;  and  he  occupied  himself  earnestly  with  that 
difficult  problem,  —  the  best  means  practicable  of 
ameliorating  their  condition.  He  sent  a  number  of 
commissioners,  as  visitors,  into  different  parts  of  the 
country,  whose  business  it  was  to  inspect  the  enco- 
miendas,  and  ascertain  the  manner  in  which  the 
Indians  were  treated,  by  conversing  not  only  with 
the  proprietors,  but  with  the  natives  themselves. 
They  were  also  to  learn  the  nature  and  extent  of 
the  tributes  paid  in  former  times  by  the  vassals  of 
the  Incas.28 

In  this  way,  a  large  amount  of  valuable  informa- 
tion was  obtained,  which  enabled  Gasca,  with  the 
aid  of  a  council  of  ecclesiastics  and  jurists,  to  di- 
gest a  uniform  system  of  taxation  for  the  natives, 
lighter  even  than  that  imposed  on  them  by  the  Pe- 

28  "  El  Presidents  Gasca  mando  comete  semejante  negocio  despues 

visitar  todas  las  provincias  y  repar-  que  sea  Cristiana :  lo  segundo  se 

timientos  deste  reyno,  norabrando  les  dio  instruccion  de  lo  que  hauian 

para  ello  personas  de  autoridad  y  de  averiguar,   que  fueron  muchas 

de   quien  se  tenia  entendido  que  cosas  :    el  numero,  las  haciendas, 

tenian   conoscimiento  de  la  tierra  lostratos  ygrangerias,lacalidadde 

que  se  les  encargavan,  que  ha  de  la  gente  y  de  sus  tierras  y  comarca, 

ser  la  principal  calidad,  que  se  ha  y  lo  que  davan  de  tribute."    Onde- 

buscar  en  la  persona,  a  quien  se  gardo,  Rel.  Prim.,  MS. 


456  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [Boo*  V. 

,.'•;'•  •'  :i\  •; 

ruvian  princes.  The  president  would  gladly  have 
relieved  the  conquered  races  from  the  obligations  of 
personal  service ;  but,  on  mature  consideration,  this 
was  judged  impracticable  in  the  present  state  of 
the  country,  since  the  colonists,  more  especially  in 
the  tropical  regions,  looked  to  the  natives  for  the  per- 
formance of  labor,  and  the  latter,  it  was  found  from 
experience,  would  not  work  at  all,  unless  compelled 
to  do  so.  The  president,  however,  limited  the 
amount  of  service  to  be  exacted  with  great  precis- 
ion, so  that  it  was  in  the  nature  of  a  moderate  per- 
sonal tax.  No  Peruvian  was  to  be  required  to 
change  his  place  of  residence,  from  the  climate  to 
which  he  had  been  accustomed,  to  another ;  a 
fruitful  source  of  discomfort,  as  well  as  of  disease, 
in  past  times.  By  these  various  regulations,  the 
condition  of  the  natives,  though  not  such  as  had 
been  contemplated  by  the  sanguine  philanthropy  of 
Las  Casas,  was  improved  far  more  than  was  com- 
patible with  the  craving  demands  of  the  colonists ; 
and  all  the  firmness  of  the  Audience  was  required 
to  enforce  provisions  so  unpalatable  to  the  latter. 
Still  they  were  enforced.  Slavery,  in  its  most  odi- 
ous sense,  was  no  longer  tolerated  in  Peru.  The 
term  "  slave "  was  not  recognized  as  having  rela- 
tion to  her  institutions  ;  and  the  historian  of  the 
Indies  makes  the  proud  boast,  —  it  should  have  been 
qualified  by  the  limitations  I  have  noticed,  —  that 
every  Indian  vassal  might  aspire  to  the  rank  of  a 
freeman.29 

29  "  El  Presidente,   i  el  Audiencia  dieron  tales  ordenes,  que  este 


CH.  IV.]  WISE   REFORMS  BY  GASCA.  45? 

Besides  these  reforms,  Gasca  introduced  several 
in  the  municipal  government  of  the  cities,  and  oth- 
ers yet  more  important  in  the  management  of  the 
finances,  and  in  the  mode  of  keeping  the  accounts. 
By  these  and  other  changes  in  the  internal  econo- 
my of  the  colony,  he  placed  the-  administration  on 
a  new  basis,  and  greatly  facilitated  the  way  for  a 
more  sure  and  orderly  government  by  his  successors. 
As  a  final  step,  to  secure  the  repose  of  the  country 
after  he  was  gone,  he  detached  some  of  the  more 
aspiring  cavaliers  on  distant  expeditions,  trusting 
that  they  would  draw  off.  the  light  and  restless 
spirits,  who  might  otherwise  gather  together  and 
disturb  the  public  tranquillity ;  as  we  sometimes  see 
the  mists  which  have  been  scattered  by  the  genial 
influence  of  the  sun  become  condensed,  and  settle 
into  a  storm,  on  his  departure.30 

Gasca  had  been  now  more  than  fifteen  months  in 
Lima,  and  nearly  three  years  had  elapsed  since  his 
first  entrance  into  Peru.  In  that  time,  he  had  ac- 
complished the  great  objects  of  his  mission.  When 
he  landed,  he  found  the  colony  in  a  state  of  anarchy, 
or  rather  organized  rebellion  under  a  powerful  and 
popular  chief.  He  came  without  funds  or  forces  to 
support  him.  The  former  he  procured  through  the 
credit  which  he  established  in  his  good  faith  ;  the 

negocio  se  asento,  de  manera,  que  3°  MS.  de  Caravantes.  —  Go- 
para  adelante  no  se  platic6  mas  mara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.  187. 
este  nombre  de  Esclavos,  sino  que  — Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parts 
lalibertad  fue  general  por  todo  el  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  93-95. — Zarate, 
Reino."  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  Conq.  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  10. 
dec.  8,  lib.  5,  cap.  7. 

VOL.    II.  58 


458  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.  [BooK  V. 

\  '  ^  - 

latter  he  won  over  by  argument  and  persuasion  from 
the  very  persons  to  whom  they  had  been  confided  by 
his  rival.  Thus  he  turned  the  arms  of  that  rival 
against  himself.  By  a  calm  appeal  to  reason  he 
wrought  a  change  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  ;  and, 
without  costing  a  drop  of  blood  to  a  single  loyal  sub- 
ject, he  suppressed  a  rebellion  which  had  menaced 
Spain  with  the  loss  of  the  wealthiest  of  her  prov- 
inces. He  had  punished  the  guilty,  and  in  their 
spoils  found  the  means  to  recompense  the  faithful. 
He  had,  moreover,  so  well  husbanded  the  resources 
of  the  country,  that  he  was  enabled  to  pay  ofF  the 
large  loan  he  had  negotiated  with  the  merchants  of 
the  colony,  for  the  expenses  of  the  war,  exceeding 
nine  hundred  thousand  pesos  de  oro.31  Nay,  more, 
by  his  economy  he  had  saved  a  million  and  a  half  of 
ducats  for  the  government,  which  for  some  years  had 
received  nothing  from  Peru ;  and  he  now  proposed 
to  carry  back  this  acceptable  treasure  to  swell  the 
royal  coffers.32  All  this  had  been  accomplished  with- 
out the  cost  of  outfit  or  salary,  or  any  charge  to  the 
Crown  except  that  of  his  own  frugal  expenditure.33 


31  "  Recogio  tanta  suma  de  di-  fueron  muchas,  remitio  a  S.  M.  y 
nero,    que    pago    novecientos  mil  lo  llevo  consigo  264,422  marcos  de 
pesos  de  Oro,  que  se  hallo  haver  plata,  que  a  seis  ducados  valieron 
gastado,  desde  el  Dia  que  entro  en  1  millon  588,  332  ducados."     MS. 
Panama,   hasta    que   se  acabd   la  de  Caravantes. 

Guerra,  los  qualestomd  prestados."  &  "  No  tubo  ni  quiso  salario  el 

Herrera,    Hist.    General,   dec.   8,  Presidente  Gasca  sino  cedilla  para 

lib.  5,  cap.  7.  — Zarate,  Conq.  del  que  a  un  mayordomo  suyo  diosen 

Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  10.  los  Oficiales  reales  lo  necesario  de 

32  "  Aviendo  pagado  el  Presi-  la  real  Hacienda,  que  como  pareze 
dente  las  costas  de  la  guerra  que  de  los  quadernos  de  su  gasto  fue 


CH.  IV.]  HE  RETURNS  TO  SPAIN.  459 

? 

•<? 

The  country  was  now  in  a  state  of  tranquillity. 
Gasca  felt  that  his  work  was  done  ;  and  that  he 
was  free  to  gratify  his  natural  longing  to  return  to 
his  native  land. 

Before  his  departure,  he  arranged  a  distribution 
of  those  repartimientos  which  had  lapsed  to  the 
Crown  during  the  past  year  by  the  death  of  the  in- 
cumbents. Life  was  short  in  Peru ;  since  those 
who  lived  by  the  sword,  if  they  did  not  die  by  the 
sword,  too  often  fell  early  victims  to  the  hardships 
incident  to  their  adventurous  career.  Many  were 
the  applicants  for  the  new  bounty  of  government ; 
and,  as  among  them  were  some  of  those  who  had 
been  discontented  with  the  former  partition,  Gasca 
was  assailed  by  remonstrances,  and  sometimes  by 
reproaches  couched  in  no  very  decorous  or  respectful 
language.  But  they  had  no  power  to  disturb  his 
equanimity  ;  he  patiently  listened,  and  replied  to 
all  in  the  mild  tone  of  expostulation  best  calculated 
to  turn  away  wrath ;  "by  this  victory  over  him- 
self," says  an  old  writer,  "  acquiring  more  real  glory, 
than  by  all  his  victories  over  his  enemies."  M 

An  incident  occurred  on  the  eve  of  his  departure, 
touching  in  itself,  and  honorable  to  the  parties  con- 
cerned. The  Indian  caciques  of  the  neighbouring 


muy  moderado."     (MS.  de  Cara-  ^  "  En  lo  qual  hizo  mas  que  en 

vantes.)     Gasca,   it  appears,  was  veneer  y  ganar  todo  aquel  Ympe 

most  exact  in  keeping  the  accounts  rio  :  porque  fue  vencerse  assi  pro 

of  his  disbursements  for  the  ex-  prio."     Garcilasso,    Com.    Real., 

penses  of  himself  and  household,  Parte  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  7. 
from  the  time  he  embarked  for  the 
colonies. 


460  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE    COUNTRY.          [Boo*  V. 

country,  mindful  of  the  great  benefits  he  had  ren- 
dered their  people,  presented  him  with  a  considera- 
ble quantity  of  plate  in  token  of  their  gratitude. 
But  Gasca  refused  to  receive  it,  though  in  doing 
so  he  gave  much  concern  to  the  Peruvians,  who 
feared  they  had  unwittingly  fallen  under  his  dis- 
pleasure. 

Many  of  the  principal  colonists,  also,  from  the 
same  wish  to  show  their  sense  of  his  important  ser- 
vices, sent  to  him,  after  he  had  embarked,  a  mag- 
nificent donative  of  fifty  thousand  gold  castella- 
nos.  "  As  he  had  taken  leave  of  Peru,"  they  said, 
"  there  could  be  no  longer  any  ground  for  declining 
it."  But  Gasca  was  as  decided  in  his  rejection  of 
this  present,  as  he  had  been  of  the  other.  "  He 
had  come  to  the  country,"  he  remarked,  "  to  serve 
the  king,  and  to  secure  the  blessings  of  peace  to  the 
inhabitants  ;  and  now  that,  by  the  favor  of  Heaven, 
he  had  been  permitted  to  accomplish  this,  he  would 
not  dishonor  the  cause  by  any  act  that  might  throw 
suspicion  on  the  purity  of  his  motives."  Notwith- 
standing his  refusal,  the  colonists  contrived  to  se- 
crete .ihe  sum  of  twenty  thousand  castellanos  on 
board  of  his  vessel,  with  the  idea,  that,  once  in  his 
own  country,  with  his  mission  concluded,  the  presi- 
dent's scruples  would  be  removed.  Gasca  did,  in- 
deed, accept  the  donative ;  for  he  felt  that  it  would 
be  ungracious  to  send  it  back ;  but  it  was  only  till 
he  could  ascertain  the  relatives  of  the  donors,  when 
he  distributed  it  among  the  most  needy.35 

35  Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  95. 

•    '  .  *»*  '         * 

*    **•*  ',       * 


CH.  IV.]  HE  RETURNS  TO  SPAIN.  461 

Having  now  settled  all  his  affairs,  the  president 
committed  the  government,  until  the  arrival  of  a  vice- 
roy, to  his  faithful  partners  of  the  Royal  Audience  ; 
and  in  January,  1550,  he  embarked  with  the  royal 
treasure  on  board  of  a  squadron  for  Panama.  He 
was  accompanied  to  the  shore  by  a  numerous  crowd 
of  the  inhabitants,  cavaliers  and  common  people, 
persons  of  all  ages  and  conditions,  who  followed  to 
take  their  last  look  of  their  benefactor,  and  watch 
with  straining  eyes  the  vessel  that  bore  him  away 
from  their  land. 

His  voyage  was  prosperous,  and  early  in  March 
the  president  reached  his  destined  port.  He  stayed 
there  only  till  he  could  muster  horses  and  mules  suf- 
ficient to  carry  the  treasure  across  the  mountains ; 
for  he  knew  that  this  part  of  the  country  abounded 
in  wild,  predatory  spirits,  who  would  be  sorely 
tempted  to  some  act  of  violence  by  a  knowledge  of 
the  wealth  which  he  had  with  him.  Pushing  for- 
ward, therefore,  he  crossed  the  rugged  Isthmus,  and, 
after  a  painful  march,  arrived  in  safety  at  Nombre 
de  Dios. 

The  event  justified  his  apprehensions.  He  had 
been  gone  but  three  days,  when  a  ruffian  horde,  after 
murdering  the  bishop  of  Guatemala,  broke  into 
Panama  with  the  design  of  inflicting  the  same  fate 
on  the  president,  and  of  seizing  the  booty.  No 
sooner  were  the  tidings  communicated  to  Gasca, 
than,  with  his  usual  energy,  he  levied  a  force  and 
prepared  to  march  to  the  relief  of  the  invaded  capi- 
tal. But  Fortune  —  or,  to  speak  more  correctly, 


•;• 


462  SETTLEMENT  OF   THE  COUNTRY.  [BOOK  V. 

Providence  —  favored  him  here,  as  usual ;  and,  on 
the  eve  of  his  departure,  he  learned  that  the  maraud- 
ers had  been  met  by  the  citizens,  and  discomfit- 
ed with  great  slaughter.  Disbanding  his  forces, 
therefore,  he-  equipped  a  fleet  of  nineteen  vessels 
to  transport  himself  and  the  royal  treasure  to  Spain, 
where  he  arrived  in  safety,  entering  the  harbour  of 
Seville  after  a  little  more  than  four  years  from  the 
period  when  he  had  sailed  from  the  same  port.36 

Great  was  the  sensation  throughout  the  country 
caused  by  his-  arrival.  Men  could  hardly  believe 
that  results  so  momentous  had  been  accomplished  in 
so  short  a  time  by  a  single  individual,  —  a  poor  ec- 
clesiastic, who,  unaided  by  government,  had,  by 
his  own  strength,  as  it  were,  put  down  a  rebellion 
which  had  so  long  set  the  arms  of  Spain  at  defiance  ! 

The  emperor  was  absent  in  Flanders.  He  was 
overjoyed  on  learning  the  complete  success  of  Gas- 
ca's  mission  ;  and  not  less  satisfied  with  the  tidings 
of  the  treasure  he  had  brought  with  him  ;  for  the 
exchequer,  rarely  filled  to  overflowing,  had  been  ex- 
hausted by  the  recent  troubles  in  Germany.  Charles 
instantly  wrote  to  the  president,  requiring  his  pres- 
ence at  court,  that  he  might  learn  from  his  own 
lips  the  particulars  of  his  expedition.  Gasca,  ac- 
cordingly, attended  by  a  numerous  retinue  of  nobles 
and  cavaliers,  —  for  who  does  not  pay  homage  to 


36  MS.   de    Caravantes.  —  Go-  del  Peru,  lib.  7,  cap.  13.  —  Her- 

mara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.  183.  rera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  8,  lib.  6, 

— Fernandez,  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  cap.  17. 
2,  lib.  1,  cap.  10.  — Zarate,  Conq. 


CH.  IV.]  HE  RETURNS  TO  SPAIN.  463 

him  whom  the  king  delighteth  to  honor  ?  —  em- 
barked at  Barcelona,  and,  after  a  favorable  voyage, 
joined  the  Court  in  Flanders. 

He  was  received  by  his  royal  master,  who  fully 
appreciated  his  services,  in  a  manner  most  grateful  to 
his  feelings ;  and  not  long  afterward  he  was  raised  to 
the  bishopric  of  Palencia,  —  a  mode  of  acknowledg- 
ment best  suited  to  his  character  and  deserts.  Here 
he  remained  till  1561,  when  he  was  promoted  to  the 
vacant  see  of  Siguenza.  The  rest  of  his  days  he 
passed  peacefully  in  the  discharge  of  his  episcopal 
functions ;  honored  by  his  sovereign,  and  enjoying 
the  admiration  and  respect  of  his  countrymen.37 

In  his  retirement,  he  was  still  consulted  by  the 
government  in  matters  of  importance  relating  to  the 
Indies.  The  disturbances  of  that  unhappy  land 
were  renewed,  though  on  a  much  smaller  scale  than 
before,  soon  after  the  president's  departure.  They 
were  chiefly  caused  by  discontent  with  the  reparti- 
mientos,  and  with  the  constancy  of  the  Audience  in 
enforcing  the  benevolent  restrictions  as  to  the  per- 
sonal services  of  the  natives.  But'  these  troubles 
subsided,  after  a  very  few  years,  under  the  wise  rule 
of  the  Mendozas,  —  two  successive  viceroys  of  that 
illustrious  house  which  has  given  so  many  of  its  sons 
to  the  service  of  Spain.  Under  their  rule,  the  mild 
yet  determined  policy  was  pursued,  of  which  Gasca 
had  set  the  example.  The  ancient  distractions  of 

37  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — MS.  de  Hist,  del  Peru,  Parte  2,  lib.  1, 
Caravantes.  —  Gomara,  Hist,  de  cap.  10.  —  Zarate,  Conq.  del  Pern, 
las  Indias,  cap.  182.  —  Fernandez,  lib.  7,  cap.  13. 


464  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [Boo*  V. 

*'  '    •  .     .  ' ' 

the  country  were  permanently  healed.  With  peace, 
prosperity  returned  within  the  borders,  of  Peru;  and 
the  consciousness  of  the  beneficent  results  of  his 
labors  may  have  shed  a  ray  of  satisfaction,  as  it  did 
of  glory,  over  the  evening  of  the  president's  life. 

That  life  was  brought  to  a  close  in  November, 
1567,  at  an  age,  probably,  not  far  from  the  one  fixed 
by  the  sacred  writer  as  the  term  of  human  exist- 
ence.33 He  died  at  Valladolid,  and  was  buried  in 
the  church  of  Santa  Maria  Magdalena,  in  that  city, 
which  he  had  built  and .  liberally  endowed.  His 
monument,  surmounted  by  the  sculptured  effigy  of  a 
priest  in  his  sacerdotal  robes,  is  still  to  be  seen  there, 
attracting  the  admiration  of  the  traveller  by  the 
beauty  of  its  execution.  The  banners  taken  from 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  on  the  field  of  Xaquixaguana  were 
suspended  over  his  tomb,  as  the  trophies  of  his 
memorable  mission  to  Peru.39  The  banners  have 
long  since  mouldered  into  dust,  with  the  remains 
of  him  who  slept  beneath  them  ;  but  the  memory 
of  his  good  deeds  will  endure  for  ever.- 


40 


38  I  have  met  with  no  account  39  "  Murio  en  Valladolid,  donde 
of  the  year  in  which  Gasca  was  mando  enterrar  su  cuerpo  en  la 
born  ;  but  an  inscription  on  his  Iglesia  de  la  advocacion  de  la  Mag- 
portrait  in  the  sacristy  of  St.  Ma-  dalena,  que  hizo  edificar  en  aquella 
ry  Magdalene  at  Valladolid,  from  ciudad,  donde  se  pusieron  las  van- 
which  the  engraving  prefixed  to  deras  que  gano  a  Gonzalo  Pizarro." 
this  volume  is  taken,  states  that  MS.  de  Caravantes. 
he  died  in  1567,  at  the  age  of  4«  The  memory  of  his  achieve- 
seventy-one.  This  is  perfectly  con-  ments  has  not  been  left  entirely 
sistent  with  the  time  of  life  at  which  to  the  care  of  the  historian.  It 
he  had  probably  arrived  when  we  is  but  a  few  years  since  the 
find  him  a  collegiate  at  Salamanca,  character  and  administration  of 
in  the  year  1522.  Gasca  formed  the  subject  of  an 


CH.  IV.]  HIS   DEATH  AND   CHARACTER.  465 

Gasca  was  plain  in  person,  and  his  countenance 
was  far  from  comely.  He  was  awkward  and  ill- 
proportioned  ;  for  his  limbs  were  too  long  for  his 
body,  —  so  that  when  he  rode,  he  appeared  to  be 
much  shorter  than  he  really  was.41  His  dress  was 
humble,  his  manners  simple,  and  there  was  nothing 
imposing  in  his  presence.  But,  on  a  nearer  inter- 
course, there  was  a  charm  in  his  discourse  that 
effaced  every  unfavorable  impression  produced  by 
his  exterior,  and  won  the  hearts  of  his  hearers. 

The  president's  character  may  be  thought  to  have 
been  sufficiently  portrayed  in  the  history  already 
given  of  his  life.  It  presented  a  combination  of 
qualities  which  generally  serve  to  neutralize  each 
other,  but  which  were  mixed  in  such  proportions 
in  him  as  to  give  it  additional  strength.  He  was 
gentle,  yet  resolute ;  by  nature  intrepid,  yet  pre- 
ferring to  rely  on  the  softer  arts  of  policy.  He  was 
frugal  in  his  personal  expenditure,  and  economical 

elaborate  panegyric  from  one   of  41  "  Era  muy  pequeno  de  cuerpo 

the  most,  distinguished  statesmen  in  con  estrana  hechura,  que  de  la  cm- 

the  British  parliament.     (See  Lord  tura  abaxo  tenia  tanto  cuerpo,  como 

Brougham's   speech   on    the  mal-  qualquiera  hombre   alto,   y  de  la 

treatment  of  the  North  American  cintura  al  hombro    no  tenia   vna 

colonies,    February,    1838.)     The  tercia.    Andando  a  cauallo  parescia 

enlightened  Spaniard  of  our  day,  a  vn  mas  pequefio  de  lo  que  era, 

who  contemplates  with  sorrow  the  porque  todo  era  piernas  :  de  rostro 

excesses  committed  by  his  country-  era  muy  feo :  pero  lo  que  la  natu- 

men  of  the  sixteenth  century  in  the  raleza    le  nego  de  las  dotes  del 

New  World,  may  feel  an  honest  cuerpo,    se  los  doblo   en  los  del 

pride,  that  in  this  company  of  dark  animo."     Garcilasso,  Com.  Real., 

spirits  should    be    found    one    to  Parte  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  2. 
whom  the  present  generation  may 
turn  as  to  the  brightest  model  of 
integrity  and  wisdom. 

VOL.  II.  59 


466  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE   COUNTRY.          [BooK  V. 

in  the  public ;  yet  caring  nothing  for  riches  on  his 
flwn  account,  and  never  stinting  his  bounty  when 
the  public  good  required  it.  He  was  benevolent  and 
placable,  yet  could  deal  sternly  with  the  impenitent 
offender ;  lowly  in  his  deportment,  yet  with  a  full 
measure  of  that  self-respect  which  springs  from 
conscious  rectitude  of  purpose ;  modest  and  unpre- 
tending, yet  not  shrinking  from  the  most  difficult 
enterprises ;  deferring  greatly  to  others,  yet,  in  the 
last  resort,  relying  mainly  on  himself ;  moving  with 
deliberation,— patiently  waiting  his  time;  but,  when 
that  came,  bold,  prompt,  and  decisive. 

Gasca  was  not  a  man  of  genius,  in  the  vulgar 
sense  of  that  term.  At  least,  no  one  of  his  intel- 
lectual powers  seems  to  have  received  an  extraordi- 
nary development,  beyond  what  is  found  in  others. 
He  was  not  a  great  writer,  nor  a  great  orator,  nor  a 
great  general.  He  did  not  affect  to  be  either.  He 
committed  the  care  of  his  military  matters  to  milita- 
ry men  ;  of  ecclesiastical,  to  the  clergy ;  and  his  civil 
and  judicial  concerns  he  reposed  on  the  members  of 
the  Audience.  He  was  not  one  of  those  little  great 
men  who  aspire  to  do  every  thing  themselves,  under 
the  conviction  that  nothing  can  be  done  so  well  by 
others.  But  the  president  was  a  keen  judge  of 
character.  Whatever  might  be  the  office,  he  select- 
ed the  best  man  for  it.  He  did  more.  He  assured 
himself  of  the  fidelity  of  his  agents  ,  presided  at 
their  deliberations;  dictated  a  general  line  of  policy, 
and  thus  infused  a  spirit  of  unity  into  their  plans, 
which  made  all  move  in  concert  to  the  accomplish- 
ment of  one  grand  result. 


CH.  IV.]  HIS   DEATH  AND   CHARACTER.  467 

A  distinguishing  feature  of  his  mind  was  his  com- 
mon sense,  —  the  best  substitute  for  genius  in  a 
ruler  who  has  the  destinies  of  his  fellow-men  at  his 
disposal,  and  more  indispensable  than  genius  itself. 
In  Gasca,  the  different  qualities  were  blended  in 
such  harmony,  that  there  was  no  room  for  excess. 
They  seemed  to  regulate  each  other.  While  his 
sympathy  with  mankind  taught  him  the  nature  of 
their  wants,  his  reason  suggested  to  what  extent 
these  were  capable  of  relief,  as  well  as  the  best  mode 
of  effecting  it.  He  did  not  waste  his  strength  on 
illusory  schemes  of  benevolence,  like  Las  Casas,  on 
the  one  hand;  nor  did  he  countenance  the  selfish 
policy  of  the  colonists,  on  the  other.  He  aimed  at 
the  practicable,  —  the  greatest  good  practicable. 

In  accomplishing  his  objects,  he  disclaimed  force 
equally  with  fraud.  He  trusted  for  success  to  his 
power  over  the  convictions  of  his  hearers  ;  and  the 
source  of  this  power  was  the  confidence  he  inspired 
in  his  own  integrity  Amidst  all  the  calumnies  of 
faction,  no  imputation  was  ever  cast  on  the  integrity 
of  Gasca.42  No  wonder  that  a  virtue  so  rare  should 
be  of  high  price  in  Peru. 

There  are  some  men  whose  characters  have  been 
so  wonderfully  adapted  to  the  peculiar  crisis  in 
which  they  appeared,  that  they  seem  to  have  been 


42  it  -pue  tan  recatado  y  estre-  hizo  :    con  todo  esso,  jamas  nadie 

mado   en  esta  virtud,  que  puesto  dixo  del,  ni  sospecho  ;  que  en  esto, 

que  de  muclios  quedo  mal  quisto,  ni  otra  cosa,  se  vuiesse  mouido  por 

quando   del    Perti   se  partio  para  codicia."     Fernandez,    Hist,    del 

Espaiia,  por  el  repartimiento  que  Peru,  Parte  1,  lib.  2,  cap.  95. 


468  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.         [BooK  V. 

specially  designed  for  it  by  Providence.  Such  was 
Washington  in  our  own  country,  and  Gasca  in  Peru. 
We  can  conceive  of  individuals  with  higher  quali- 
ties, at  least  with  higher  intellectual  qualities,  than 
belonged  to  either  of  these  great  men.  But  it  was 
the  wonderful  conformity  of  their  characters  to  the 
exigencies  of  their  situation,  the  perfect  adaptation 
of  the  means  to  the  end,  that  constituted  the  secret 
of  their  success  ;  that  enabled  Gasca  so  gloriously  to 
crush  revolution,  and  Washington  still  more  glori- 
ously to  achieve  it. 

Gasca's  conduct  on  his  first  coming  to  the  colonies 
affords  the  best  illustration  of  his  character.  Had 
he  come  backed  by  a  military  array,  or  even  clothed 
in  the  paraphernalia  of  authority,  every  heart  and 
hand  would  have  been  closed  against  him.  But  the 
humble  ecclesiastic  excited  no  apprehension ;  and 
his  enemies  were  already  disarmed,  before  he  had 
begun  his  approaches.  Had  Gasca,  impatient  of 
Hinojosa's  tardiness,  listened  to  the  suggestions  of 
those  who  advised  his  seizure,  he  would  have 
brought  his  cause  into  jeopardy  by  this  early  dis- 
play of  violence.  But  he  wisely  chose  to  win  over 
his  enemy  by  operating  on  his  conviction. 

In  like  manner,  he  waited  his  time  for  making  his 
entry  into  Peru.  He  suffered  his  communications 
to  do  their  work  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  and 
was  careful  not  to  thrust  in  the  sickle  before  the 
harvest  was  ripe.  In  this  way,  wherever  he  went, 
every  thing  was  prepared  for  his  coming  ;  and  when 
he  set  foot  in  Peru,  the  country  was  already  his  own. 


• 


CH.  IV.]  HIS   DEATH   AND   CHARACTER.  469 

After  the  dark  and  turbulent  spirits  with  which 
we  have  been  hitherto  occupied,  it  is  refreshing  to 
dwell  on  a  character  like  that  of  Gasca.  In  the 
Jong  procession  which  has  passed  in  review  before 
us,  we  have  seen  only  the  mail-clad  cavalier,  bran- 
dishing his  bloody  lance,  and  mounted  on  his  war- 
horse,  riding  over  the  helpless  natives,  or  battling 
with  his  own  friends  and  brothers  ;  fierce,  arrogant, 
and  cruel,  urged  on  by  the  lust  of  gold,  or  the  scarce 
more  honorable  love  of  a  bastard  glory.  Mingled 
with  these  qualities,  indeed,  we  have  seen  sparkles 
of  the  chivalrous  and  romantic  temper  which  belongs 
to  the  heroic  age  of  Spain.  But,  with  some  honora- 
ble exceptions,  it  was  the  scum  of  her  chivalry  that 
resorted  to  Peru,  and  took  service  under  the  banner 
of  the  Pizarros.  At  the  close  of  this  long  array 
of  iron  warriors,  we  behold  the  poor  and  humble 
missionary  coming  into  the  land  on  an  errand  of 
mercy,  and  everywhere  proclaiming  the  glad  tidings 
of  peace.  No  warlike  trumpet  heralds  his  approach, 
nor  is  his  course  to  be  tracked  by  the  groans  of  the 
wounded  and  the  dying.  The  means  he  employs 
are  in  perfect  harmony  with  his  end.  His  weapons 
are  argument  and  mild  persuasion.  It  is  the  reason 
he  would  conquer,  not  the  body.  He  wins  his  way 
by  conviction,  not  by  violence.  It  is  a  moral  vic- 
tory to  which  he  aspires,  more  potent,  and  hap- 
pily more  permanent,  than  that  of  the  blood-stained 
conqueror.  As  he  thus  calmly,  and  imperceptibly, 
as  it  were,  comes  to  his  great  results,  he  may  re- 
mind us  of  the  slow,  insensible  manner  in  which 


470  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY.          [BooK  V. 

Nature  works  out  her  great  changes  in  the  material 
world,  that  are  to  endure  when  the  ravages  of  the 
hurricane  are  passed  away  and  forgotten. 

With  the  mission  of  Gasca  terminates  the  his- 
tory of  the  Conquest  of  Peru.  The  Conquest,  in- 
deed, strictly  terminates  with  the  suppression  of  the 
Peruvian  revolt,  when  the  strength,  if  not  the  spirit, 
of  the  Inca  race  was  crushed  for  ever.  The  reader, 
however,  might  feel  a  natural  curiosity  to  follow  to 
its  close  the  fate  of  the  remarkable  family  who 
achieved  the  Conquest.  Nor  would  the  story  of  the 
invasion  itself  be  complete  without  some  account 
of  the  civil  wars  which  grew  out  of  it ;  which 
serve,  moreover,  as  a  moral  commentary  on  preced- 
ing events,  by  showing  that  the  indulgence  of  fierce, 
unbridled  passions  is  sure  to  recoil,  sooner  or  later, 
even  in  this  life,  on  the  heads  of  the  guilty. 

It  is  true,  indeed,  that  the  troubles  of  the  coun- 
try were  renewed  on  the  departure  of  Gasca. 
The  waters  had  been  too  fearfully  agitated  to  be 
stilled,  at  once,  into  a  calm;  but  they  gradually 
subsided,  under  the  temperate  rule  of  his  successors, 
who  wisely  profited  by  his  policy  and  example. 
Thus  the  influence  of  the  good  president  remained 
after  he  was  withdrawn  from  the  scene  of  his  la- 
bors ;  and  Peru,  hitherto  so  distracted,  continued  to 
enjoy  as  large  a  share  of  repose  as  any  portion  of 
the  colonial  empire  of  Spain.  With  the  benevolent 
mission  of  Gasca,  then,  the  historian  of  the  Con- 
quest may  be  permitted  to  terminate  his  labors,  — 
with  feelings  not  unlike  those  of  the  traveller,  who, 


i 
CH.  IV.]  ZARATE.  471 

having  long  journeyed  among  the  dreary  forests 
and  dangerous  defiles  of  the  mountains,  at  length 
emerges  on  some  pleasant  landscape  smiling  in 
tranquillity  and  peace. 


Augustin  de  Zarate  —  a  highly  respectable  authority,  frequently 
cited  in  the  later  portion  of  this  work  —  was  Contador  de  Mercedes, 
Comptroller  of  Accounts,  for  Castile.  This  office  he  filled  for  fifteen 
years  ;  after  which  he  was  sent  by  the  government  to  Peru  to  examine 
into  the  state  of  the  colonial  finances,  which  had  been  greatly  deranged 
by  the  recent  troubles,  and  to  bring  them,  if  possible,  into  order. 

Zarate  went  out  accordingly  in  the  train  of  the  viceroy  Blasco  Nufiez, 
and  found  himself,  through  the  passions  of  his  imprudent  leader,  en- 
tangled, soon  after  his  arrival,  in  the  inextricable  meshes  of  civil  discord. 
In  the  struggle  which  ensued,  he  remained  with  the  Royal  Audience ; 
and  we  find  him  in  Lima,  on  the  approach  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  to  that 
capital,  when  Zarate  was  deputed  by  the  judges  to  wait  on  the  insur- 
gent chief,  and  require  him  to  disband  his  troops  and  withdraw  to  his 
own  estates.  The  historian  executed  the  mission,  for  which  he  seems 
to  have  had  little  relish,  and  which  certainly  was  not  without  danger. 
From  this  period,  we  rarely  hear  of  him  in  the  troubled  scenes  that 
ensued.  He  probably  took  no  further  part  in  affairs  than  was  abso- 
lutely forced  on  him  by  circumstances ;  but  the  unfavorable  bearing  of 
his  remarks  on  Gonzalo  Pizarro  intimates,  that,  however  he  may  bars 
been  discontented  with  the  conduct  of  the  viceroy,  he  did  not  counte- 
nance, for  a  moment,  the  criminal  ambition  of  his  rival.  The  times 
were  certainly  unpropitious  to  the  execution  of  the  financial  reforms 
for  which  Zarate  had  come  to  Peru.  But  he  showed  so  much  real 
devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  Crown,  that  the  emperor,  on  his  re- 
turn, signified  his  satisfaction  by  making  him  Superintendent  of  the 
Finances  in  Flanders. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  in  Peru,  he  seems  to  have  conceived  the  idea 
of  making  his  countrymen  at  home  acquainted  with  the  stirring  events 
passing  in  the  colony,  which,  moreover,  afforded  some  striking  passages 
for  the  study  of  the  historian.  Although  he  collected  notes  and  diaries, 
as  he  tells  us,  for  this  purpose,  he  did  not  dare  to  avail  himself  of  them 
till  his  return  to  Castile.  "  For  to  have  begun  the  history  in  Peru," 
he  says,  "  would  have  alone  been  enough  to  put  my  life  in  jeopardy; 
since  a  certain  commander,  named  Francisco  de  Carbajal,  threatened 


472  ZARATE.  [BOOK  V. 

to  take  vengeance  on  any  one  who  should  be  so  rash  as  to  attempt  the 
relation  of  his  exploits,  —  far  less  deserving,  as  they  were,  to  be  placed 
on  record,  than  to  be  consigned  to  eternal  oblivion."  In  this  same 
commander,  the  reader  will  readily  recognize  the  veteran  lieutenant  of 
Gonzalo  Pizarro. 

On  his  return  home,  Zarate  set  about  the  compilation  of  his  work. 
His  first  purpose  was  to  confine  it  to  the  events  that  followed  the  arrival 
of  Blasco  NuBez ;  but  he  soon  found,  that,  to  make  these  intelligible,  he 
must  trace  the  stream  of  history  higher  up  towards  its  sources.  He 
accordingly  enlarged  his  plan,  and,  beginning  with  the  discovery  of  Peru, 
gave  an  entire  view  of  the  conquest  and  subsequent  occupation  of  the 
country,  bringing  the  narrative  down  to  the  close  of  Gasca's  mission. 
For  the  earlier  portion  of  the  story,  he  relied  on  the  accounts  of  persons 
who  took  a  leading  part  in  the  events.  He  disposes  more  summarily 
of  this  portion  than  of  that  in  which  he  himself  was  both  a  spectator 
and  an  actor ;  where  his  testimony,  considering  the  advantages  his 
position  gave  him  for  information,  is  of  the  highest  value. 

Alcedo  in  his  Biblioteca  Americana,  MS.,  speaks  of  Zarate's  work  as 
"  containing  much  that  is  good,  but  as  not  entitled  to  the  praise  of 
exactness."  He  wrote  under  the  influence  of  party  heat,  which  neces- 
sarily operates  to  warp  the  fairest  mind  somewhat  from  its  natural  bent. 
For  this  we  must  make  allowance,  in  perusing  accounts  of  conflicting 
parties.  But  there  is  no  intention,  apparently,  to  turn  the  truth  aside  in 
support  of  his  own  cause  ;  and  his  access  to  the  best  sources  of  knowl- 
edge often  supplies  us  with  particulars  not  within  the  reach  of  other 
chroniclers.  His  narrative  is  seasoned,  moreover,  with  sensible  re- 
flections and  passing  comments,  that  open  gleams  of  light  into  the  dark 
passages  of  that  eventful  period.  Yet  the  style  of  the  author  can  make 
but  moderate  pretensions  to  the  praise  of  elegance  or  exactness  ;  while 
the  sentences  run  into  that  tedious,  interminable  length  which  belongs 
to  the  garrulous  compositions  of  the  regular  thoroughbred  chronicler  of 
the  olden  time. 

The  personalities,  necessarily  incident,  more  or  less,  to  such  a  work, 
led  its  author  to  shrink  from  publication,  at  least  during  his  life.  By 
the  jealous  spirit  of  the  Castilian  cavalier,  "  censure."  he  says,  "  how- 
ever light,  is  regarded  with  indignation,  and  even  praise  is  rarely  dealt 
out  in  a  measure  satisfactory  to  the  subject  of  it."  And  he  expresses 
his  conviction  that  those  do  wisely,  who  allow  their  accounts  of  their 
own  times  to  repose  in  the  quiet  security  of  manuscript,  till  the  genera- 
tion that  is  to  be  affected  by  them  has  passed  away.  His  own  manu- 
script, however,  was  submitted  to  the  emperor ;  and  it  received  such 
commendation  from  this  royal  authority,  that  Zarate,  plucking  up  a  more 
courageous  spirit,  consented  to  give  it  to  the  press.  It  accordingly  ap- 


ti  m 


Cn.  IV.]  FERNANDEZ.  §         473 

peared  at  Antwerp,  in  1555,  in  octavo ;  and  a  second  edition  was  printed, 
in  folio,  at  Seville,  in  1577.  It  has  since  been  incorporated  in  Barcia's 
valuable  collection  ;  and,  whatever  indignation  or  displeasure  it  may 
have  excited  among-  contemporaries,  who  smarted  under  the  author's 
censure,  or  felt  themselves  defrauded  of  their  legitimate  guerdon,  Za- 
rate's  work  has  taken  a  permanent  rank  among  the  most  respectable 
authorities  for  a  history  of  the  time. 

The  name  of  Zarate  naturally  suggests  that  of  Fernandez,  for  both 
were  laborers  in  the  same  field  of  history.  Diego  Fernandez  de  Pa- 
lencia,  or  Palentino,  as  he  is  usually  called,  from  the  place  of  his  birth, 
came  over  to  Peru,  and  served  as  a  private  in  the  royal  army  raised  to 
quell  the  insurrections  that  broke  out  after  Gasca's  return  to  Castile. 
Amidst  his  military  occupations,  he  found  leisure  to  collect  materials  for 
a  history  of  the  period,  to  which  he  was  further  urged  by  the  viceroy, 
Mendoza,  Marques  de  Cafiete,  who  bestowed  on  him,  as  he  tells  us,  the 
post  of  Chronicler  of  Per-u.  This  mark  of  confidence  in  his  literary 
capacity  intimates  higher  attainments  in  Fernandez  than  might  be  in- 
ferred from  the  humble  station  that  he  occupied.  With  the  fruits  of  his 
researches  the  soldier-chronicler  returned  to  Spain,  and,  after  a  time, 
completed  his  narrative  of  the  insurrection  of  Giron. 

The  manuscript  was  seen  by  the  President  of  the  Council  of  the  In- 
dies, and  he  was  so  much  pleased  with  its  execution,  that  he  urged 
the  author  to  write  the  account,  in  like  manner,  of  Gonzalo  Pizamrs 
rebellion,  and  of  the  administration  of  Gasca.  The  historian  was  fur- 
ther stimulated,  as  he  mentions  in  his  dedication  to  Philip  the  Second, 
by  the  promise  of  a  guerdon  from  that  monarch,  on  the  completion 
of  his  labors  ;  a  very  proper,  as  well  as  politic,  promise,  but  which 
inevitably  suggests  the  idea  of  an  influence  not  altogether  favor- 
able to  severe  historic  impartiality.  Nor  will  such  an  inference  be 
found  altogether  at  variance  with  truth  ;  for  while  the  narrative  of 
Fernandez  studiously  exhibits  the  royal  cause  in  the  most  favorable 
aspect  to  the  reader,  it  does  scanty  justice  to  the  claims  of  the  opposite 
party.  It  would  not  be  meet,  indeed,  that  an  apology  for  rebellion 
should  be  found  in  the  pages  of  a  royal  pensioner  ;  but  there  are  always 
mitigating  circumstances,  which,  however  we  may  condemn  the  guilt, 
may  serve  to  lessen  our  indignation  towards  the  guilty.  These  circum- 
stances are  not  to  be  found  in  the  pages  of  Fernandez.  It  is  unfor- 
tunate for  the  historian  of  such  events,  that  it  is  so  difficult  to  find  one 
disposed  to  do  even  justice  to  the  claims  of  the  unsuccessful  rebel. 
Yet  the  Inca  Garcilasso  has  not  shrunk  from  this,  in  the  case  of  Gon- 
zalo Pizarro ;  and  even  Gomara,  though  living  under  the  shadow,  or 
rather  in  the  sunshine,  of  the  Court,  has  occasionally  ventured  a  gen- 
erous protest  in  his  behalf. 
VOL.  II.  60 


474  FERNANDEZ.  [BOOK  V. 

The  countenance  thus  afforded  to  Fernandez  from  the  highest  quarter 
opened  to  him  the  best  fountains  of  intelligence,  —  at  least,  on  the 
government  side  of  the  quarrel.  Besides  personal  communication  with 
the  royalist  leaders,  he  had  access  to  their  correspondence,  diaries,  and 
official  documents.  He  industriously  profited  by  his  opportunities ;  and 
his  narrative,  taking  up  the  story  of  the  rebellion  from  its  birth,  con- 
tinues it  to  its  final  extinction,  and  the  end  of  Gasca's  administration. 
Thus  the  First  Part  of  his  work,  as  it  was  now  called,  was  brought 
down  to  the  commencement  of  the  Second,  and  the  whole  presented  a 
complete  picture  of  the  distractions  of  the  nation,  till  a  new  order  of 
things  was  introduced,  and  tranquillity  was  permanently  established 
throughout  the  country. 

The  diction  is  sufficiently  plain,  not  aspiring  to  rhetorical  beauties 
beyond  the  reach  of  its  author,  and  out  of  keeping  with  the  simple 
character  of  a  chronicle.  The  sentences  are  arranged  with  more  art 
than  in  most  of  the  unwieldy  compositions  of  the  time ;  and,  while  there 
is  no  attempt  at  erudition  or  philosophic  speculation,  the  current  of 
events  flows  on  in  an  orderly  manner,  tolerably  prolix,  it  is  true,  but 
leaving  a  clear  and  intelligible  impression  on  the  mind  of  the  reader, 
No  history  of  that  period  compares  with  it  in  the  copiousness  of  its 
details ;  and  it  has  accordingly  been  resorted  to  by  later  compilers,  as 
an  inexhaustible  reservoir  for  the  supply  of  their  own  pages  ;  a  cir- 
cumstance that  may  be  thought  of  itself  to  bear  no  slight  testimony  to 
the  general  fidelity,  as  well  as  fulness,  of  the  narrative.  —  The  Chronicle 
oi"  Fernandez,  thus  arranged  in  two  parts,  under  the  general  title  of 
Historia  del  Peru,  was  given  to  the  world  in  the  author's  lifetime,  at 
Seville,  in  1571,  in  one  volume,  folio,  being  the  edition  used  in  the 
preparation  of  this  work. 


APPENDIX. 


I  f 


* 

* 


APPENDIX. 


No.  I. —  See  Vol.  I.,  p.  28. 

DESCRIPTION   OF   THE  ROYAL  PROGRESSES  OF  THE   JNCAS ;   EXTRACTED 
FROM  SARMIENTO'S  RELACION,  MS. 

[The  original  manuscript,  which  was  copied  for  Lord 
Kingsborough's  valuable  collection,  is  in  the  Library  of  the 
Escurial.] 

Quando  en  tiempo  de  paz  salian  los  Yngas  a  visitar  su  Reyno,  cueri- 
tan  que  iban  por  el  con  gran  majestad,  sentados  en  ricas  andas  armadas 
sobre  unos  palos  lisos  largos,  de  manera  escelente,  engastadas  en  oro  y 
argenteria,  y  de  las  andas  salian  dos  arcos  altos  hechos  de  oro,  engasta- 
dos  en  piedras  preciosas :  caian  unas  manias  algo  largas  por  todas  las 
atidas,  de  tal  manera  que  las  cubrian  todas,  y  sino  era  queriendo  el  que 
iba  dentro,  no  podia  ser  visto,  ni  alzaban  las  manias  si  no  era  cuando 
entraba  y  salia,  tanta  era  su  estimacion  ;  y  para  que  le  entrase  aire,  y  el 
pudiese  ver  el  camino,  havia  en  las  manias  hechos  algunos  agujeros 
hechos  por  todas  paries.  En  estas  andas  habia  riqueza,  y  en  algunas 
estaba  esculpido  el  Sol  y  la  luna,  y  en  otras  unas  culebras  grandes  on- 
dadas  y  unos  como  bastones  que  las  atravesaban.  Esto  Iranian  por 
encima  por  armas,  y  estas  andas  las  llevaban  en  ombros  de  los  Sefiores, 
los  mayores  y  mas  principales  del  Reyno,  y  aquel  que  mas  con  ellas 
andaba,  aquel  se  tenia  por  mas  onrado  y  por  mas  faboreeido.  En  rede- 
dor  de  las  andas,  a  la  ila,  iba  la  guardia  del  Rey  con  los  arqueros  y  ala- 
barderos,  y  delante  iban  cinco  mil  honderos,  y  detras  venian  otros  tantos 
Lanceros  con  sus  Capitanes,  y  por  los  lados  del  camino  y  por  el  mesmo 
camino  iban  corredores  fides,  descubriendo  lo  que  habia,  y  avisando  la 
ida  del  Seiior ;  y  acudia  tanta  gente  por  lo  ver,  que  parecia  que  todos  los 
cenros  y  laderas  estaba  lleno  de  ella,  y  todos  le  davan  las  vendiciones, 
alzando  alaridos,  y  grita  grande  a  su  usanza,  llamandole,  Ancha  atunapo 


478  APPENDIX.  [No.  II. 

indichin  campa  capalla  apatuco  pacha  camba  lolla  Yulley,  que  en  nuestra 
lengua  dira  "  Muy  grande  y  poderoso  Senor,  hijo  del  Sol,  tu  solo  eres 
SeBor,  todo  el  mundo  te  oya  en  verdad,"  y  sin  esto  le  decian  otras  cosas 
mas  altas,  tanto  que  poco  faltaba  para  le  adorar  por  Dios.  Todo  el 
camino  iban  Yndios  llimpiandolo,  de  tal  manera  que  ni  yerba  ni  piedra 
no  parecia,  sino  todo  limpio  y  barrido.  Andaba  cada  dia  cuatro  leguas. 
o  lo  que  el  queria,  paraba  lo  que  era  servido,  para  entender  el  estado 
de  su  Reyno,  oia  alegremente  a  los  que  con  quejas  le  venian,  remedian- 
do,  y  castigando  a  quien  hacia  injusticias ;  los  que  con  ellos  iban  no  se 
desmandaban  a  nada  ni  salian  un  paso  del  camino.  Los  naturales  pro- 
veian  a  lo  necesario,  sin  lo  cual  lo  havia  tan  cumplido  en  los  depositos, 
que  sobraba,  y  ninguna  cosa  faltaba.  Por  donde  iba,  salian  muchos 
hombres  y  mujeres  y  muchachos  a  servir  personalmente  en  lo  que  les 
era  mandado,  y  para  llebar  las  cargas,  los  de  un  pueblo  las  llebaban 
hasta  otro,  de  donde  los  unos  las  tomaban  y  los  otros  las  dejaban,  y  como 
era  un  dia,  y  cuando  mucho  dos,  no  lo  sentian,  ni  de  ello  recivian  agra- 
vio  ninguno.  Pues  yendo  el  Senior  de  esta  manera,  caminaba  por  su 
tierra  el  tiempo  que  le  placia,  viendo  por  sus  ojos  lo  que  pasaba,  y  pro- 
veyendo  lo  que  entendia  que  convenia,  que  todo  era  cosas  grandes  e  im- 
portantes ;  lo  cual  hecho,  daba  la  buelta  al  Cuzco,  principal  Ciudad  de 
todo  su  imperio. 


No.  II.  —  See  Vol.  I.,  p.  64. 

ACCOUNT  OF  THE  GREAT  ROAD  MADE  BY  THE  INCAS  OVER  THE  PLA- 
TEAU, FROM  QUITO  TO  CUZCO;  EXTRACTED  FROM  SARMIENTO'S  RE- 
LACION,  MS. 

Una  de  las  cosas  de  que  yo  mas  me  admire,  contemplando  y  notando 
las  cosas  de  estos  Reynos,  fue  pensar  como  y  de  que  manera  se  pudieron 
hacer  caminos  tan  grandes  y  sovervios  como  por  el  remos,  y  que  fuerzas 
de  hombres  bastaran  a  lo  hacer,  y  con  que  herramientas  y  instrumentos 
pudieron  allanar  los  montes  y  quebrantar  las  penas  para  hacerlos  tan 
anchos  y  buenos  como  estan  ;  por  que  me  parece  que  si  el  Emperador 
quisiese  mandar  hacer  otro  camino  Real  como  el  que  ba  del  Quito  al 
Cuzco  6  sale  del  Cuzco  para  ir  a  Chile,  ciertamte  creo,  con  todo  su  poder, 
para  ello  no  fuese  poderoso,  ni  fuerzas  de  hombres  lo  pudiesen  hacer, 
sino  fuese  con  la  orden  tan  grande  que  para  ello  los  Yngas  mandaron  que 
hubiese  :  por  que  si  fuera  Camino  de  cinquenta  leguas,  6  de  ciento,  6  de 


No.  III.]  APPENDIX.  479 

o 

doscientas,  es  de  creer  que  aunque  la  tierra  fuera  mas  aspera,  no  se  tu- 
biera  en  mucho  con  buena  diligencia  hacerlo  ;  mas  estos  eran  tan  largos 
que  havia  alguno  que  tenia  mas  de  mil  y  cien  leguas,  todo  hechado  por 
sierras  tan  grandes  y  espantosas  que  por  algunas  partes  mirando  abajo 
se  quitaba  la  vista,  y  algunas  de  estas  Sierras  derechas  y  llenas  de  pie- 
dras,  .tanto  que  era  menester  cavar  por  las  laderas  en  pena  viva  para 
hacer  el  camino  ancho  y  llano,  todo  lo  qual  hacian  con  fuego  y  con  sus 
picos ;  por  otras  lugares  havia  subidas  tan  altas  y  asperas,  que  hacian 
desde  lo  bajo  escalones  para  poder  subir  por  ellos  a  lo  mas  alto,  haciendo 
entre  medias  de  ellos  algunos  descansos  anchos  para  el  reposo  de  la 
gente ;  en  otros  lugares  havia  montones  de  nieve  que  eran  mas  de  temer, 
y  estos  no  en  un  lugar  sino  en  muchas  partes,  y  no  asi  como  quiera  sino 
que  no  ba  ponderado  ni  encarecido  como  ello  es,  ni  como  lo  bemos,  y 
por  estas  nieves  y  por  donde  havia  montaiias,  de  arboles  y  cespedes  lo 
hacian  llano  y  empedrado  si  menester  fuese.  Los  que  leyeren  este  Libro 
y  hubieren  estado  en  el  Peru,  miren  el  Camino  que  ba  desde  Lima  a 
Xauxa  por  las  Sierras  tan  asperas  de  Guayacoire  y  por  las  montafias 
nevadas  de  Pavacaca,  y  entenderan  los  que  a  ellos  lo  oyeren  si  es  mas  lo 
que  ellos  vieron  que  no  lo  que  yo  escrivo. 


fro.  HI.—  See  Vol.  I.,  p.  79. 

POLICY  OBSERVED  BY  THE  INCAS  IN  THEIR  CONQUESTS;  TAKEN  FROM 
SARMIENTO'S  RELACION,  MS. 

Una  de  las  cosas  de  que  mas  se  tiene  embidia  a  estos  Senores,  es 
entender  quan  bien  supieron  conquistar  tan  grandes  tierras  y  ponerlas 
con  su  prudencia  en  tanta  razon  como  los  Espaiioles  las  hallaron  quando 
por  ellos  fue  descubierto  este  Reyno,  y  de  que  esto  sea  asi  muchas 
vezes  me  acuerdo  yo  estando  en  alguna  Provincia  indomita  fuera  de 
estos  Reynos  oir  luego  a  los  mesmos  Espaiioles  yo  aseguro  que  si  los 
Yngas  anduvieran  por  aqui  que  otra  cosa  fuera  esto,  es  decir  no  con- 
quistaran  los  Yngas  esto  como  lo  otro  porque  supieran  servir  y  tributar, 
por  manera  que  quanto  a  esto,  conozida  esta  la  ventaja  que  nos  hacen 
pues  con  su  orden  las  gentes  vivian  con  ella  y  crecian  en  multiplicacion, 
y  de  las  Provincias  esteriles  hacian  fertiles  y  abundantes  en  tanta  ma- 
nera y  por  tan  galana  orden  como  se  dira,  siempre  procuraron  de  hacer 
por  bien  las  cosas  y  no  por  mal  en  el  comienzo  de  los  negocios,  despues 


480  APPENDIX.  [No.  III. 

algunos  Yngas  hicieron  grandes  castigos  en  muchas  partes,  pero  antes 
todos  afirman  que  fue  grande  con  la  benevolencia  y  amicicia  que  pro- 
euraban  el  atraer  a  su  servicio  estas  gentes,  ellos  salian  del  Cuzco  con 
su  gente  y  aparato  de  guerra  y  caminaban  con  gran  concierto  hasta. 
cerca  de  donde  havian  de  ir,  y  querian  conquistar,  donde  muy  bastante- 
mente  se  informaban  del  poder  que  tenian  los  enemigos  y  de  las  ayudas 
que  podrian  tener  y  de  que  parte  les  podrian  venir  favores  y  por  que 
Camino,  y  esto  entendido  por  ellos,  procuraban  por  las  vias  a  ellos 
posibles  estorvar  que  no  fuesen  socorridos  ora  con  dones  grandes  que 
hacian  ora  con  resistencias  que  ponian,  entendiendo  sin  esto  de  mandar 
hacer  sus  fuertes,  los  quales  eran  en  Cerro  6  ladera  hechos  en  ellos 
ciertas  Cercas  altas  y  largas,  con  su  puerta  cada  una,  porque  perdida 
la  una  pudiesen  pasarse  a  la  otra  y  de  la  otra  hasta  lo  mas  alto,  y  em- 
biaban  esanchas  de  los  Confederados  para  marcar  la  tierra  y  ver  los 
caminos  y  conocer  del  arte  qe  estaban  aguardando  y  por  donde  havia 
mas  mantenimiento,  saviendo  por  el  camino  que  havian  de  llevar  y  la 
orden  con  que  havian  de  ir,  embiabales  mensageros  propios  con  los 
quales  les  embiaba  a  decir,  que  el  los  queria  tener  por  parientes  y 
aliados,  por  tanto  que  con  buen  animo  y  corazon  alegre  se  saliesen  a 
lo  recevir  y  recevirlo  en  su  Provincia,  para  que  en  ella  le  sea  dada  la 
obediencia  como  en  las  demas,  y  porqe  lo  hagan  con  voluntad,  embiaba 
presentes  a  los  Senores  naturales,  y  con  esto  y  con  otras  buenas  maneras 
que  tenia  entraron  en  muchas  tierras  sin  guerra,  en  las  quales  mandaban 
a  la  gente  de  guerra  que  con  el  iba  que  no  hiciesen  dano  ni  injuria 
ninguna  ni  robo  ni  fuerza,  y  si  en  tal  Provincia  no  havia  mantenimiento 
mandaba  que  de  otra  parte  se  proveyese,  porque  a  los  nuebamente 
venidos  a  su  servicio  no  les  pareciese  desde  luego  pesado  su  mando  y 
conocimiento,  y  el  conocerle  y  aborrecerle  fuese  en  un  tiempo,  y  si  en 
alguna  de  estas  Provincias  no  havia  ganado  mandaba  luego  que  les 
diese  por  quenta  tantas  mil  Cavezas,  lo  qual  mandaban  que  mirasen 
mucho  y  con  ello  multiplicasen  para  proberse  de  Lana  para  sus  Ropas, 
y  que  no  fuesen  osados  de  comer  ni  matar  ninguna  cria  por  los  anos  y 
tiempo  que  les  sefialaba,  y  si  havia  ganado  y  tenian  de  otra  cosa  falta 
era  lo  mismo,  y  si  estaban  en  Collados  y  arenales  bien  les  hacian  enten- 
der  con  buenas  palabras  que  hiciesen  Pueblos  y  Casas  en  lo  mas  llano 
de  las  Sierras  y  laderas,  y  como  muchos  no  eran  diestros  en  cultibar  las 
tierras  abecavanles  como  lo  havian  de  hacer  imponiendoles  en  que  supi- 
esen  sacar  acequias  y  regar  con  ellas  los  Campos,  en  todo  los  havian  de 
proveer  tan  concertadamente  que  quando  entraba  por  amistad  alguno  de 
los  Yngas  en  Provincias  de  estas,  en  brebe  tiempo  quedaba  tal  que  pa- 
recia  otra  y  los  naturales  le  daban  la  obediencia  consintiendo  que  sus 


No.  III.]  APPENDIX.  481 

delegacies  quedasen  en  ellos,  y  lo  mismo  los  Mitimaes  ;  en  otras  muchas 
que  entraron  de  guerra  y  por  fuerza  de  armas  mandabase  que  en  los 
mantenimientos  y  Casas  de  los  enemigos  se  hiciese  poco  dafio,  diciendo- 
les  el  Senor,  presto  seran  estos  nuestros  como  los  que  ya  lo  son  ;  eomo 
esto  tenian  conocido,  procuraban  q.  la  guerra  fuese  la  mas  liviana  que 
ser  pudiese,  no  embargante  que  en  muchos  lugares  se  dieron  grandes 
batallas,  porque  todavia  los  naturales  de  ellos  querian  conservarse  en  la 
Uvertad  antigua  sin  perder  sus  costumbres  y  Religion  por  tomar  otras 
estranas,  mas  durando  la  guerra  siempre  havian  los  Yngas  lo  mejor,  y 
vencidos  no  los  destruian  de  nuebo,  antes  mandaban  restituhir  los  Presos 
si  algunos  havia  y  el  despojo  y  ponerlos  en  posesion  de  sus  haciendas  y 
senorio,  amonestandoles  que  no  quieran  ser  locos  en  tener  contra  su 
Persona  Real  competencias  ni  dejar  su  amistad,  antes  querian  ser  sus 
amigos  como  lo  son  los  Comarcanos  suyos,  y  diciendoles  esto,  dabanles 
algunas  mugeres  hermosas  y  presas  ricas  de  Lana  6  de  metal  de  oro, 
con  estas  dadivas  y  buenas  palabras  havia  las  voluntades  de  todos,  de 
tal  manera  que  sin  ningun  temor  los  huidos  a  los  montes  se  bolvian 
a  sus  Casas  y  todos  dejaban  las  armas  y  el  que  mas  veces  veia  al  Ynga 
se  tenia  por  mas  bien  aventurado  y  dichoso.  Los  sefiorios  nunca  los 
tiraban  a  los  naturales,  a  todos  mandaban  unos  y  otros  que  por  Dios 
adorasen  el  Sol ;  sus  demas  religiones  y  costumbres  no  se  las  prohivian, 
pero  mandabanles  que  se  governasen  por  las  Leyes  y  costumbres  que  se 
governaban  en  el  Cuzco  y  que  todos  hablasen  en  la  Lengua  general,  y 
puesto  Governador  por  el  Senor  con  guarniciones  de  gente  de  guena, 
parten  para  lo  de  adelante ;  y  si  estas  Provincias  eran  grandes,  luego  se 
entendia  en  edificar  Templo  del  Sol  y  colocar  las  mugeres  que  ponian  en 
los  demas  y  hacer  Palacios  para  los  Senores,  y  cobraban  para  los  tributes 
que  havian  de  pagar  sin  llevarles  nada  demasiado  ni  agraviarles  en  cosa 
ninguna,  encaminandoles  en  su  policia  y  en  que  supiesen  hacer  edi- 
ficios  y  traer  ropas  largas  y  vivir  concertadamente  en  sus  Pueblos,  a  los 
quales  si  algo  les  faltaba  de  que  tubiesen  necesidad  eran  provehidos  y 
ensenados  como  lo  havian  de  sembrar  y  beneficiar,  de  tal  manera  se 
hacia  esto  que  sabemos  en  muchos  Lugares  que  no  havia  maiz,  tenello 
despues  sobrado,  y  en  todo  lo  demas  andaban  como  salvages  mal  vestidos 
y  descalsos,  y  desde  que  conocieron  a  estos  Senores  usaron  de  Camisetas 
lares  y  mantas  y  las  mugeres  lo  mismo  y  de  otras  buenas  cosas,  tanto 
que  para  siempre  habra  memoria  de  todo  ello ;  y  en  el  Collao  y  en  otras 
partes  mando  pasar  Mitimaes  a  la  Sierra  de  los  Andes  para  que  sembra- 
sen  maiz  y  coca  y  otras  frutas  y  raizes  de  todos  los  Pueblos  la  cantidad 
combeniente,  los  quales  con  sus  mugeres  vivian  siempre  en  aquella  parte 
donde  sembraban  y  cojian  tanto  de  lo  que  digo  que  se  sentia  poco  la 
VOL.  II.  61 


482  APPENDIX.  [No.  IV. 

falta  por  traer  mucho  de  estas  partes  y  no  haver  Pueblo  ninguno  por 
pequefio  que  fuese  que  no  tubiese  de  estos  Mitimaes.  Adelante  tratare- 
mos  quantas  suertes  havia  de  estos  Mitimaes  y  hacian  los  unos  y  enten- 
dian  los  otros. 


No.  IV.— See  Vol.  L,  p.  171. 

EXTRACT  FROM  THE  LAST  WILL  AND  TESTAMENT  OF  MANCIO   SIERRA 
LEJESEMA,  MS. 

[The  following  is  the  preamble  of  the  testament  of  a  sol- 
dier of  the  Conquest,  named  Lejesema.  It  is  in  the  nature 
of  a  death-bed  confession  ;  and  seems  intended  to  relieve  the 
writer's  mind,  who  sought  to  expiate  his  own  sins  by  this  sin- 
cere though  tardy  tribute  to  the  merits  of  the  vanquished. 
As  the  work  in  which  it  appears  is  rarely  to  be  met  with,  I 
have  extracted  the  whole  of  the  preamble.] 

Verdadera  confesion  y  protestacion  en  articulo  de  muerte  hecha  por 
uno  de  IQS  primeros  espanoles  conquistadores  del  Peru,  nombrado  Man- 
cio  Sierra  Lejesema,  con  su  testamento  otorgado  en  la  ciudad  del  Cuzco 
el  dia  15  de  Setiembre  de  1589  ante  Geronimo  Sanchez  de  Quesada 
escribano  publico  :  la  qual  la  trae  el  P.  Fr.  Antonio  Calancha  del  orden 
de  hermitanos  de  San  Agustin  en  la  cronica  de  su  religion  en  el  lib.  1 , 
cap.  15,  folio  98,  y  es  del  tenor  siguiente. 

"  Primeramente  antes  de  empezar  dicho  mi  testamento,  declare  que 
ha  muchos  afios  que  yo  he  deseado  tener  orden  de  advertir  a  la  Catolica 
Majestad  del  Rey  Don  Felipe,  nuestro  Senor,  viendo  cuan  catolico  y 
cristianisimoes,  y  cuan  zeloso  del  servicio  de  Dios  nuestro  Senor,  por  lo 
que  toca  al  descargo  de  mi  anima,  a  causa  de  haber  sido  yo  mucho  parte 
en  descubrimiento,  conquista,  y  poblacion  de  estos  Reynos,  cuando  los 
quitamos  a  los  que  eran  Senores  Ingas,  y  los  poseian,  y  regian  como 
suyos  propios,  y  los  pusimos  debajo  de  la  real  corona,  que  entienda  su 
Majestad  Catolica  que  los  dichos  Ingas  los  tenian  gobernados  de  tal 
manera,  que  en  todos  ellos  no  habia  un  Ladron  ni  hombre  vicioso,  ni 
hombre  holgazan,  ni  una  muger  adultera  ni  mala  ;  ni  se  permitia  entre 
ellos  ni  gente  de  mal  vivir  en  lo  moral ;  que  los  hombres  tenian  sus 


No.  IV.]  APPENDIX.  483 

ocupaciones  honestas  y  provechosas  ;  y  que  los  montes  y  minas,  pastes, 
caza  y  mad  era,  y  todo  genero  de  aprovechamientos  estaba  gobernado  y 
repartido  de  suerte  que  cada  uno  conocia  y  tenia  su  hacienda  sin  que  otro 
ninguno  se  la  ocupase  6  tomase,  ni  sobre  ello  habian  pleytos ;  y  que  las 
cosas  de  guerra,  aunque  eran  muchas,  no  impedian  a  las  del  Comercio, 
ni  estas  a  las  cosas  de  labranza,  6  cultivar  de  las  tierras,  ni  otra  cosa 
alguna,  y  que  en  todo,  desde  lo  mayor  hasta  lo  mas  menudo,  tenia  su 
orden  y  concierto  con  mucho  acierto  :  y  que  los  Ingas  eran  tenidos  y 
obecidos  y  respetados  de  sus  subditos  como  gente  muy  capaz  y  de 
mucho  Gobierno,  y  que  lo  mismo  eran  sus  Gobernadores  y  Capitanes,  y 
que  como  en  estos  hallamos  la  fuerza  y  el  mando  y  la  resistencia  para 
poderlos  sugetar  e  oprimir  al  servicio  de  Dios  nuestro  Senor  y  quitarles 
su  tierra  y  ponerla  debaxo  de  la  real  corona,  fue  necesario  quitarles 
totalmente  el  poder  y  mando  y  los  bienes,  como  se  los  quitamos  a  fuerza 
de  armas  :  y  que  mediante  haberlo  permitido  Dios  nuestro  Senor  nos  fue 
posible  sujetar  este  reyno  de  tanta  multitud  de  gente  y  riqueza,  y  de 
Senores  los  hicimos  Siervos  tan  sujetos,  como  se  ve  :  y  que  entienda  su 
Magestad  que  el  intento  que  me  mueve  a  hacer  esta  relacion,  es  por 
descargo  de  mi  conciencia,  y  porhallarme  culpado  en  ello,  pues  habemos 
destruido  con  nuestro  mal  exemplo  gente  de  tanto  gobierno  como  eran 
estos  naturales,  y  tan  quitados  de  cometer  delitos  ni  excesos  asi  ho'mbres 
como  mugeres,  tanto  por  el  Indio  que  tenia  cien  mil  pesos  de  oro  y  plata 
en  su  casa,  y  otros  indios  dejaban  abierta  y  puesta  una  escoba  6  un  palo 
pequeno  atravesado  en  la  puerta  para  senal  de  que  no  estaba  alii  su 
dueiio,  y  con  esto  segun  su  costumbre  no  podia  entrar  nadie  adentro,  ni 
tomar  cosa  de  las  que  alii  habia,  y  cuando  ellos  vieron  que  nosotros 
poniamos  puertas  y  Haves  en  nuestras  casas  entendieron  que  era  de 
miedo  de  ellos,  porque  no  nos  matasen,  pero  no  porque  creyesen  que 
ninguno  tomase  ni  hurtase  a  otro  su  hacienda ;  y  asi  cuando  vieron  que 
habia  entre  nosotros  ladrones,  y  hombres  que  incitaban  a  pecado  a  sus 
mugeres  y  hijas  nos  tubieron  en  poco,  y  han  venido  a  tal  rotura  en 
ofensa  de  Dios  estos  naturales  por  el  mal  exemplo  que  les  hemos  dado 
en  todo,  que  aquel  extreme  de  no  hacer  cosa  mala  se  ha  convertido  en 
que  hoy  ninguna  6  pocas  hacen  buenas,  y  requieren  remedio,  y  esto  toca 
a  su  Magestad,  para  que  descargue  su  conciencia,  y  se  lo  advierte,  pues 
no  soy  parte  para  mas ;  y  con  esto  suplico  a  mi  Dios  me  perdone ;  y 
mueveme  a  decirlo  porque  soy  el  postrero  que  mueve  de  todos  los  des- 
cubridores  y  conquistadores,  que  como  es  notorio  ya  no  hay  ninguno, 
sino  yo  solo  en  este  reyno,  ni  fuera  de  el,  y  con  esto  hago  lo  que  puedo 
para  descargo  de  mi  conciencia." 


484  APPENDIX.  [No.  V. 


No.  V.  — See  Vol.  I.,  p.  233. 

TRANSLATION  FROM  OVIEDO'S  HISTORIA  GENERAL  DE  LAS  INDIAS,  MS., 
PARTE  II.,  CAP.  23. 

[This  chapter  of  the  gossiping  old  chronicler  describes 
a  conversation  between  the  governor  of  Tierra  Firrae  and 
Almagro,  at  which  the  writer  was  present.  It  is  told  with 
much  spirit ;  and  is  altogether  so  curious,  from  the  light  it 
throws  on  the  characters  of  the  parties,  that  I  have  thought 
the  following  translation,  which  has  been  prepared  for  me, 
might  not  be  uninteresting  to  the  English  reader.] 

THE  INTERVIEW  BETWEEN  ALMAGRO  AND  PEDRARIAS,  IN  WHICH  THE 
LATTER  RELINQUISHED  HIS  SHARE  OF  THE  PROFITS  ARISING  FROM 
THE  DISCOVERY  OF  PERU.  TRANSLATED  FROM  OVIEDO,  HISTORIA 
GENERAL,  MS.,  PARTE  II.,  CAP.  23. 

In  February,  1527,  1  }iad  some  accounts  to  settle  with  Pedrarias, 
and  was  frequently  at  his  house  for  the  purpose.  While  there  one  day, 
Almagro  came  in  and  said  to  him, — "  Your  Excellency  is  of  course 
aware  that  you  contracted  with  Francisco  Pizarro,  Don  Fernando  de 
Luque,  the  schoolmaster,  and  myself,  to  fit  out  an  expedition  for  the 
discovery  of  Peru.  You  have  contributed  nothing  for  the  enterprise, 
while  we  have  sunk  both  fortune  and  credit ;  for  our  expenses  have 
already  amounted  to  about  fifteen  thousand  castellanos  de  oro.  Pizarro 
and  his  followers  are  now  in  the  greatest  distress,  and  require  a  supply 
of  provisions,  with  a  reinforcement  of  brave  recruits.  Unless  these 
are  promptly  raised,  we  shall  be  wholly  ruined,  and  our  glorious  enter- 
prise, from  which  the  most  brilliant  results  have  been  justly  anticipated, 
will  fall  to  the  ground.  An  exact  account  will  be  kept  of  our  expenses, 
that  each  may  share  the  profits  of  the  discovery  in  proportion  to  the 
amount  of  his  contribution  towards  the  outfit.  You  have  connected 
yourself  with  us  in  the  adventure,  and,  from  the  terms  of  our  contract, 
have  no  right  to  waste  our  time  and  involve  us  in  ruin.  But  if  you  no 
longer  wish  to  be  a  member  of  the  partnership,  pay  down  your  share 
of  what  has  already  been  advanced,  and  leave  the  affair  to  us."  . 

To  this  proposal  Pedrarias  replied  with  indignation  :  —  "  One  would 
really  think,  from  the  lofty  tone  you  take,  that  my  power  was  at  an  end ; 
but  if  I  have  not  been  degraded  from  my  office,  you  shall  be  punished 
for  your  insolence.  You  shall  be  made  to  answer  for  the  lives  of  the 


y 


No.  V.]  APPENDIX. 

Christians  who  have  perished  through  Pizarro's  obstinacy  and  your 
own.  A  day  of  reckoning  will  come  for  all  these  disturbances  and 
murders,  as  you  shall  see,  and  that  before  you  leave  Panama." 

"  I  grant,"  returned  Almagro,  "  that,  as  there  is  an  almighty  Judge, 
before  whose  tribunal  we  must  appear,  it  is  proper  that  all  should  ren- 
der account  of  the  living  as  well  as  the  dead.  And,  Sir,  I  shall  not 
shrink  from  doing  so,  when  I  have  received  an  account  from  you,  to  be 
immediately  sent  to  Pizarro,  of  the  gratitude  which  our  sovereign,  the 
emperor,  has  been  pleased  to  express  for  our  services.  Pay,  —  if  you 
wish  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  this  enterprise  ;  for  you  neither  sweat  nor 
toil  for  them,  and  have  not  contributed  even  a  third  of  the  sum  you 
promised  when  the  contract  was  drawn  up, — your  whole  expenditure 
not  exceeding  two  or  three  paltry  pesos.  But  if  you  prefer  to  leave  the 
partnership  at  once,  we  will  remit  one  half  of  what  you  owe  us,  for 
our  past  outlays." 

Pedrarias,  with  a  bitter  smile,  replied,  —  "  It  would  not  ruin  you,  if 
you  were  to  give  me  four  thousand  pesos  to  dissolve  our  connection." 

"  To  forward  so  happy  an  event,"  said  Almagro,  "we  will  release 
you  from  your  whole  debt,  although  it  may  prove  our  ruin  ;  but  we  will 
trust  our  fortunes  in  the  hand  of  God." 

Although  Pedrarias  found  himself  relieved  from  the  debt  incurred  for 
the  outfit  of  the  expedition,  which  could  not  be  less  than  four  or  five 
thousand  pesos,  he  was  not  satisfied,  but  asked,  "  What  more  will  you 
give  me?  " 

Almagro,  much  chagrined,  said,  "  I  will  give  three  hundred  pesos, 
though  I  swear  by  God,  I  have  not  so  much  money  in  the  world ;  but  I 
will  borrow  it  to  be  rid  of  such  an  incubus." 

"  You  must  give  me  two  thousand." 

"  Five  hundred  is  the  most  I  will  offer." 

"  You  must  pay  me  more  than  a  thousand." 

"  A  thousand  pesos,  then,"  cried  the  captain  in  a  rage,  "  I  will  give 
you,  though  I  do  not  own  them ;  but  I  will  find  sufficient  security  for 
their  future  payment." 

Pedrarias  declared  himself  satisfied  with  this  arrangement ;  and  a 
contract  was  accordingly  drawn  up,  in  which  it  was  agreed,  that,  on  the 
receipt  of  a  thousand  pesos,  the  governor  should  abandon  the  partnership 
and  give  up  his  share  in  the  profits  of  the  expedition.  I  was  one  of  the 
witnesses  who  signed  this  instrument,  in  which  Pedrarias  released  and 
assigned  over  all  his  interest  in  Peru  to  Almagro  and  his  associates,  — 
by  this  act  deserting  the  enterprise,  and,  by  his  littleness  of  soul,  for- 
feiting the  rich  treasures  which  it  is  well  known  he  might  have  acquir- 
ed from  the  golden  empire  of  the  Incas. 


486  APPENDIX.  [No.  VI. 


No.   VI.  —  See  Vol.  1.,  p.  238. 

CONTRACT    BETWEEN    PIZARRO,    ALMAGRO,    AND    LUQUE  ;    EXTRACTED 
FROM  MONTESINOS,  ANNALES,  MS.,  ANO  1526. 

[This  memorable  contract  between  three  adventurers  for 
the  discovery  and  partition  of  an  empire  is  to  be  found  en- 
tire in  the  manuscript  history  of  Montesinos,  whose  work 
derives  more  value  from  the  insertion  in  it  of  this,  and  of 
other  original  documents,  than  from  any  merit  of  its  own. 
This  instrument,  which  may  be  considered  as  the  basis  of 
the  operations  of  Pizarro,  seems  to  form  a  necessary  appen- 
dage to  a  history  of  the  Conquest  of  Peru.] 

En  el  nombre  de  la  santisima  Trinidad,  Padre,  Hijo  y  Espiritu-San- 
to,  tres  personas  distintas  y  iin  solo  Dios  verdadero,  y  de  la  santisima 
Virgen  nuestra  Senora  hacemos  esta  compania.  — 

Sepan  cuantos  esta  carta  de  compania  vieren  como  yo  don  Fernando 
de  Luque,  clerigo  presbitero,  vicario  de  la  santa  iglesia  de  Panama,  de 
la  una  parte  ;  y  de  la  otra  el  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y  Diego  de 
Almagro,  vecinos  que  somos  en  esta  ciudad  de  Panama,  decimos  :  que 
somos  concertados  y  convenidos  de  hacer  y  formar  compania  la  cual  sea 
firme  y  valedera  para  siempre  jamas  en  esta  manera  :  —  Que  por  cuanto 
nos  los  dichos  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y  Diego  de  Almagro,  tenemos 
licencia  del  senor  gobernador  Pedro  Arias  de  Avila  para  descubrir  y 
conquistar  las  tierras  y  provincias  de  los  reinos  llamados  del  Peru,  que 
esta,  por  noticia  que  hay,  pasado  el  golfo  y  travesia  del  mar  de  la  otra 
parte  ;  y  porque  para  hacer  la  dicha  conquista  y  Jornada  y  navios  y 
gente  y  bastimento  y  otras  cosas  que  son  necesarias,  no  lo  podemos 
hacer  por  no  tener  dinero  y  posibilidad  tanta  cuanta  es  menester  ;  y  vos 
ol  dicho  don  Fernando  de  Luque  nos  los  dais  porque  esta  compania  la 
hagamos  por  iguales  partes  :  somos  contentos  y  convenidos  de  que  todos 
tres  hermanablemente,  sin  que  hagan  de  haber  ventaja  ninguna  mas  el 
uno  que  el  otro,  ni  el  otro  que  el  otro  de  todo  lo  que  se  descubiiere, 
ganare  y  conquistare,  y  poblar  en  los  dichos  reinos  y  provincias  del 
Peru.  Y  por  cuanto  vos  el  dicho  D.  Fernando  de  Luque  nos  disteis,  y 
poneis  de  puesto  por  vuestra  parte  en  esta  dicha  compania  para  gastos 
de  la  armada  y  gente  que  se  hace  para  la  dicha  Jornada  y  conquista  del 
dicho  reino  del  Peru,  veinte  mil  pesos  en  barras  de  oro  y  de  a  cuatro- 
cientos  y  cincuenta  maravedis  el  peso,  los  cuales  los  recibimos  luego  en 


No.  VI.]  APPENDIX.  487 

las  dichas  barras  de  oro  que  pasaron  de  vuestro  poder  al  nuestro  en 
presencia  del  escribano  de  esta  carta,  que  lo  valio  y  monto  ;  y  yo  Her- 
nando  del  Castillo  doy  fe  que  los  vide  pesar  los  dichos  veinte  mil  pesos 
en  las  dichas  barras  de  oro  y  lo  recibieron  en  mi  presencia  los  dichos 
capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y  Diego  de  Almagro,  y  se  dieron  por  conten- 
tos  y  pagados  de  ella.  Y  nos  los  dichos  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y 
Diego  de  Almagro  ponemos  de  nuestra  parte  en  esta  dicha  compania 
la  merced  que  tenemos  del  dicho  seiior  gobernador,  y  que  la  dicha  con- 
quista  y  reino  que  descubriremos  de  la  tierra  del  dicho  Peru,  que  en 
nombre  de  S.  M.  nos  ha  hecho,  y  las  demas  mercedes  que  nos  hiciere 
y  acrescentare  S.  M.,  ylos  de  su  consejo  de  las  Indias  de  aqui  adelante, 
para  que  de  todo  goceis  y  hayais  vuestra  tercera  parte,  sin  que  en  cosa 
alguna  hayamos  de  tener  mas  parte  cada  uno  de  nos,  el  uno  que  el  otro, 
sino  que  hayamos  de  todo  ello  partes  iguales.  Y  mas  ponemos  en  esta 
dicha  compania  nue.stras  personas  y  el  haber  de  hacer  la  dicha  conquista 
y  descubrimiento  con  asistir  con  ellas  en  la  guerra  todo  el  tiempo  que  se 
tardare  en  conquistar  y  ganar  y  poblar  el  dicho  reino  del  Peru,  sin  que 
por  ello  hayamos  de  llevar  ninguno  ventaja  y  parte  mas  de  la  que  vos  el 
dicho  don  Fernando  de  Luque  llevaredes,  que  ha  de  ser  por  iguales 
partes  todos  tres,  asi  de  los  aprovechamientos  que  con  nuestras  personas 
tuvieremos,  y  ventajas  de  las  partes  que  nos  cupieren  en  la  guerra  y  en 
los  despojos  y  ganancias  y  suertes  que  en  la  dicha  tierra  del  Peru  hu- 
bieremos  y  gozaremos,  y  nos  cupieren  por  cualquier  via  y  forma  que  sea, 
asi  a  mi  el  dicho  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  como  a  mi  Diego  de  Alma- 
gro, habeis  de  haber  de  todo  ello,  y  es  vuestro,  y  os  lo  daremos  bien  y 
fielmente,  sin  desfraudaros  en  cosa  alguna  de  ello,  la  tercera  parte, 
porque  desde  ahora  en  lo  que  Dios  nuestro  Seiior  nos  diere,  decimos  y 
confesamos  que  es  vuestro  y  de  vuestros  herederos  y  succesores,  de 
quien  en  esta  dicha  compania  succediere  y  lo  hubiere  de  haber,  en 
vuestro  nombre  se  lo  daremos,  y  le  daremos  cuenta  de  todo  ello  a  vos,  y 
a  vuestros  succesores,  quieta  y  pacificamente,  sin  llevar  mas  parte  cada 
uno  de  nos,  que  vos  el  dicho  don  Fernando  de  Luque,  y  quien  vuestro 
poder  hubiere  y  le  perteneciere  ;  y  asi  de  cualquier  dictado  y  estado  de 
senorio  perpetuo,  6  por  tiempo  senalado  que  S.  M.  nos  hiciere  merced 
en  el  dicho  reino  del  Peru,  asi  a  mi  el  dicho  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro, 
6  a  mi  el  dicho  Diego  de  Almagro,  6  a  cualquiera  de  nos,  sea  vuestro  el 
tercio  de  toda  la  renta  y  estado  y  vasallos  que  a  cada  uno  de  nos  se  nos 
diere  y  hiciere  merced  en  cualquiera  manera  6  forma  que  sea  en  el  dicho 
reino  del  Peru  por  via  de  estado,  6  renta,  repartimiento  de  indios,  situa- 
ciones,  vasallos,  seais  sefior  y  goceis  de  la  tercia  parte  de  ello  como 
nosotros  mismos,  sin  adicion  ni  condicion  ninguna,  y  si  la  hubiere  y 


*•» 

• 


>* 


..         -      • 

488  APPENDIX.  [No.  VI. 

alegaremos,  yo  el  dicho  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y  Diego  de  Almagro, 
y  en  nuestros  nombres  nuestros  herederos,  que  no  seamos  oidos  en  juicio 
ni  fuera  del,  y  nos  damos  por  condenados  en  todo  y  por  todo  como  en 
esta  escriptura  se  contiene  para  lo  pagar  y  que  hay  a  efecto  ;  y  yo  el 
dicho  D.  Fernando  de  Luque  hago  la  dicha  compania  en  la  forma  y 
manera  que  de  suso  esta  declarado,  y  doy  los  veinte  mil  pesos  de  buen 
oro  para  el  dicho  descubrimiento  y  conquista  del  dicho  reino  del  Peru, 
a  perdida  6  ganancia,  como  Dios  nuestro  Sefior  sea  servido,  y  de  lo 
sucedido  en  el  dicho  descubrimiento  de  la  dicha  gobernacion  y  tierra,  he 
yo  de  gozar  y  haber  la  tercera  parte,  y  la  otra  tercera  para  el  capitan 
Francisco  Pizarro,  y  la  otra  tercera  para  Diego  de  Almagro,  sin  que  el 
uno  lleve  mas  que  el  otro,  asi  de  estado  de  senor,  como  de  repartimiento 
de  indios  perpetuos,  como  de  tierras  y  solares  y  heredades ;  como  de 
tesoros,  y  escondijos  encubiertos,  como  de  cualquier  riqueza  6  aprove- 
chamiento  de  oro,  plata,  perlas,  esmeraldas,  diamantes  y  rubies,  y  de 
cualquier  estado  y  condicion  que  sea,  que  los  dichos  capitan  Francisco 
Pizarro  y  Diego  de  Almagro  hayais  y  tengais  en  el  dicho  reino  del 
Peru,  me  habeis  de  dar  la  tercera  parte.  Y  nos  el  dicho  capitan  Fran- 
cisco Pizarro  y  Diego  de  Almagro  decimos  que  aceptamos  la  dicha 
compania  y  la  hacemos  con  el  dicho  don  Fernando  de  Luque  de  la  forma 
y  manera  que  lo  pide  el,  y  lo  declara  para  que  todos  por  iguales  partes 
hayamos  en  todo  y  por  todo,  asi  de  estados  perpetuos  que  S.  M.  nos 
hiciese  mercedes  en  vasallos  6  indios  6  en  otras  cualesquiera  rentas, 
goce  el  derecho  don  Fernando  de  Luque,  y  haya  la  dicha  tercia  parte  de 
todo  ello  enteramente,  y  goce  de  ello  como  cosa  suya  desde  el  dia  que 
S.  M.  nos  hiciere  cualesquiera  mercedes  como  dicho  es.  Y  para  mayor 
verdad  y  seguridad  de  esta  escriptura  de  compania,  y  de  todo  lo  en  ella 
contenido,  y  que  os  acudiremos  y  pagaremos  nos  los  dichos  capitan 
Francisco  Pizarro  y  Diego  de  Almagro  a  vos  el  dicho  Fernando  de 
Luque  con  la  tercia  parte  de  todo  lo  que  se  hubiere  y  descubriere,  y 
nosotros  hubieremos  por  cualquiera  via  y  forma  que  sea  ;  para  mayor 
fuerza  de  que  lo  cumpliremos  como  en  esta  escriptura  se  contiene,  ju- 
ramos  a  Dios  nuestro  senor  y  a  los  Santos  Evangelios  donde  mas  larga- 
mente  son  escritos  y  estan  en  este  libro  Misal,  donde  pusieron  sus  manos 
el  dicho  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro,  y  Diego  de  Almagro,  hicieron  la 
seaal  de  la  cruz  en  semejanza  de  esta  f  con  sus  dedos  de  la  mano  en 
presencia  de  mi  el  presente  escribano,  y  dijeron  que  guardaran  y  cum- 
pliran  esta  dicha  compania  y  escriptura  en  todo  y  por  todo,  como  en  ello 
se  contiene,  sopena  de  infames  y  malos  cristianos,  y  caer  en  caso  de 
menos  valer,  y  que  Dios  se  lo  demande  mal  y  caramente  ;  y  dijeron  el 
dicho  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  y  Diego  de  Almagro,  amen ;  y  asi  lo 


No.  VI.]  APPENDIX.  489 

juramos  y  le  dareirids  el  tercio  de  todo  lo  que  descubrieremos  y  con- 
quistaremos  y  poblaremos  en  el  dicho  reino  y  tierra  del  Per6,  y  que 
goce  de  ello  como  nuestras  personas,  de  todo  aquello  en  que  fuere  nues- 
tro  y  tuvieremos  parte  como  dicho  es  en  esta  dicha  escriptura ;  y  nos 
obligamos  de  acudir  con  ello  a  vos  el  dicho  don  Fernando  de  Luque,  y  a 
quien  en  vuestro  nombre  le  perteneciere  y  hubiere  de  haber,  y  les  dare- 
mos  cuenta  con  pago  de  todo  ello  cada  y  cuando  que  se  nos  pidiere,  hecho 
el  dicho  descubrimiento  y  conquista  y  poblacion  del  dicho  reino  y  tierra 
del  Peru  ;  y  prometemos  que  en  la  dicha  conquista  y  descubrimiento  nos 
oeuparemos  y  trabajaremos  con  nuestras  personas  sin  ocuparnos  en  otra 
cosa  hasta  que  se  conquiste  la  tierra  y  se  ganafe,  y  si  no  lo  hicieremos 
seamos  castigados  por  todo  rigor  de  justicia  por  infames  y  perjuros, 
seamos  obligados  a  volver  a  vos  el  dicho  don  Fernando  de  Luque  los 
dichos  veinte  mil  pesos  de  oro  que  de  vos  recibimos.  Y  para  lo  cumplir 
y  pagar  y  haber  por  firme  todo  lo  en  esta  escriptura  contenido,  cada  uno 
por  lo  que  le  toca,  renunciaron  todas  y  eualesquier  leyes  y  ordenamien- 
tos,  y  pramaticas,  y  otras  eualesquier  constituciones,  ordenanzas  que 
esten  fechas  en  su  favor,  y  cualesquiera  de  ellos  para  que  aunque  las 
pidan  y  aleguen,  que  no  les  valga.  Y  valga  esta  escriptura  dicha,  y 
todo  lo  en  ella  contenido,  y  traiga  aparejada  y  debida  ejecucion  asi  en 
sus  personas  como  en  sus  bienes,  muebles  y  raicres  habidos  y  por  haber  ; 
y  para  lo  cumplir  y  pagar,  cada  uno  por  lo  que  le  toca,  obligaron  sus 
personas  y  bienes  habidos  y  por  haber  segun  dicho  es,  y  dieron  poder 
cumplido  a  eualesquier  justicias  y  jueces  de  S.  M.  para  que  por  todo 
rigor  y  mas  breve  remedio  de  derecho  les  compelan  y  apremien  a  lo  asi 
cumplir  y  pagar,  como  si  lo  quo  dicho  es  fuese  sentencia  difinitiva  de 
juez  competente  pasada  en  cosa  juzgada;  y  renunciaron  eualesquier 
leyes  y  derechos  que  en  su  favor  hablan,  especialmente  la  ley  que  dice  : 
Que  general  renunciacion  de  leyes  no  vala  :  Que  es  fecha  en  la  ciudad 
de  Panama  a  diez  dias  del  mes  de  marzo,  aiio  del  nacimiento  de  nuestro 
Salvador  Jesucristo  de  mil  quinientos  veinte  y  seis  aflos :  testigos  que 
fueron  presentes  a  lo  que  dicho  es  Juan  de  Panes,  y  Alvaro  del  Quiro 
y  Juan  de  Vallejo,  vecinos  de  la  ciudad  de  Panama,  y  firmo  el  dicho 
D.  Fernando  de  Luque ;  y  por  que  no  saben  firmar  el  dicho  capitan 
Francisco  Pizarro  y  Diego  de  Almagro,  firmaron  por  ellos  en  el  registro 
de  esta  carta  Juan  de  Panes  y  Alvaro  del  Quiro,  a  los  cuales  otorgantes 
yo  el  presente  eseribano  doy  fe  que  conozco.  Bon  Fernando  de  Luque. 
—  A  su  ruego  de  Francisco  Pizarro  —  Juan  de  Panes  ;  y  a  su  ruego 
de  Diego  de  Almagro  —  Alvaro  del  Quire* :  E  yo  Hernando  del  Cas- 
tillo, eseribano  de  S.  M.  y  eseribano  publico  y  del  numero  de  esta 
ciudad  de  Panama,  presente  fui  al  otorgamiento  de  esta  carta,  y  la  fice 
VOL.  II.  62 


490  APPENDIX.  [No.  Vli. 

escribir  en  estas  cuatro  fojas  con  esta,  y  por  ende  fice  aqui  este  mi 
signo  a  tal  en  testimonio  de  verdad.  Hernando  del  Castillo,  escribano 
publico. 


No.  VTL  —  See  Vol.  1.,  pp.  211,  307. 

CAPITULATION    MADE    BY    FRANCIS    PIZARRO    WITH    THE    QUEEN,    MS., 
DATED  TOLEDO,  JULY  26,  1529. 

[For  a  copy  of  this  document,  I  am  indebted  to  Don 
Martin  Fernandez  de  Navarre  te,  late  Director  of  the  Royal 
Academy  of  History  at  Madrid.  Though  sufficiently  long, 
it  is  of  no  less  importance  than  the  preceding  contract,  form- 
ing, like  that,  the  foundation  on  which  the  enterprise  of  Pi- 

zarro  and  his  associates  may  be  said  to  have  rested.] 

^  . ._,  •  .     >  '    , . 

LA  REINA  :  —  Por  cuanto  vos  el  capitan  Francisco  Pizarro,  vecino  de 
Tierra  firme,  llamada  Castilla  del  Oro,  por  vos  y  en  nombre  del  venera- 
ble padre  D.  Fernando  de  Luque,  maestre  escuela  y  provisor  de  la  igle- 
sia  del  Darien,  sede  vacante,  que  es  en  la  dicha  Castilla  del  Oro,  y  el 
capitan  Diego  de  Almagro,  vecino  de  la  ciudad  de  Panama,  nos  hicisteis 
relacion,  que  vos  e  los  dichos  vuestros  companeros  con  deseo  de  nos 
servir  e  del  bien  e  acrecentamiento  de  nuestra  corona  real,  puede  haber 
cinco  anos,  poco  mas  o  menos,  que  con  licencia  e  parecer  de  Pedrarias 
Davila,  nuestro  gobernador  e  capitan  general  que  fue  de  la  dicha  Tierra 
firme,  tomastes  cargo  de  ir  a  conquistar,  descubrir  e  pacificar  e  poblar 
por  la  costa  del  mar  del  Sur,  de  la  dicha  tierra  a  la  parte  de  Levante,  a 
vuestra  costa  e  de  los  dichos  vuestros  companeros,  todo  lo  mas  que  por 
aquella  parte  pudieredes,  e  hicisteis  para  ello  dos  navios  e  un  bergantin 
en  la  dicha  costa,  en  que  asi  en  esto  por  se  haber  de  pasar  la  jarcia  e 
aparejos  necesarios  al  dicho  viaje  e  armada  desde  el  Nombre  de  Dios, 
que  es  la  costa  del  Norte,  a  la  otra  costa  del  Sur,  como  con  la  gente  e 
otras  cosas  necesarias  al  dicho  viaje,  e  tornar  a  rehacer  la  dicha  armada, 
gastasteis  mucha  suma  de  pesos  de  oro,  e  fuistes  a  hacer  e  hicisteis  el 
dicho  descubrimiento,  donde  pasastes  muchos  peligros  e  trabajo,  a  causa 
de  lo  cual  os  dejo  toda  la  gente  que  con  vos  iba  en  una  isla  despoblada 
oon  solos  trece  hombres  que  no  vos  quisieron  dejar,  y  que  con  ellos  y 
con  el  socorro  que  de  navios  e  gente  vos  hizo  el  dicho  capitan  Diego  de 


No.  VII.]  APPENDIX.  491 

Almagro,  pasastes  de  la  dicha  isla  e  descubristes  las  tierras  e  provincias 
del  Piru  e  ciudad  de  Tumbes,  en  que  habeis  gastado  vos  e  los  dichos 
vuestros  compafieros  mas  de  treinta  mil  pesos  de  oro,  e  que  con  el  deseo 
que  teneis  de  nos  servir  querriades  continuar  la  dicha  conquista  e  pobla- 
cion  a  vuestra  costa  e  mision,  sin  que  en  ningun  tiempo  seamos  obliga- 
dos  a  vos  pagar  ni  satisfacer  los  gastos  que  en  ello  hicieredes,  mas  de  lo 
que  en  esta  capitulacion  vos  fuese  otorgado,  e  me  suplicasteis  e  pedistes 
por  merced  vos  mandase  encomendar  la  conquista  de  las  dichas  tierras, 
e  vos  concediese  e  otorgase  las  mercedes,  e  con  las  condiciones  que  de 
suso  seran  contenidas ;  sobre  lo  cual  yo  mande  tomar  con  vos  el  asiento 
y  capitulacion  siguiente. 

Primeramente  doy  licencia  y  facultad  a  vos  el  dicho  capitan  Francisco 
Pizarro,  para  que  por  nos  y  en.nuestro  nombre  e  de  la  corona  real  de 
Castilla,  podais  continuar  el  dicho  descubrimiento,  conquista  y  poblacion 
de  la  dicha  provincia.del  Peru,  fasta  ducientas  leguas  de  tierra  por  la 
misma  costa,  las  cuales  dichas  ducientas  leguas  comienzan  desde  el  pu- 
eblo que  en  lengua  de  indios  se  dice  Tenumpuela,  e  despues  le  llamas- 
teis  Santiago,  hasta  llegar  al  pueblo  de  Chincha,  que  puede  haber  las 
dichas  ducientas  leguas  de  costa,  poco  mas  o  menos. 

ITEM  :  Entendiendo  ser  cumplidero  al  servicio  de  Dios  nuestro  Senor 
y  nuestro,  y  por  honrar  vuestra  persona,  e  por  vos  hacer  merced,  prome- 
temos  de  vos  hacer  nuestro  gobernador  e  capitan  general  de  toda  la  dicha 
provincia  del  Piru,  e  tierras  y  pueblos  que  al  presente  hay  e  adelante 
hubiere  en  todas  las  dichas  ducientas  leguas,  por  todos  los  dias  de  vues- 
tra vida,  con  salario  de  setecientos  e  veinte  y  cinco  mill  maravedis  cada 
ano,  contados  desde  el  dia  que  vos  hieiesedes  a  la  vela  destos  nuestros 
reinos  para  continuar  la  dicha  poblacion  e  conquista,  los  cuales  vos  han 
de  ser  pagados  de  las  rentas  y  derechos  a  nos  pertenecientes  en  la  dicha 
tierra  que  ansi  habeis  de  poblar ;  del  cual  salario  habeis  de  pagar  en 
cada  un  ano  un  alcalde  mayor,  diez  escuderos,  e  treinta  peones,  e  un 
medico,  e  un  boticario,  el  cual  salario  vos  ha  de  ser  pagado  por  los  nues- 
tros oficiales  de  la  dicha  tierra. 

OTROSI  :  Vos  hacemos  merced  de  titulo  de  nuestro  Adelantado  de  la 
dicha  provincia  del  Peru,  e  ansimismo  del  oficio  de  alguacil  mayor 
della,  todo  ello  por  los  dias  de  vuestra  vida. 

OTROSI  :  Vos  doy,  licencia  para  que  con  parecer  y  acuerdo  de  los 
dichos  nuestros  oficiales  podais  hacer  en  las  dichas  tierras  e  provincias 
del  Peru,  hasta  cuatro  fortalezas,  en  las  partes  y  lugares  que  mas  con- 
vengan,  paresciendo  a  vos  e  a  los  dichos  nuestros  oficiales  ser  necesarias 
para  guarda  e  pacificacion  de  la  dicha  tierra,  e  vos  hare  merced  de  las 
tenencias  dellas,  para  vos;  e  para  16s  herederos,  e  subcesores  vuestros, 


APPENDIX.  [No.  VII. 

uno  en  pos  de  otro,  Con  salario  de  setenta  y  cinco  mill  maravedis  en 
cada  un  afio  por  cada  una  de  las  dichas  fortalezas,  que  ansi  estuvieren 
hechas,  las  cuales  habeis  de  hacer  a  vuestra  costa,  sin  que  nos,  ni  los 
reyes  que  despues  de  nos  vinieren,  seamos  obligados  a  vos  lo  pagar  al 
tiempo  que  asi  lo  gastaredes,  salvo  dende  en  cinco  afios  despues  de 
acabada  la  fortaleza,  pagandoos  en  cada  un  afio  de  los  dichos  cinco  anos 
la  quinta  parte  de  lo  que  se  montare  el  dicho  gasto,  de  los  frutos  de  la 
dicha  tieira. 

OTROSI  :  Vos  hacemos  merced  para  ayuda  a  vuestra  costa  de  mill 
ducados  en  cada  un  afio  por  los  dias  de  vuestra  vida  de  las  rentas  de  las 
dichas  tierras. 

QTROSI  :  Es  nuestra  merced,  acatando  la  buena  vida  e  doetrina  de  la 
persona  del  dicho  don  Fernando  de  Luque  de  le  presentar  a  nuestro 
muy  Sancto  Padre  por  obispo  de  la  ciudad  de  Tumbes,  que  es  en  la 
dicha  provincia  y  gobernacion  del  Peru,  con  limites  e  diciones  que  por 
nos  con  autoridad  apostolica  seran  sefialados  ;  y  entretanto  que  vienen 
las  bulas  del  dicho  obispado,  le  hacemos  protector  universal  de  todos  los 
indios  de  dicha  provincia,  con  salario  de  mill  ducados  en  cada  un  afio, 
pagado  de  nuestras  rentas  de  la  dicha  tierra,  entretanto  que  hay  diezmos 
eclesiasticos  de  que  se  pueda  pagar. 

OTROSI  :  Por  cuanto  nos  habedes-  suplicado  por  vos  en  el  dicho  nom- 
bre  vos  hiciese  merced  de  algunos  vasallos  en  las  dichas  tierras,  e  al 
presente  lo  dejamos  de  hacer  por  no  tener  entera  relacion  de  ellas,  es 
nuestra  merced  que,  entretanto  que  informados  proveamos  en  ello  lo  que 
a  nuestro  servicio  e  a  la  enmienda  e  satisfaction  de  vuestros  trabajos  e 
servicios  conviene,  tengais  la  veintena  parte  de  los  pechos  que  nos  tu- 
vieremos  en  cada  un  ano  en  la  dicha  tierra,  con  tanto  que  no  exceda  de 
mill  y  quinientos  ducados,  los  mill  para  vos  el  dicho  capitan  Pizarro,  e 
los  quinientos  para  el  dicho  Diego  de  Almagro. 

OTROSI  :  Hacemos  merced  al  dicho  capitan  Diego  de  Almagro  de  la 
tenencia  de  la  fortaleza  que  hay  u  obiere  en  la  dicha  ciudad  de  Tumbes, 
que  es  en  la  dicha  provincia  del  Peru,  con  salario  de  cien  mill  maravedis 
cada  un  ano,  con  mas  ducientos  mill  maravedis  cada  un  afio  de  ayuda  de 
costa,  todo  pagado  de  las  rentas  de  la  dicha  tierra,  de  las  cuales  ha  de 
gozar  desde  el  dia  que  vos  el  dicho  Francisco  Pizarro  llegaredes  a  la 
dicha  tierra^  aunque  el  dicho  capitan  Almagro  sequede  en  Panama,  e 
en  otra  parte  que  le  convenga  ;  e  le  haremos  home  hijodalgo,  para  que 
goce  de  las  honras  e  preminencias  que  los  homes  hijodalgo  pueden  y 
deben  gozar  en  todas  las  Indias,  islas  e  tierra  firme  del  mar  Oceano. 

OTROSI  :  Mandamos  que  las  dichas  haciendas,  e  tierras,  e  solares  que 
teneis  en  tierra  firme,  llamada  Gastilla  del  Oro,  e  vos  estan  dadas  como 

'       ' 


No.  Vll/j  APPENDIX.  493 

a  vecino  de  ella,  las  tengais  e  goceis,  e  hagais  de  ello  lo  que  quisieredes 
e  por  bien  tuvieredes,  conforme  a  lo  que  tenemos  concedido  y  otorgado 
a  los  vecinos  de  la  dicha  tierra  firme ;  e  en  lo  que  toca  a  los  indios  e 
naborias  que  teneis  e  vos  estan  encomendados,  es  nuestra  merced  e 
voluntad  e  mandamos  que  los  tengais  e  goceis  e  sirvais  de  ellos,  e  que 
no  vos  seran  quitados  ni  removidos  por  el  tiempo  que  nuestra  voluntad 
fuere. 

OTROSI  :  Concedemos  a  los  que  fueren  a  poblar  la  dicha  tierra  que 
en  los  seis  afios  primeros  siguientes  desde  el  dia  de  la  data  de  esta  en  ade- 
lante,  que  del  oro  que  se  cogiere  de  las  minas  nos  paguen  el  diezmo,  y 
cumplidos  los  dichos  seis  afios  paguen  el  noveno,  e  ansi  decendiendo  en 
cada  un  afio  hasta  llegar  al  quinto  :  pero  del  oro  e  otras  cosas  que  se 
obieren  de  rescatar,  o  cabalgadas,  o  en  otra  cualquier  manera,  desde 
luego  nos  han  de  pagar  el  quinto  de  todo  ello. 

OTROSI  :  Franqueamos  a  los  vecinos  de  la  dicha  tierra  por  los  dichos 
seis  afios,  y  mas,  y  cuanto  fuere  nuestra  voluntad,  de  almojarifazgo  de 
tqdo  lo  que  llevaren  para  proveimiento  e  provision  de  sus  casas,  con 
tanto  que  no  sea  para  lo  vender ;  e  de  lo  que  vendieren  ellos,  e  otras 
cualesquier  personas,  mercaderes  e  tratantes,  ansimesmo  los  franquea- 
mos  por  dos  afios  tan  solamente. 

ITEM  :  Prometemos  que  por  termino  de  diez  afios,  e  mas  adelante 
hasta  que  otra  cosa  mandemos  en  contrario,  no  impornemos  a  los  vecinos 
de  las  dichas  tierras  alcabalas  ni  otro  tribute  alguno. 

ITEM  :  Concedemos  a  los  dichos  vecinos  e  pobladores  que  les  scan 
dados  por  vos  los  solares  y  tierras  convenientes  a  sus  personas,  conforme 
a  lo  que  se  ha  hecho  e  hace  en  la  dicha  Isla  Espanola ;  e  ansimismo  os 
daremos  poder  para  que  en  nuestro  nombre,  durante  el  tiempo  de  vuestra 
gobernacion,  hagais  la  encomienda  de  los  indios  de  la  dicha  tierra,  guar- 
dando  en  ella  las  instrucciones  e  ordenanzas  que  vos  seran  dadas. 

ITEM  :  A  suplicacion  vuestra  hacemos  nuestro  piloto  mayor  de  la  mar 
del  Sur  a  Bartolome  Ruiz,  con  setenta  y  cinco  mill  maravedis  de  salario 
en  cada  un  afio,  pagados  de  la  renta  de  la  dicha  tierra,  de  los  cuales  ha 
de  gozar  desde  el  dia  que  le  fuere  entregado  el  titulo  que  de  ello  le  man- 
daremos  dar,  e  en  las  espaldas  se  asentara  el  jurarnento  e  solenidad  que 
ha  de  hacer  ante  vos,  e  otorgado  ante  escribano.  Asimismo  daremos 
titulo  de  escribano  de  numero  e  del  consejo  de  la  dicha  ciudad  de  Tum- 
bes,  a  un  hijo  de  dicho  Bartolome  Ruiz,  siendo  habil  e  suficiente  para 
ello. 

OTROSI  :  Somos  contentos  e  nos  place  que  vos  el  dicho  capitan  Pi- 
zarro,  cuanto  nuestra  merced  e  voluntad  fuere,  tengais  la  gobernacion  e 
administracion  de  los  indios  de  la  nuestra  isla  de  Flores,  que  es  cerca  de 


f 


494  APPENDIX.  [No.  VII. 

Panama,  e  goceis  para  vos  e  para  quien  vos  quisieredes,  de  todos  los 
aprovechamientos  que  hobiere  en  la  dicha  isla,  asi  de  tierras  como  de 
solares,  e  monies,  e  arboles,  e  mineros,  e  pesqueria  de  perlas,  con  tanto 
que  seals  obligado  por  razon  de  ello  a  dar  a  nos  e  a  los  nuestros  oficia- 
les  de  Castilla  del  Oro  en  cada  un  ano  de  los  que  ansi  fuere  nuestra 
voluntad  que  vos  la  tengais,  ducientos  mill  maravedis,  e  mas  el  quinto  de 
todo  el  oro  e  perlas  que  en  cualquier  manera  e  por  cualesquier  personas 
se  sacare  en  la  dicha  isla  de  Flores,  sin  descuento  alguno,  con  tanto  que 
los  dichos  indios  de  la  dicha  isla  de  Flores  no  los  podais  ocupar  en  la 
pesqueria  de  las  perlas,  ni  en  las  minas  del  oro,  ni  en  otros  metales,  sino 
en  las  otras  granjerias  e  aprovechamientos  de  la  dicha  tierra,  para  pro- 
vision e  mantenimiento  de  la  dicha  vuestra  armada,  e  de  las  que  adelante 
obieredes  de  hacer  para  la  dicha  tierra  ;  e  permitimos  que  si  vos  el  dicho 
Francisco  Pizarro  llegado  a  Castilla  del  Oro,  dentro  de  dos  meses  luego 
siguientes,  declarades  ante  el  dicho  nuestro  gobernador  e  juez  de  resi- 
de ncia  que  alii  estuviere,  que  no  vos  querais  encairgar  de  la  dicha  isla  de 
Flores,  que  en  tal  caso  no  seais  tenudo  e  obligado  a  nos  pagar  por  razon 
de  ello  las  dichas  ducientas  mill  maravedis,  e  que  se  quede  para  nos  la 
dicha  isla,  como  agora  la  tenemos. 

ITEM  :  Acatando  lo  mucho  que  han  servido  en  el  dicho  viaje  e  des- 
cubrimiento  Bartolome  Ruiz,  Cristoval  de  Peralta,  e  Pedro  de  Candia, 
e  Domingo  de  Soria  Luce,  e  Nicolas  de  Ribera,  e  Francisco  de  Cuellar, 
e  Alonso  de  Molina,  e  Pedro  Alcon,  e  Garcia  de  Jerez,  e  Anton  de 
Carrion,  e  Alonso  Briceno,  e  Martin  de  Paz,  e  Joan  de  la  Torre,  e 
porque  vos  me  lo  suplicasteis  e  pedistes  por  merced,  es  nuestra  merced 
e  voluntad  de  les  hacer  merced,  como  por  la  presente  vos  la  hacemos  a 
los  que  de  ellos  no  son  idalgos,  que  sean  idalgos  notorios  de  solar  cono- 
cido  en  aquellas  partes,  e  que  en  ellas  e  en  todas  las  nuestras  Indias, 
islas  y  tierra  firme  del  mar  Oceano,  gocen  de  las  preeminencias  e  liber- 
tad  es,  e  otras  cosas  de  que  gozan,  y  deben  ser  guardadas  a  los  hijosdalgo 
notorios  de  solar  conocido  dentro  nuestros  reinos,  e  a  los  que  de  los  sn- 
sodichos  son  idalgos,  que  sean  caballeros  de  espuelas  doradas,  dando 
primero  la  informacion  que  en  tal  caso  se  requiere. 

ITEM  :  Vos  hacemos  merced  de  veinte  y  cinco  veguas  e  ctros  tantos 
caballos  de  los  que  nos  tenemos  en  la  isla  de  Jamaica,  e  no  las  abiendo 
cuando  las  pidieredes,  no  set  mos  tenudos  al  precio  de  ellas,  ni  de  otra 
cosa  por  razon  de  ellas. 

OTROSI  :  Os  hacemos  merced  de  trescientos  mill  maravedis  pagados 
en  Castilla  del  Oro  para  el  artilleria  e  municion  que  habeis  de  llevar  a 
la  dicha  provincia  del  Peru,  llevando  fe  de  los  nuestros  oficiales  de  la 
casa  de  Sevilla  de  las  cosas  que  ansi  comprastes,  e  de  lo  que  vos  cost6, 


No.  VII.]  APPENDIX.  495 

contando  el  interese  e  cambio  de  ello,  e  mas  os  hare*  merced  de  otros 
ducientos  ducados  pagados  en  Castilla  del  Oro  para  ayuda  al  acarreto  de 
la  dicha  artilleria  e  municiones  e  otras  cosas  vuestras  desde  el  Nombre 
de  Dios  so  la  dicha  mar  del  Sur. 

OTROSI  :  Vos  daremos  licencia,  como  por  la  presente  vos  la  damos, 
para  que  destos  nuestros  reinos,  e  del  reino  de  Portugal  e  islas  de  Cabc 
Verde,  e  dende,  vos,  e  quien  vuestro  poder  hubiere,  quisieredes  e  por 
bien  tuvieredes,  podais  pasar  e  paseis  a  la  dicha  tierra  de  vuestra  go- 
bernacion  cincuenta  esclavos  negros  en  que  haya  a  lo  menos  el  tercio  de 
hembras,  libres  de  todos  derechos  a  nos  pertenecientes,  con  tanto  que  si 
los  dejaredes  e  parte  de  ellos  en  la  isla  Espanola,  San  Joan,  Cuba,  San- 
tiago e  en  Castilla  del  Oro,,e  en  otra  parte  alguna  los  que  de  ellos  ansi 
dejaredes,  scan  perdidos  e  aplicados,  e  por  la  presente  los  aplicamos  a 
nuestra  camara  e  fisco. 

OTROSI  :  Que  hacemos  merced  y  limosna  al  hospital  que  se  hiciese 
en  la  dicha  tierra,  para  ayuda  al  remedio  de  los  pobres  que  alia  fueren, 
de  cien  mill  maravedis  librados  en  las  penas  aplicadas  de  la  camara  de 
la  dicha  tierra.  Ansimismo  a  vuestro  pedimento  e  consentimiento  de 
los  primeros  pobladores  de  la  dicha  tierra,  decimos  que  haremos  merced, 
como  por  la  presente  la  hacemos,  a  los  hospitales  de  la  dicha  tierra  de 
los  derechos  de  la  escubilla  e  relaves  que  hubiere  en  las  fundiciones  que 
en  ella  se  hicieren,  e  de  ello  mandaremos  dar  nuestra  provision  en 
forma. 

OTROSI  :  Decimos  que  mandaremos,  e  por  la  presente  mandamos,  que 
hay  an  e  residan  en  la  ciudad  de  Panama,  e  doiide  vos  fuere  mandado,  un 
carpintero  e  un  calafate,  e  cada  uno  de  ellos  tenga  de  salario  treinta  mill 
maravedis  en  cada  un  afio  dende  que  comenzaren  a  residir  en  la  dicha 
ciudad,  o  donde,  como  dicho  es,  vos  les  mandaredes  ;  a  los  cuales  les 
mandaremos  pagar  por  los  nuestros  oficiales  de  la  dicha  tierra  de  vuestra 
gobernacion  cuando  nuestra  merced  y  voluntad  fuere. 

ITEM  :  Que  vos  mandaremos  dar  nuestra  provision  en  forma  para  que 
en  la  dicha  costa  del  mar  del  Sur  podais  tomar  cualesquier  navios  que 
hubie redes  menester,  de  •  consentimiento  de  sus  duenos,  para  los  viajes 
que  hobieredes  de  hacer  a  la  dicha  tierra,  pagando  a  los  duenos  de  los 
tales  navios  el  flete  que  justo  sea,  no  embargante  que  otras  personas 
los  tengan  fletados  para  otras  partes. 

Ansimismo  que  mandaremos,  e  por  la  presente  mandamos  e  defende- 
mos,  que  destos  nuestros  reinos  no  vayan  ni  pasen  a  las  dichas  tierras 
ningunas  personas  de  las  prohibidas  que  no  puedan  pasar  a  aquellas  par- 
tes, so  las  penas  contenidas  en  las  leyes  e  ordenanzas  e  cartas  nUestras, 
que  cerca  de  esto  por  nos  e  por  los  reyes  catolicos  estan  dadas  ;  ni  le- 
trados  ni  procuradores  para  usar  de  sus  oficios. 


496  APPENDIX.  [No.  VII. 

Lo  cual  que  dicho  es,  e  cada  cosa  e  parte  de  ello  vos  concedemos, 
con  tanto  que  vos  el  dicho  capitan  Pizarro  seals  tenudo  e  obligado  de 
salir  destos  nuestros  reinos  con  los  navies  e  aparejos  e  mantenimientos  e 
otras  cosas  que  fueren  menester  para  el  dicho  viaje  y  poblacion,  con  du- 
cientos  e  cincuenta  hombres,  los  ciento  y  cincuenta  destos  nuestros 
reinos  e  otras  partes  no  prohibidas,  e  los  ciento  restantes  podais  llevar 
de  las  islas  e  tierra  firme  del  mar  Oceano,  con  tanto  que  de  la  dicha 
tierra  firme  llamada  Castilla  del  Oro  no  saqueis  mas  de  veinte  hombres, 
sino  fuere  de  los  que  en  el  primero  e  segundo  viaje  que  vos  hicisteis  a 
la  dicha  tierra  del  Peru  se  hallaron  con  vos,  porque  a  estos  damos  licen- 
cia  que  puedan  ir  con  vos  libremente  ;  lo  cual  hayais  de  cumplir  desde 
el  dia  de  la  data  de  esta  hasta  seis  meses  primeros  siguientes  :  allegado 
a  la  dicha  Castilla  del  Oro,  e  allegado  a  Panama,  seals  tenudo  de  pro- 
seguir  el  dicho  viaje,  e  hacer  el  dicho  descubrimiento  e  poblacion  dentro 
de  otros  seis  meses  luego  siguientes. 

ITEM  :  Con  condicion  que  cuando  salieredes  destos  nuestros  reinos  e 
llegaredes  a  las  dichas  provincias  del  Peru  hayais  de  llevar  y  tener  con 
vos  a  los  oficiales  de  nuestra  hacienda,  que  por  nos  estan  e  fueren  nom- 
brados  ;  e  asimismo  las  personas  religiosas  o  eclesiasticas  que  por  nos 
seran  seualadas  para  instruceion  de  los  indios  e  naturales  de  aquella  pro- 
vincia  a  nuestra  santa  fe  catolica,  con  cuyo  parecer  e  no  sin  ellos  habeis 
de  hacer  la  conquista,  descubrimiento  e  poblacion  de  la  dicha  tierra  ;  a 
los  cuales  religiosos  habeis  de  dar  e  pagar  el  flete  e  matalotaje,  e  los 
otros  mantenimientos  necesarios  conforme  a  sus  personas,  todo  a  vuestra 
costa,  sin  por  ello  les  llevar  cosa  alguna  durante  la  dicha  navegacion,  lo 
cual  mucho  vos  lo  encargamos  que  ansi  hagais  e  cumplais,  como  cosa  de 
servicio  de  Dios  e  nuestro,  porque  de  lo  contrario  nos  terniamos  de  vos 
por  deservidos. 

OTROSI  :  Con  condicion  que  en  la  dicha  pacificacion,  conquista  y  po- 
blacion e  tratamiento  de  dichos  indios  en  sus  personas  y  bienes,  seais 
tenudos  e  obligados  de  guardar  en  todo  e  por  todo  lo  contenido  en  las  or- 
denanzas  e  instrucciones  que  para  esto  te nemos  fechas,  e  se  hicieren,  e 
vos  seran  dadas  en  la  nuestra  carta  e  provision  que  vos  mandaremos  dar 
para  la  encomienda  de  los  dichos  indios.  E  cumpliendo  vos  el  dicho 
capitan  Francisco  Pizarro  lo  contenido  en  este  asiento,  en  todo  lo  que  a 
vos  toca  e  incumbe  de  guardar  e  cumplir,  prometemos,  e  vos  aseguramos 
por  nuestra  palabra  real  que  agora  e  de  aqui  adelante  vos  mandaremos 
guardar  e  vos  sera  guardado  todo  lo  que  ansi  vos  concedemos,  e  facemos 
merced,  a  vos  e  a  los  pobladores  e  tratantes  en  la  dicha  tierra  ;  e  para 
ejecucion  y  cumplimiento  dello,  vos  mandaremos  dar  nuestras  cartas  e 
provisiones  particulars  que  convengan  e  menester  scan,  obligandoos  vo« 


No.  VIII.J  APPENDIX.  497 

el  dicho  capitan  Pizarro  primeramente  ante  escribano  publico  de  guar- 
dar  e  cumplir  lo  contenido  en  este  asiento  que  a  vos  toca  como  dicho  es. 
Fecha  en  Toledo  a  26  de  jullio  de  1529  anos.  —  YO  LA  REINA.  — 
Por  mandado  de  S.  M.  • — Juan  Vazquez. 


No.  Vm.  — See  Vol.  I.,  p.  417. 

CONTEMPORARY  ACCOUNTS  OF  ATAHUALLPA'S  SEIZURE. 

[As  the  seizure  of  the  Inca  was  one  of  the  most  memora^ 
ble,  as  well  as  foulest,  transactions  of  the  Conquest,  I  have 
thought  it  might  be  well  to  put  on  record  the  testimony,  for- 
tunately in  my  possession,  of  several  of  the  parties  present  on 
the  occasion.] 

Relation  del  Primer  Descubrimiento  de  la  Costa  y  Mar  del  Sur,  MS. 

A  la  hora  de  las  cuatro  comienzan  a  caminar  por  su  calzada  adelante 
derecho  a  donde  nosotros  estabamos,  y  a  las  cinco  o  poco  mas  llego  £  la 
puerta  de  la  ciudad,  quedando  todos  los  campos  cubiertos  de  gente,  y  asi 
comenzaron  a  entrar  por  la  plaza  hasta  trescientos  hombres  como  mozos 
despuelas  con  sus  arcos  y  flechas  en  las  manos,  cantando  un  cantar  no 
nada  gracioso  para  los  que  lo  oyamos,  antes  espantoso  porque  parecia 
cosa  infernal,  y  dieron  una  vuelta  a  aquella  mezquita  amagando  al  suelo 
con  las  manos  a  limpiar  lo  que  por  el  estaba,  de  lo  cual  habia  poca 
necesidad,  porque  los  del  pueblo  le  tenian  bien  barrido  para  cuando 
entrase.  Acabada  de  dar  su  vuelta  pararon  todos  juntos,  y  entro  otro 
escuadron  de  hasta  mil  hombres  con  picas  sin  yerros  tostadas  las  pun- 
tas,  todos  de  una  librea  de  colores,  digo  que  la  de  los  primeros  era  blan- 
ca  y  Colorada,  como  las  casas  de  un  axedrez.  Entrado  el  segundo 
escuadron  entr6  el  tercero  de  otra  librea,  todos  con  martillos  en  las  manos 
de  cobre  y  plata,  que  es  una  arma  que  ellos  tienen,  y  ansi  desta  manera 
entraron  en  la  dicha  plaza  muchos  Senores  principales  que  venian  en 
medio  de  los  delanterds  y  de  la  persona  de  Atabalipa.  Detras  destoa 
en  una  litera  muy  rica,  los  cabos  de  los  maderos  cubiertos  de  platar 
venia  la  persona  de  Atabalipa,  la  cual  traian  ochenta  Senores  en  hom- 
bros  todos  vestidos  de  una  librea  azul  muy  rica,  y  el  vestido  su  persona 
muy  ricamente  con  su  corona  en  la  cabeza,  y  al  cuello  un  collar  de  esme- 
VOL.  II.  63 


498  APPENDIX.  [No.  VIII. 

raldas  grandes,  y  sentado  en  la  litera  en  una  silla  muy  pequena  con  un 
coxin  muy  rico.  En  llegando  al  medio  de  la  plaza  paro,  llevando  descu- 
bierto  el  medio  cuerpo  de  fuera ;  y  toda  la  gente  de  guerra  que  estaba 
en  la  plaza  le  tenian  en  medio,  estando  dentro  hasta  seis  6  siete  mil 
hombres.  Como  el  vio  que  ninguna  persona  salia  a  el,  ni  parecia,  tubo 
creido,  y  asi  lo  confeso  el  despues  de  preso,  que  nos  habiamos  escondido 
de  miedo  de  ver  su  poder ;  y  dio  una  vox  y  dixo  :  Donde  estan  estos  ? 
A  la  cual  salio  del  aposento  del  dicho  Gobernador  Pizarro  el  Padre  Fray 
Vicente  de  Valverde  de  la  orden  de  los  Predicadores,  que  despues  fue 
obispo  de  aquella  tierra  con  la  bribia  en  la  mano  y  con  el  una  lengua,  y 
asi  juntos  llegaron  por  entre  la  gente  a  poder  hablar  con  Atabalipa,  al 
cual  le  comenzo  a  decir  cosas  de  la  sagrada  escriptura,  y  que  nuestro 
Senor  Jesu-Christo  mandaba  que  entre  los  suyos  no  hubiese  guerra,  ni 
discordia,  sino  todo  paz,  y  que  el  en  su  nombre  ansi  se  lo  pedia  y  re- 
queria;  pues  habia  quedado  de  tratar.della  el  dia  antes,  y  de  venir  solo 
sin,  gente  de  guerra.  A  las  cuales  palabras  y  ptras  muchas  que  el 
Frayle  le  dixo,  el  estubo  callando  sin  volver  respuesta ;  y  tornandole  a 
decir  que  mirase  lo  que  Dios  mandaba,  lo  cual  estaba  en  aquel  libro 
que  llevaba  en  la  mano  escripto,  admirandose  a  mi  parecer  mas  de  la 
eseriptura,  que  de  lo  escripto  en  elJa :  le  pidio  el  libro,  y  le  abrio  y  ojeo, 
mirando  el  molde  y  la  orden  del,  y  despues  de  visto,  le  arrojo  por  entre 
la  gente  con  mucha  ira,  el  rostro  muy  encarnizado,  diciendo :  Decildes  a 
esos,  que  vengan  aca,  que  no  pasare  de  aqui  hasta  que  me  den  cuenta  y 
satisfagan  y  paguen  lo  que  ban  hecho  en  la  tierra..  Visto  esto  por  el 
Frayle  y  lo  poco  que  aprovechaban  TSUS  palabras,  tomo  su  libro,  y  abajo 
su  cabeza,  y  fuese  para  donde  estaba  el  dicho  Pizarro,  casi  corriendo,  y 
dijole  :  No  veis  lo  que  pasa  :  para  que  estais  en  comedimientos  y  reque- 
rimientos  con  este  perro  lleno  de  soberbia,  que  vienen  los  campos  llenos 
de  Indios?  Salid  a  el,  —  que  yo  os  absuelvo.  Y  ansi  acabadas  de 
decir  estas  palabras  que  fue"  todo  en  un  instante,  tocan  las  trompetas,  y 
parte  de  su  posada  con  toda  la  gente  de  pie,  que  con  el  estaba,  diciendo : 
Santiago  a  ellos  ;  y  asi  salimos  todos  a  aquella  voz  a  una,  porque  todas 
aquellas  casas  que  salian  a  la  plaza  tenian  muchas  puertas,  y  parece  que 
se  habian  fecho  a  aquel  proposito.  En  arremetiendo  los  de  caballo  y 
rompiendo  por  ellos  todo  fue  uno,  que  sin  matar  sino  solo  un  negro  de 
nuestra  parte,  fueron  todos  desbaratados  y  Atabalipa  preso,  y  la  gente 
puesta  en  huida,  aunque  no  pudieron  huir  del  tropel,  porque  la  puerta 
por  do  habian  entrado  era  pequena  y  con  la  turbacion  no  podian  salir  ; 
y  visto  los  traseros  cuan  lejos  tenian  la  acoxida  y  remedio  de  huir,  arri- 
maronse  dos  6  tres  mil  dellos  a  un  lienso  de  pared,  y  dieron  con  el  a 
tierra,  el  cual  salia  al  campo  porque  por  aquella  parte  no  habia  casas, 


No.  VIII.]  APPENDIX.  499 

y  ansi  tubieron  camino  ancho  para  huir ;  y  los  escuadrones  de  gente  quc 
habian  quedado  en  el  campo  sin  entrar  en  el  pueblo,  como  vieron  huir  y 
dar  alaridos,  los  mas  dellos  fueron  desbaratados  y  se  pusieron  en  huida, 
que  era  cosa  harto  de  ver,  que  un  valle  de  cuatro  6  cinco  leguas  todo  iba 
cuaxado  de  gente.  En  este  vino  la  noche  muy  presto,  y  la  gente  se 
recogio,  y  Atabalipa  se  puso  en  una  casa  de  piedra,  que  era  el  templo 
del  sol,  y  asi  se  pas6  aquella  noche  con  grand  regocijo  y  placer  de  la 
vitoria  que  nuestro  Seiior  nos  habia  dado,  poniendo  mucho  recabdo  en 
hacer  guardia  a  la  persona  de  Atabalipa  para  que  no  volviesen  a.  tomar- 
nosle.  Cierto  fue  permision  de  Dios  y  grand  acertamiento  guiado  por 
su  mano,  porque  si  este  dia  no  se  prendiera,  con  la  soberbia  que  trahia, 
aquella  noche  fueramos  todos  asolados  por  ser  tan  pocos,  como  tengo 
dicho,  y  ellos  tantos. 

Pedro  Pizarroj  Descubrimiento  y  Conquista  de  los  Reynos  del  Peru, 

MS. 

Pues  despues  de  aver  comido,  que  acavaria  a  hora  de  missa  mayor, 
enpego  a  levantar  su  gente  y  a  venirse  hazia  Caxamalca.  Hechos  sus 
esquadrones,  que  cubrian  los  campos,  y  el  metido  en  vnas  andas  enpe$u 
a  caminar,  viniendo  delante  del  dos  mil  yndios  que  le  barrian  el  camino 
por  donde  venia  caminando,  y  la  gente  de  guerra  la  mitad  de  vn  lado  y 
la  mitad  de  otro  por  los  campos  sin  entrar  en  camino  :  traia  ansi  mesmo 
al  senor  de  Chincha  consigo  en  vnas  andas,  que  parescia  a  los  suyos 
cossa  de  admiracion,  porque  ningun  yndio,  por  senor  principal  que  fuese, 
avia  de  parescer  delante  del  sino  fuese  con  vna  carga  a  cuestas  y  des- 
calzo  :  pues  hera  tanta  la  pateneria  que  traian  d'  oro  y  plata,  que  hera 
cossa  estrana  lo  que  reluzia  con  el  sol :  venian  ansi  mesmo  delante  de 
Atabalipa  muchos  yndios  cantando  y  danzando.  Tardose  ste  senor  en 
andar  esta  media  legua  que  ay  dende  los  bafios  a  donde  el  estava  hasta 
Caxamalca,  dende  ora  de  missa  mayor,  como  digo,  hasta  tres  eras  antes 
que  anochesciese.  Pues  llegada  la  gente  a  la  puerta  de  la  plaza,  enpe- 
§aron  a  entrar  los  esquadrones  con  grand  es  oantares,  y  ansi  entrando 
ocuparon  toda  la  plaza  por  todas  partes.  Visto  el  marquez  don  Francisco 
Pi<jarro  que  Atabalipa  venia  ya  junto  a  la  plaza,  embio  al  padre  fr.  Vi- 
cente de  Balverde  primero  obispo  del  Cuzco,  y  a  Hernando  de  Aldana  vn 
buen  soldado,  y  a  don  Martinillo  lengua,  que  fuesen  a  hablar  a  Atabalipa 
y  a  requerille  de  parte  de  dios  y  del  Rey  se  subjetase  a  la  ley  de  nuestro 
Senor  Jesucristo  y  al  servicio  de  S.  Mag.,  y  que  el  Marquez  le  tendria 
en  lugar  de  hermano,  y  no  consintiria  le  hiziesen  enojo  ni  dafio  en  su 
tierra.  Pues  llegado  que  fue  el  padre  4  las  andas  donde  Atabalipa 
venia,  le  hablo  y  le  dixo  a  lo  que  yva,  y  le  predico  cossas  de  nuestra 


500  APPENDIX.  [No.  VIII. 

sancta  flee,  declarandoselas  la  lengua.  Llevava  el  padre  vn  breviario  en 
las  manos  donde  leya  lo  que  le  predicaba  :  el  Atabalipa  se  lo  pidio,  y  el 
cerrado  se  lo  dio,  y  como  le  tuvo  en  las  manos  y  no  supo  abrille  arrojole 
al  suelo.  Llamo  al  Aldana  que  se  IJegase  a  el  y  le  diese  la  espada,  y  el 
Aldana  la  saco  y  se  la  mostro,  pero  no  se  la  quiso  dar.  Pues  pasado  lo 
dicho,  el  Atabalipa  les  dixo  que  se  fuesen  para  Vellacos  ladrones,  y  que 
los  avia  de  matar  a  todos.  Pues  oydo  esto,  el  padre  se  bolvio  y  conto 
al  marquez  lo  que  le  avia  pasado  ;  y  el  Atabalipa  entro  en  la  plaza  con 
todo  su  trono  que  traya,  y  el  sen  or  de  Chincha  tras  del.  Desque  ovie- 
ron  entrado  y  vieron  que  no  parescia  espanol  ninguno,  pregunto  a  sus 
capitanes,  Donde  estan  estos  cristianos  que  no  parescen  1  Ellos  le  dixe- 
ron,  Senor,  estan  escondidos  de  miedo.  Pues  visto  el  marquez  don 
Francisco  Pi9arro  las  dos  andas,  no  conosciendo  qual  hera  la  de  Ataba- 
lipa, mando  a  Joan  Pi$arro  su  hermano  fuese  con  los  peones  que  tenia 
i  la  vna,  y  el  yria  a  la  otra.  Pues  mandado  esto,  hizieron  la  sefia  al 
Candia,  el  qual  solto  el  tiro,  y  en  soltandolo  tocaron  las  trompetas,  y 
salieron  los  de  acavallo  de  tropel,  y  el  marquez  con  los  de  a  pie,  como 
esta  dicho,  tras  dellos,  de  manera  que  con  el  estruendo  del  tiro  y  las 
trompetas  y  el  tropel  de  los  cavallos  con  los  cascaveles  los  yndios  se 
embararon  y  se  cortaron.  Los  espafioles  dieron  en  ellos  y  empe§aron 
a  matar,  y  fue  tanto  el  rniedo  que  los  yndios  ovieron,  que  por  huir,  no 
pudiendo  salir  por  la  puerta,  derribaron  vn  lienzo  de  vna  pared  de  la 
cerca  de  la  plaza  de  largo  de  mas  de  dos  mil  passes  y  de  alto  de  mas  de 
vn  estado.  Los  de  acavallo  fueron  en  su  seguimiento  hasta  los  bafios, 
donde  hizieron  grande  estrago,  y  hizieran  mas  sino  les  anochesciera. 
Pues  bolviendo  a  don  Francisco  Pigarro  y  a  su  hermano,  salieron,  como 
estava  dicho,  con  la  gente  de  a  pie:  el  marquez  fue  a  dar  con  las 
andas  de  Atabalipa,  y  el  hermano  con  el  sefior  de  Chincha,  al  qual  ma- 
taron  alii  en  las  andas ;  y  lo  mismo  fuera  del  Atabalipa  sino  se  hallara 
el  marquez  alii,  porque  no  podian  derivalle  de  las  andas,  que  aunque  ma- 
tavan  los  yndios  que  las  tenian,  se  metian  luego  otros  de  Reffresco  a 
sustentallas,  y  desta  manera  estuvieron  vn  gran  rrato  fforcejando  y  ma- 
tando  indios,  y  de  cansados  vn  espanol  tiro  vna  cuchillada  para  matalle, 
y  el  marquez  don  Francisco  Pie.arro  se  la  rreparo,  y  del  rreparo  le  hirio 
en  la  mano  al  marquez  el  espanol,  queriendo  dar  al  Atabalipa,  a  cuya 
caussa  el  marquez  dio  bozes  diciendo  :  Nadie  hiera  al  indio  so  pena  de 
la  vida.  Entendido  esto,  aguijaron  siete  6  ocho  espafioles  y  asieron  de  vn 
bordo  de  las  andas  y  haziendo  fuerga  las  trastornaron  a  vn  lado,  y  ansi 
fue  preso  el  Atabalipa,  y  el  marquez  le  llevo  a  su  aposento,  y  alii  le 
puso  guardas  que  le  guardavan  de  dia  y  de-noche.  Pues  venida  la 
noche,  los  espafioles  se  recoxieron  todos  y  dieron  muchas  gracias  a 


No.  VIII.]  APPENDIX.  501 

nuestro  sefior  por  las  Mercedes  que  les  avia  hecho,  y  muy  contentos  en 
tener  presso  al  sefior,  porque  a  no  prendelle  no  se  ganara  la  tierra  como 
se  gano. 

Carta  de  Hernando  Pizarro,  ap.  Oviedo,  Historia  General  de  las  Indias. 
MS.,  lib.  46,  cap.  15. 

Venia  en  unas  handas,  e  delante  de  el  hasta  trecientos  o  cuatrocientos 
Yndios  con  Camisetas  de  librea  limpiando  las  pajas  del  camino,  e  can- 
tando,  e  el  en  medio  de  la  otra  gente  que  eran  Caciques  e  principales,  e 
los  mas  principales  Caciques  le  traian  en  los  hombros ;  e  entrando  en  la 
Plaza  subieron  doce  6  quince  Yndios  en  una  fortaleza  que  alii  estaba,  e 
tomaronla  a  manera  de  posesion  con  vandera  puesta  en  una  lanza  :  en- 
trando hasta  la  mitad  de  la  Plaza  reparo  alii :  e  salio  un  Fraile  Dominico 
que  estaba  con  el  Gobernador  a  hablarle  de  su  parte,  que  el  Gobernador 
le  esperaba  en  su  aposento,  que  le  fuese  a  hablar,  e  dijole  como  era  Sa- 
cerdote,  e  que  era  embiado  por  el  Emperador  para  que  le  enseiiase  las 
cosas  de  la  fe  si  quisiesen  ser  Cristianps,  e  mostroles  un  libro  que  llevaba 
en  las  manos,  e  dijole  que  aquel  libro  era  de  las  cosas  de  Dios ;  e  el 
Atabaliva  pidio  el  libro,  e  arrojole  en  el  suelo  6  dijo  :  Yo  no  pasare  de 
aqui  hasta  que  me  deis  todo  lo  que  habeis  tornado  en  mi  tierra,  que  yo 
bien  se  quien  sois  vosotros,  y  en  lo  que  andais :  e  levantose  en  las  andas, 
e  hablo  a  su  gente,  e  obo  murmullo  entre  ellos  llamando  a  la  gente  que 
tenian  las  armas :  e  el  fraile  fue  al  Gobernador  e  dijole  que  que  ha^ia, 
que  ya  no  estaba  la  cosa  en  tiempo  de  esperar  mas  :  el  Gobernador  me 
lo  embio  a  decir  :  yo  tenia  concertado  con  el  Capitan  de  la  artilleria,  que 
haciendole  una  seua  disparasen  los  tiros,  e  eon  la  gente  que  oyendolos 
saliesen  todos  a  un  tiempo  ;  e  como  asi  se  hizo  e  como  los  Yndios  estaban 
sin  armas  fueron  desbaratados  sin  peligro  de  ningun  Cristiano.  Los  que 
traian  las  andas,  e  los  Caciques  que  venian  al  rededor  del,  nunca  lo  des- 
ampararon  hasta  que  todos  murieron  al  rededor  del :  el  Gobernador 
salio  e  tomo  a  Atabaliva,  e  por  defenderle  le  dio  un  cristiano  una  cuchi- 
llada  en  una  mano.  La  gente  siguio  el  alcance  hasta  donde  estaban  los 
Yndios  con  armas  ;  no  se  hallo  en  ellos  resistencia  alguna,  porque  ya  era 
noche :  recogieronse  todos  al  Pueblo  donde  el  Gobernador  quedaba. 


502  APPENDIX  fNo.  IX. 


No.  IX.  — See  Vol.  I.,  p.  455. 

ACCOUNT  OF  THE  PERSONAL  HABITS  OF  ATAHUALLPA ;  EXTRACTED  FROM 
THE  MS.  OF  PEDRO  PIZARRO. 

[This  minute  account  of  the  appearance  and  habits  of  the 
captive  Inca  is  of  the  most  authentic  character,  coming, 
as  it  does,  from  the  pen  of  one  who  had  the  best  opportuni- 
ties of  personal  observation,  during  the  monarch's  imprison- 
ment by  his  Conquerors.  Pizarro's  MS.  is  among  those 
recently  given  to  the  world  by  the  learned  Academicians 
Salva  and  Baranda.] 

Este  Atabalipa  ya  dicho  hera  indio  bien  dispuesto,  de  buena  persona, 
de  medianas  carries,  no  grueso  demasiado,  hermosso  de  Rostro  y  grave  en 
el,  los  ojos  encarnizados,  muy  temido  de  los  suyos.  (Acuerdome  que  el 
Senor  de  Guaylas  le  pidio  licencia  para  yr  a  ver  su  tierra,  y  se  la  dio, 
dandole  tiempo  en  que  fuese  y  viniese  limitado.  Tardose  algo  mas,  y 
euando  bolvio,  estando  yo  presente,  llego  con  vn  presente  de  fruta  de  la 
tierra,  y  llegado  que  fue  a  su  presencia  empe§o  a  temblar  en  tanta  manera 
que  no  se  podia  tener  en  los  pies.  El  Atabalipa  al§o  la  caveza  vn  po- 
quito  y  sonrriendose  le  hizo  sena  que  se  fFuese.)  Quando  le  sacaron  a 
matar,  toda  la  gente  que  avia  en  la  plaza  de  los  naturales,  que  avia  hartd, 
se  prostraron  por  tierra,  dexandose  caer  en  el  suelo  como  Borrachos. 
Este  indio  se  servia  de  sus  mugeres  por  la  horden  que  tengo  ya  dicha, 
sirviendole  vna  hermana  diez  dias  6  ocho  con  mucha  cantidad  de  hijas 
de  sen  ores  que  a  estas  hermanas  Servian,  mudandose  de  ocho  a  ocho 
dias.  Estas  estavan  siempre  con  el  para  serville,  que  yndio  no  entrava 
dond'  el  estava.  Tenia  muchos  caciques  consigo  :  estos  estavan  afuera 
en  vn  patio,  y  en  llamando  alguno  entrava  descalzo  y  donde  el  estava ;  y 
si  venia  de  fuera  parte,  avia  de  entrar  descalzo  y  cargado  con  vna  carga  ; 
y  quando  su  capitan  Challicuchima  vino  con  Hernando  Pi^arro  y  le  entio 
a  ver,  entro  asi  como  digo  con  vna  carga  y  descalzo  y  se  hecho  a  sus 
pies,  y  Uorando  se  los  beso.  El  Atabalipa  con  Rostro  sereno  le  dixo  : 
Seas  bien  venido  alii,  Challicuchima ;  queriendo  dezir,  Seas  bien  venido, 
Challicuchima.  Este  yndio  se  ponia  en  la  caveza  .vnos  llautos  que  son 
vnas  tren§as  hechas  de  lanas  de  colores,  de  grosor  de  medio  dedo  y  de 
anchor  de  vno,  hecho  desto  vna  manera  de  corona  y  no  con  puntas,  sino 
redonda,  de  anchor  de  vna  mano,  que  encaxava  en  la  caveza,  y  en  la 
frente  vna  borla  cossida  en  este  llauto,  de  anchor  de  vna  mano,  poco 


No.  IX.]  APPENDIX.  503 

mas,  de  lana  muy  ffina  de  grana,  cortada  muy  ygual,  metida  por  vnos 
canutitos  de  oro  muy  sotilmente  hasta  la  mitad :  esta  lana  hera  hilada^ 
y  de  los  canutos  abaxo  destorcida,  que  hera  lo  que  caya  en  la  frente ;  que 
los  cafiutillos  de  oro  hera  quanto  tomavan  todo  el  llauto  ya  dicho.  Ca- 
yale  esta  borla  hasta  encima  de  las  cejas,  de  vn  dedo  de  grosor,  que  le 
tomava  toda  la  frente  ;  y  todos  estos  senores  andavan  tresquilados  y 
los  orejones  como  a  sobre  peine.  Vestian  Ropa  muy  delgada  y  muy 
blanda  ellos  y  sus  hermanas  que  tenian  por  mugeres,  y  sus  deudos,  ore- 
jones principales,  que  se  la  davan  los  seiiores,  y  todos  los  demas  vestian 
Ropa  basta.  Poniase  este  sefior  la  manta  por  encima  de  la  cave§a  y 
atabasela  debajo  de  la  barva,  tapandose  las  orejas  :  esto  traia  el  por  tapar 
vna  oreja  que  tenia  rompida,  que  quando  le  prendieron  los  de  Guascar  se 
la  quebraron.  Bestiase  este  senor  Ropas  muy  delicadas.  Estando  vn  dia 
comiendo,  questas  senoras  ya  dichas  le  llevavan  la  comida  y  se  la  ponian 
delante  en  vnos  juncos  verdes  muy  delgados  y  pequenos,  estaba  sen- 
tado  este  senor  en  vn  duo  de  madera  de  altor  de  po.co  mas  de  un  palmo  : 
este  duo  hera  de  madera  colorada  muy  linda,  y  tenianle  siempre  tapado 
con  vna  manta  muy  delgada,  aunque  stuviese  el  sentado  en  el :  estos 
juncos  ya  dichos  le  tendian  siempre  delante  quando  queria  comer,  y  alii 
le  ponian  todos  los  manjares  en  oro,  plata  y  Barro,  y  el  que  a  el  ape- 
tescia  senalava  se  lo  truxesen,  y  tomandolo  vna  senora  destas  dichas  se  lo 
tenia  en  la  mano  mientras  comia.  Pues  estando  vn  dia  desta  manera 
comiendo  y  yo  presente,  llevando  vna  tajada  del  manjar  a  la  boca  le  cayo 
vna  gota  en  el  vestido  que  tenia  puesto,  y  dando  de  mano  a  la  yndia  se 
levanto  y  se  entro  a  su  aposento  a  vestir  otro  vestido,  y  buelto  saco  ves- 
tido vna  camiseta  y  vna  manta  (pardo  escuro).  Llegandome  yo  pues  a 
el  le  tente  la  manta  que  hera  mas  blanda  que  seda,  y  dixele  :  Ynga,  de 
que  es  este  vestido  tan  blando  1  El  me  dixo,  Es  de  vnos  pajaros  que 
andan  de  noche  en  Puerto  Viejo  y  en  Tumbez,  que  muerden  a  los  indios. 
Venido  a  aclararse  dixo,  que  hera  de  pelo  de  murcielagos.  Diziendole, 
que  de  donde  se  podria  juntar  tanto  murcielago  ?  dixo,  Aquellos  perros 
de  Tumbez  y  Puerto  Viejo  que  avian  de  hazer  sino  tomar  destos  para 
hazer  Ropa  a  mi  padre?  Y  es  ansi  questos  murcielagos  de  aquellas 
partes  muerden  de  noche  a  los  indios  y  a  esparioles  y  a  cavallos,  y  sacan 
tanta  sangre  ques  cossa  de  misterio,  y  ansi  se  averiguo  ser  este  vestido 
de  lana  de  murcielagos,  y  ansi  hera  la  color  como  dellos  del  vestido,  que 
en  Puerto  Viejo  y  en  Tumbez  y  sus  comarcas  ay  gran  cantidad  dellos. 
Pues  acontescio  vn  dia  que  viniendose  a  quexar  vn  indio  que  vn  espanol 
tomava  vnos  bestidos  de  Atabalipa,  el  marquez  me  mando  fuesse  yo  a 
saver  quiea  hera  y  llamar  al  espanol  para  castigallo.  El  indio  me  llevo 
a  vn  buhio  donde  avia  gran  cantidad  de  petacas,  porquel  espanol  ya 


504  APPENDIX.  [No.  X. 

hera  ydo.  diciendome  que  de  alii  avia  tornado  vn  bestido  del  senor ;  e  yo 
preguntandole  que  que  tenian  aquellas  petacas,  me  mostro  algunas  en 
que  tenian  todo  aquello  que  Atabalipa  avia  tocado  con  las  manos,  y  avia 
estado  de  pies,  y  vestidos  que  el  avia  deshechado  ;  en  vnas  los  junquillos 
que  le  hechavan  delante  a  los  pies  quando  comia  ;  en  otras  los  guessos 
de  las  carnes  6  aves  que  comia,  que  el  avia  tocado  con  las  manos  ;  en 
otras  los  maslos  de  las  mazorcas  de  mahiz  que  avia  tornado  en  sus  ma- 
nos ;  en  otras  las  rropas  que  havia  deshechado  :  finalmente  todo  aquello 
que  el  avia  tocado.  Pfeguntelee,  que  para  que  tenian  aquello  alii? 
Respondieronme,  que  para  quemallo,  porque  cada  ano  quemavan  todo 
esto,  porque  lo  que  tocavan  los  senores  que  heran  hijos  del  sol,  se  avia 
de  quemar  y  hazer  seniza  y  hechallo  por  el  ayre,  que  nadie  avia  de  tocar 
a  ello ;  y  en  guarda  desto  estava  vn  prencipal  con  indios  que  lo  guardava 
y  rrecoxia  de  las  mugeres  que  les  Servian.  Estos  senores  dormian  en 
el  suelo  en  vnos  colchones  grandes  de  algodon  :  tenian  vnas  ffrecadas 
grandes  de  lana  con  que  se  cubijaban  :  y  no  e  visto  en  todo  este  Pini 
indio  semejante  a  este  Atabalipa  ni  de  su  ferocidad  ni  autoridad. 


• 

No.  X.  —  See  Vol.  I.,  p.  491. 

CONTEMPORARY  ACCOUNTS  OF  THE  EXECUTION  OF  ATAHUALLPA. 

[The  following  notices  of  the  execution  of  the  Inca  are 
from  the  hands  of  eyewitnesses  ;  for  Oviedo,  though  not 
present  himself,  collected  his  particulars  from  those  who 
were.  I  give  the  notices  here  in  the  original,  as  the  best 
authority  for  the  account  of  this  dismal  tragedy.] 

Pedro  Pizarro,  Descubrimiento  y  Conquista  de  los  Reynos  del  Peru,  MS. 

Acordaron  pues  los  officiales  y  Almagro  que  Atabalipa  muriese,  tra- 
tando  entre  si  que  muerto  Atabalipa  se  acababa  el  auto  hecho  acerca  del 
tesoro.  Pues  dixeron  al  Marquez  don  Francisco  Pizarro  que  no  convenia 
que  Atabalipa  biviese  ;  porque  si  se  soltava,  S.  Mag.  perderia  la  tierra  y 
todos  los  espafioles  serian  muertos ;  y  a  la  verdad,  si  esto  no  fuera  tratado 
con  malicia,  como  esta  dicho,  tenian  Razon,  porque  hera  imposible  soltan- 
dose  poder  ganar  la  tierra.  Pues  el  marquez  no  quiso  venir  en  ello. 
Visto  esto  los  oficiales  hizieronle  muchos  rrequerimientos,  poniendole  el 


No.  X.]  APPENDIX.  505 

servicio  de  S.  Mag.  por  delante.  Pues  estando  asi  atravesose  vn  demo- 
mo  de  vna  lengua  que  se  dezia  ffelipillo,  vno  de  los  muchachos  que  el 
marquez  avia  llevado  a  Espafia,  que  al  presente  hera  lengua,  y  andava 
enamorado  de  vna  muger  de  Atabalipa,  y  por  avella  hizo  entender  al 
marquez  que  Atabalipa  hazia  gran  junta  de  gente  para  matar  los  espafio- 
les  en  Caxas.  Pues  sabido  el  marquez  esto  prendio  a  Challicuchima  que 
estava  suelto  y  preguntandole  por  esta  gente  que  dezia  la  lengua  se  jun- 
tavan,  aunque  negava  y  dezia  que  no,  el  ffelipillo  dezia  a  la  contra  tras- 
tornando  las  palabras  dezian  a  quien  se  preguntava  este  casso.  Pues  el 
marquez  don  Francisco  Pi§arro  acordo  embiar  a  Soto  a  Caxas  a  saver  si 
se  hazia  alii  alguna  junta  de  gente,  porque  cierto  el  marquez  no  quisiera 
matalle.  Pues  visto  Almagro  y  los  oficiales  la  yda  de  Soto  apretaron  al 
marquez  con  muchos  rrequirimientos,  y  la  lengua  por  su  parte  que  ayu- 
dava  con  sus  rretruecos,  vinieron  a  convencer  al  marquez  que  muriese 
Atabalipa,  porque  el  marquez  hera  muy  zeloso  del  servicio  de  S.  Mag.  y 
ansi  le  hizieron  temer,  y  contra  su  voluntad  sentencio  a  muerte  a  Ataba- 
lipa mandando  le  diesen  garrote,  y  despues  de  muerto  le  quemasen  por- 
que tenia  las  hermanas  por  mugeres.  Cierto  pocas  leyes  avian  leido  estos 
sen-ores  ni  entendido,  pues  al  infiel  sin  aver  sido  predicado  le  davan  esta 
sentencia.  Pues  el  Atabalipa  llorava  y  dezia  que  no  le  matasen,  que  no 
abria  yndio  en  la  tierra  que  s©  meneasse  sin  su  mandado,  y  que  presso  le 
tenian,  que  de  que  temian?  y  que  si  lo  avian  por  oro  y  plata,  que  el  daria 
dos  tanto  de  lo  que  avia  mandado.  Yo  vide  llorar  al  marques  de  pesar 
por  no  podelle  dar  la  vida,  porque  cierto  temio  los  requirimientos  y  el 
rriezgo  que  avia  en  la  tierra  si  se  soltava.  Este  Atabalipa  avia  hecho  en- 
tender  a  sus  mugeres  e  yndios  que  si  no  le  quemavan  el  cuerpo,  aunque 
le  matassen  avia  de  bolver  a  ellos,  que  el  sol  su  padre  le  rresucitaria. 
Pues  sacandole  a  dar  garrote  a  la  plaza  el  padre  fray  Vicente  de  Bal- 
verde  ya  dicho  le  predico  diziendole  se  tornase  cristiano  :  y  el  dixo  que  si, 
el  se  tornava  christiano,  si  le  quemarian,  y  dixeronle  que  no :  y  dixo  que 
pues  no  le  avian  de  quemar  que  queria  ser  baptizado,  y  ansi  fray  Vicente 
le  baptizo  y  le  dieron  garrote,  y  otro  dia  le  enterraron  en  la  yglesia  que 
en  Caxamalca  terviamos  los  espanoles.  Esto  se  hizo  antes  que  Soto  bol- 
viese  a  dar  aviso  de  lo  que  le  hera  mandado  ;  y  quando  vino  truxo  por 
nueva  no  aver  visto  nada  ni  aver  nada,  de  que  al  marquez  le  peso  mucho 
de  avelle  muerto,  y  al  Soto  mucho  mas,  porque  dezia  el,  y  tenia  rrazon, 
que  mejor  ffuera  embialle  a  Espana,  y  que  el  se  obligara  a  ponello  en  la 
mar  :  y  cierto  esto  fuera  lo  mejor  que  con  este  indio  se  pudiera  hazer, 
porque  quedar  en  la  tierra  no  convenia :  tambien  se  entendio  que  no 
biviera  muchos  dias,  aunque  le  embiara,  porque  el  hera  muy  regalado 
y  muy  sefior. 

VOL.    II.  64 


506  APPENDIX.  [No.  X. 

Relation  del  Primer  Descubrimiento  de  la  Costa  y  Mar  del  Sur,  MS. 

Dando  forma  como  se  llevaria  Atabalipa  de  camino,  y  que  guardia  se 
le  pondria,  y  consultando  y  tratando  si  seriamos  parte  para  defenderle  en 
aquellos  pasos  males  y  rios  si  nos  le  quisiesen  tomar  los  suyos  :  comen- 
zose  a  decir  y  a  certificar  entre  los  Indios,  que  el  mandaba  venir  grand 
multitud  de  gente  sobre  nosotros  :  esta  nueva  se  fue  encendiendo  tan  to, 
que  se  tomo  informacion  de  muchos  senores  de  la  tierra,  que  todos  a  una 
dijeron  que  era  verdad,  que  el  mandaba  venir  sobre  nosotros  para  que  le 
salvasen,  y  nos  matasen  si  pudiesen,  y  que  estaba  toda  la  gente  en  cierta 
provincia  ayuntada  que  ya  venia  de  camino.  Tomada  esta  informacion , 
juntaronse  el  dicho  Gobernador,  y  Almagro,  y  los  Oficiales  de  S.  Mag. 
no  estando  ahi  Hernando  Pizarro,  porque  ya  era  partido  para  Espafia 
con  alguna  parte  del  quinto  de  S.  Mag.  y  a  darle  noticia  y  nueva  de  lo 
acaecido;  y  resumieronse,  aunque  contra  voluntad  del  dicho  Gobernador, 
que  nunca  estubo  bien  en  ello,  que  Atabalipa,  pues  quebrantaba  la  paz, 
y  queria  hacer  traicion  y  traher  gentes  para  matar  los  cristianos,  muri- 
ese,  porque  con  su  muerte  cesaria  todo,  y  se  allanaria  la  tierra  :  a  lo 
cual  hubo  contrarios  pareceres,  y  la  mas  de  la  gente  se  puso  en  defender 
que  no  muriese ;  al  cabo  insistiendo  mucho  en  su  muerte  el  dicho  Capitan 
Aimagro,  y  dando  muchas  razones  por  que  debia  morir,  el  fue  muerto, 
aunque  para  el  no  fue  muerte,  sino  vida,  porque  murio  cristiano,  y  es  de 
creer  que  se  fue  al  cielo.  Publicado  por  toda  la  tierra  su  muerte,  la 
gente  comun,  y  de  pueblos  venian  donde  el  dicho  Gobernador  estaba  a 
dar  la  obediencia  a  S.  Mag. ;  pero  -los  capitanesy  gente  de  guerra  que 
estaban  en  Xauxa  y  en  el  Cuzco,  antes  se  rehicieron,  y  no  quisieron 
venir  de  paz.  Aqui  acaecio  la  cosa  mas  estrana  que  se  ha  visto  en  el 
mundo,  que  yo  vi  por  mis  ojos,  y  fue  ;  que  estando  en  la  iglesia  cantan- 
do  los  oficios  de  difuntos  a  Atabalipa,  presente  el  cuerpo,  llegaron  cier- 
tas  senoras  hermanas  y  mugeres  suyas,  y  otros  privados  con  grand 
estruendo,  tal  que  impidieron  el  oficio,  y  dijeron  que  les  hiciesen  aquella 
fiesta  muy  mayor,  porque  era  costumbre  cuando  el  grand  sefior  moria, 
que  todos  aquellos  que  bien  le  querian,  se  enterrasen  vivos  con  el :  a  los 
cuales  se  les  respondio,  que  Atabalipa  habia  muerto  como  cristiano,  y 
como  tal  le  hacian  aquel  oficio,  que  no  se  habia  de  hacer  lo  que  ellos 
pedian,  qiie  era  muy  mal  hecho  y  contra  cristianidad  ;  que  se  fuesen  de 
alii,  y  no  les  estorbasen,  y  se  le  dejasen  enterrar,  y  ansi  se  fueron  a  sus 
aposentos,  y  se  ahorcaron  todos  ellos  y  ellos.  Las  cosas  que  pasaron 
en  estos  dias,  y  los  extremes  y  llantos  de  la  gente  son  muy  largas  y 
prolijas,  y  por  eso  no  se  diran  aqui. 


No.  X.]  APPENDIX.  507 

Oviedo,  Historia  General  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  46,  cap.  22. 

Cuando  el  Marques  Don  Francisco  Pizarro  tubo  preso  al  gran  Rey 
Atabaliva  le  aconsejaron  hombres  faltos  de  buen  entendimiento,  que  le 
matase,  6  el  obo  gana,  porque  como  se  vieron  cargados  de  oro  parecio- 
les  que  muerto  aquel  Sefior  lo  podian  poner  mas  a  su  salvo  en  Espana 
donde  quisiesen,  e  dejando  la  tierra,  y  que  asimismo  serian  mas  parte 
para  se  sustener  en  ella  sin  aquel  escrupuloso  impedimento,  que  no  con- 
servandose  la  vida  de  un  Principe  tan  grande,  e  tan  temido  e  acatado  de 
sus  naturales,  y  en  todas  aquellas  partes  ;  e  la  esperiencia  ha  mostrado 
cuan  mal  acordado  e  peor  fecho  fue  todo  lo  que  contra  Atabaliva  se  hizo 
despues  de  su  prision  en  le  quitar  la  vida,  con  la  cual  demas  de  deservirse 
Dios  quitaron  al  Emperador  nuestro  Senor,  e  a  los  mismos  Espanoles  que 
en  aquellas  partes  se  hallaron,  y  a  los  que  en  Espafia  quedaron,  que 
entonces  vivian  y  a  los  que  aora  viven  e  naceran  innumerables  tesoros, 
que  aquel  Principe  les  diera  ;  e  ninguno  de  sus  vasallos  se  mobiera  ni 
alterara  como  se  alteraroft  e  revelaron  en  faltando  su  Persona.  Notorio 
es  que  el  Gobernador  le  aseguro  la  vida,  y  sin  que  le  diese  tal  seguro  el 
se  le  tenia,  pues  ningun  Capitan  puede  disponer  sin  licencia  de  su  Rey 
y  Senor  de  la  Persona  del  Principe  que  tiene  preso,  cuyo  es  de  derecho, 
cuanto  mas  que  Atabaliva  dijo  al  Marques,  que  si  algun  Cristiano  mata- 
sen  los  Yndios,  6  le  hiciesen  el  menor  dano  del  mundo,  que  creyese  que 
por  su  mandado  lo  hacia,  y  que  cuando  eso  fuese  le  matase  6  hiciese  del 
lo  que  quisiese ;  e  que  tratandole  bien  el  le  chaparia  las  paredes  de 
plata,  €  le  allanaria  las  Sierras  e  los  montes,  6  le  daria  a  el,  e  a  los 
Cristianos  cuanto  oro  quisiesen,  e  que  desto  no  tubiese  duda  alguna  ;  y 
en  pago  de  sus  ofrecimientos  encendidas  pajas  se  las  ponian  en  los  pies 
ardiendo,  porque  digese  que  traicion  era  la  que  tenia  ordenada  contra  los 
Cristianos,  e  inventando  e  fabricando  contra  el  falsedades,  le  levantaron 
que  los  queria  matar,  e  todo  aquello  fue  rodeado  por  malos  e  por  la  inad- 
vertencia  6  mal  Consejo  del  Gobernador,  e  comenzaron  a  le  hacer  proceso 
mal  compuesto  y  peor  escrito,  seyendo  uno  de  los  Adalides  un  inquieto, 
desasosegado  e"  deshonesto  Clerigo,  y  un  Escribano  falto  de  conciencia, 
e  de  mala  habilidad,  y  otros  tales  que  en  la  maldad  concurrieron,  e  asi 
mal  fundado  el  libelo  se  concluyo  a  sabor  de  danados  paladares,  como  se 
dijo  en  el  Capitulo  catorce,  no  acordandose  que  les  habian  enchido  las 
casas  de  oro  e  plata,  e  le  habian  tornado  sus  mugeres  e  repartidolas  en 
su  presencia  e  usaban  de  ellas  en  sus  adulterios,  e  en  lo  que  les  placia  a 
aquellos  aquien  las  dieron  ;  y  como  les  parecio  a  los  culpados  que  tales 
ofensas  no  eran  de  olvidar,  e  que  merecian  que  el  Atabaliva  les  diese  la 
recompensa  como  sus  obras  eran,  asentoseles  en  el  animo  un  temor  e 


508  APPENDIX.  [No.  X. 

enemistad  con  el  entranable ;  e  por  salir  de  tal  cuidado  e  sospecha  le  or- 
denaron  la  muerte  por  aquello  que  el  no  hizo  ni  pens6  ;  y  de  ver  aquesto 
algunos  Espafioles  coraedidos  aquien  pesaba  que  tan  grande  deservicio 
se  hiciese  a  Dios  y  al  Emperador  nuestro  Senor ;  y  aunque  tan  grande  in- 
gratitud  se  perpetraba  e  tan  senalada  maldad  se  cometia  como  matar  a 
un  Principe  tan  grande  sin  culpa.  E  viendo  que  le  traian  a  colacion  sus 
delitos  e  crueldades  pasadas,  que  el  habia  usado  entre  sus  Yndios  y  ene- 
migos  en  el  tiempo  pasado,  de  lo  ciial  ninguno  era  Juez,  sino  Dios  ; 
queriendo  saber  la  verdad  e  por  excusar  tan  notorios  danos  como  se 
esperaban  que  habian  de  proceder  matando  aquel  Senor  se  ofrecieron 
cinco  hidalgos  de  ir  en  persona  a  saber  y  ver  si  venia  aquella  gente  de 
guerra  que  los*  falsos  inventores  e  sus  mentirosas  espias  publicaban,  a 
dar  en  los  Cristianos ;  en  fin  el  Gobernador  (que  tambien  se  puede  creer 
que  era  enganado)  lo  obo  por  bien  ;  e  fueron  el  Capitan  Hernando  de 
Soto,  el  Capitan  Rodrigo  Orgaiz,  e  Pedro  Ortiz,  e  Miguel  de  Estete,  e 
Lope  Velez  a  ver  esos  enemigos  que  decian  que  venian  ;  e  el  Goberna- 
dor les  did  una  Guia  6  Espia,  que  decia  que  sabia  donde  estaban ;  e  a  dos 
dias  de  camino  se  despeno  la  guia  de  un  risco,  que  lo  supo  rnuy  bien 
hacer  el  Diablo  para  que  el  dano  fuese  mayor ;  pero  aquellos  cinco  de 
caballo  que  he  dicho  pasaron  adelante  hasta  que  llegaron  al  lugar  dondo 
se  decian  que  habian  de.hallar  el  egercito  contrario,  e  no  hallaron  hom- 
bre  de  guerra,  ni  con  armas  algunas,  sino  todos  de  paz ;  e  aunque  no 
iban  sino  esos  pocos  cristianos  que  es  dicho  les  hicieron  mucha  fiesta  por 
donde  andubieron,  e  les  dieron  todo  lo  que  les  pidieron  de  lo  que  tenian 
para  ellos  e  sus  criados,  e  Yndios  de  servicio  que  llevaban  ;  por  manera 
que  viendo  que  era  burla,  e  muy  notoria  mentira  e  falsedad  palpable,  se 
tornaron  a  Cajamalca  donde  el  Gobernador  estaba  ;  el  cual  ya  habia 
fecho  morir  al  Principe  Atabaliva  se  que  la  historia  lo  ha  contado ;  e 
como  llegaron  al  Gobernador  hallaronle  mostrando  mucho  sentimiento 
con  un  gran  sombrero  de  fieltro  puesto  en  la  cabeza  por  luto  €  muy  cala- 
do  sobre  los  ojos,  e  le  digeron :  Senor,  muy  mal  lo  ha  fecho  V.  S»,  y  fuera 
justo  que  fueramos  atendidos  para  que  supierades  que  es  muy  gran  trai- 
cion  la  que  se  le  levanto  £  Atabaliva,  porque  ningun  hombre  de  guerra 
hay  en  el  Campo,  ni  le  hallamos,  sino  todo  de  paz,  e  muy  buen  tratami- 
ento  que  no  se  nos  hizo  en  todo  lo  que  habemos  andado.  El  Goberna- 
dor respondio  e  les  dijo  :  Ya  veo  que  me  han  enganado  :  desde  a  pocos 
dias  sabida  esta  verdad,  e  murmurandose  de  la  crueldad  que  con  aquel 
Principe  se  us6,  vinieron  a  malas  palabras  el  Gobernador  y  fray  Vicente 
d$  Valverde,  y  el  Tesorero  Riquelme,  e  a  cada  uno  de  ellos  decia  que  el 
otro  lo  habia  fecho,  e  se  desmintieron  unos  a  otros  muchas  veces,  oyendo 
muchos  su  rencilla. 


No.  XL]  APPENDIX.    ,  ,       509 


No.  XL  — See  Vol.  II.,  p.  35. 

CONTRACT  BETWEEN  PIZARRO  AND   ALMAGRO,  MS.;  DATED  AT  CUZCO, 
JUNE  12,  1535. 

[This  agreement  between  these  two  celebrated  captains, 
in  which  they  bind  themselves  by  solemn  oaths  to  the  ob- 
servance of  what  would  seem  to  be  required  by  the  most 
common  principles  of  honesty  and  honor,  is  too  character- 
istic of  the  men  and  the  times  to  be  omitted.  The  original 
exists  in  the  archives  at  Simancas.] 

Nos  Dn  Francisco  Pizarro,  Adelantado,  Capitan  General  y  Governador 
por  S.  M.  en  estos  Reynos  de  la  Nueva  Castilla,  e  Dn  Diego  de  Almagro, 
asimismo  Governador  por  S.  M.  en  la  provincia  de  Toledo,  decimos  : 
que  por  que  mediante  la  intima  amistad  y  compania  que  entre  nosotros 
con  tanto  amor  ha  permanecido,  y  queriendolo  Dios  Nuestro  Seiior  ha- 
cer,  ha  sido  parte  y  cabsa  que  el  Emperador  e  Rey  nuestro  Sefior  haya 
recevido  sefialados  servicios  con  la  conquista,  sujecion  6  poblacion  destas 
provincias  y  tierras,  e  atrayendo  a  la  conversion  y  camino  de  nuestra 
Santa  Fee  Catolica  tanta  muchedumbre  de  infieles,  e  confiando  S.  M.  que 
durante  nuestra  amistad  y  compania  su  real  patrimonio  sera  acrecentado, 
e  asi  por  tener  este  intento  como  por  los  servicios  pasados,  S.  M.  Catoli- 
ca tubo  por  bien  de  conceder  a  mi  el  dicho  Dn  Francisco  Pizarro  la  go- 
vernacion  de  estos  nuebos  Reynos,  y  a  mi  el  dicho  Dn  Diego  de  Almagro 
la  govern acion  de  la  provincia  de  Toledo,  de  las  quales  mercedes  que  de 
su  Real  liberalidad  hemos  recevido,  resulta  tan  nueba  obligacion,  que 
perpetuamente  nuestras  vidas  y  patrimonies,  y  de  los  que  de  nos  decen- 
dieren  en  su  Real  servicio  se  gasten  y  consuman,  y  para  que  esto  mas 
seguro  y  mejor  efecto  haya  y  la  confianza  de  S.  M.  por  nuestra  parte  no 
fallezca  Renunciando  la  Ley  que  cerca  de  los  tales  juramentos  dispone, 
prometemos  e  juramos  en  presencia  de  Dios  Nuestro  Seiior,  ante  cuyo 
acatamiento  estamos,  de  guardar  y  cumplir  bien  y  enteramente,  y  sin 
cabtela  ni  otro  entendimiento  algunO  lo  espresado  y  contenido  en  los  ca- 
pitulos  siguientes,  e  suplicamos  a  su  infinita  bondad  que  a  qualquier  de 
nos  que  fuere  en  contrario  de  lo  asi  convenido,  con  todo  rigor  de  justicia 
permita  la  perdicion  de  su  anima,  fin  y  mal  acavamiento  de  su  vida,  des- 
truicion  y  perdimiento  de  su  familia,  honrras  y  hacienda,  porque  como 
quebrantador  de  su  fee,  la  qual  el  uno  al  otro  y  el  otro  nos  damos,  y  no 
temerosos  de  su  acatamiento,  reciva  del  tal  justa  venganza  :  y  lo  que  por 
parte  de  cada  uno  de  nosotros  juramos  y  prometemos  es  lo  siguiente. 


510  APPENDIX.  [No.  XI. 

Primeramente  que  nuestra  amistad  e  compania  se  conserve  mantenga 
para  en  adelante  con  aquel  amor  y  voluntad  que  hasta  el  dia  presente 
entre  nosotros  ha  habido,  no  la  alterando  ni  quebrantando  per  algunos 
intereses,  cobdicias,  ni  ambicion  de  qualesquiera  honrras  e  oficios,  sino 
que  hermanablemente  entre  nosotros  se  comunique  e  seamos  parcioneros 
en  todo  el  bien  que  Dios  Nuestro  Sefior  nos  quiera  hacer. 

Otrosi,  decimos  so  cargo  del  juramento  e  promesa  que  hacemos,  que 
ninguno  de  nosotros  calumniara  ni  procurara  cosa  alguna  que  en  dano  o 
menos  cabo  de  su  honrra,  vida  y  hacienda  al  otro  pueda  subceder  ni 
venir,  ni  dello  sera  cabsa  por  vias  directas  ni  indirectas  por  si  propio  ni 
por  otra  persona  tacita  ni  espresamente  cabsandolo  ni  permitiendolo, 
antes  procurara  todo  bien  y  honrra  y  trabajara  de  se  lo  llegar  y  adquirir, 
y  evitando  todas-  perdidas  y  dafios  que  se  le  puedan  recrecer,  no  siendo 
de  la  otra  parte  avisado. 

Otrosi :  juramos  de  mantener,  guardar  y  cumplir  lo  que  entre  nosotros 
esta  capitulado,  a  lo  qual  al  presente  nos  referimos,  e  que  por  via,  causa 
ni  mafia  alguna  ninguno  de  nosotros  verna  en  contrario  ni  en  quevranta- 
miento  dello,  ni  hara  diligencia,  protestacion  ni  Reclamacion  alguna,  e  que 
si  alguna  oviere  fecha,  se  aparta  6  desiste  de  ella  e  la  renuncia  so  cargo 
del  dicho  juramento. 

Otrosi :  juramos  que  juntamente  ambos  a  dos,  y  no  el  uno  sin  el  otro, 
informaremos  y  escriviremos  a  S.  M.  las  cosas  que  segun  nuestro  pare- 
cer  mejor  a  su  Real  servicio  convengan,  suplicandole,  informandole  de 
todo  aquello  con  que  mas  su  catolica  conciencia  se  descargue,  y  estas 
provincias  y  Reynos  mas  y-  mejor  se  conserven  y  goviernen,  y  que  no 
habra  relacion  particular  por  ninguno  de  nosotros  hecha  en  fraude  £ 
cabtela  y  con  intento  de  dafiar  y  enpecer  al  otro,  procurando  para  si, 
posponiendo  el  servicio  de  Nuestro  Sefior  Dios  y  de  S.  M.,  y  en  que- 
brantamiento  de  jiuestra  amistad  y  compafiia,  y  asimismo  no  permitira 
que  sea  hecho  por  otra  qualquier  persona,  dicho  ni  comunicado,  ni  lo 
permita  ni  consienta,  sino  que  todo  se  haga  manifiestamente  entre  am- 
bos, porque  se  conozca  mejor  el  celo  que  de  servir  a  S.  M.  tenemos, 
pues  de  nuestra  amistad  e  compania  tanta  confianza  ha  mostrado. 

Yten :  juramos  que  todos  los  provechos  e  intereses  que  se  nos  recre- 
cieren  asi  de  los  que  yo  Dn  Francisco  Pizarro  oviere  y  adquiriere  en  esta 
governacion  por  qualquier  vias  y  cabsas,  como  los  otros  que  yo  D"  Die- 
go de  Almagro  he  de  haber  en  la  conquista  y  descubrimiento  que  en 
nombre  y  por  mandado  de  S.  M.  hago,  lo  traeremos  manifiestamente  a 
monton  y  collacion,  por  manera  que  la  compania  que  en  este  caso  tene- 
mos hecha  permanezca,  y  en  ella  no  haya  fraude,  cabtela  ni  engano  al- 
guno,  e  que  los  gastos  que  por  ambos  e  qualquier  de  nos  se  obieren  de 


No.  XII.]  APPENDIX.  511 

hacer  se  haga  moderada  y  discretamente  conforme,  y  proveyendo  a  la 
necesidad  que  se  ofreciere  evitando  lo  escesivo  y  superfluo  socorriendo  y 
proveyendo  a  lo  necesario. 

Todo  lo  qual  segun  en  la  forma  que  dicho  esta,  es  nuestra  voluntad 
de  lo  asi  guardar  y  cumplir  so  cargo  del  juramento  que  asi  tenemos 
fecho,  poniendo  a  Nuestro  Senor  Dios  por  juez  y  a  su  gloriosa  Madre 
Santa  Maria  con  todos  los  Santos  por  testigos,  y  por  que  sea  notorio  a 
todos  los  que  aqui  juramos  y  prometemos,  lo  firmamos  de  nuestros 
nombres,  siendo  presentes  por  testigos  el  Licenciado  Hernando  Caldera 
Teniente  General  de  Governador  en  estos  Reynos  por  el  dicho  Senor 
Governador,  e  Francisco  Pineda  Capellan  de  su  Seuoria,  e  Antonio 
Picado  su  Secretario,  e  Antonio  Tellez  de  Guzman  y  el  Doctor  Diego  de 
Loaisa,  el  qual  dicho  juramento  fue  fecho  en  la  gran  Cibdad  del  Cuzco 
en  la  casa  del  dicho  Governador  D"  Diego  Dalmagro,  estando  diciendo 
misa  el  Padre  Bartolome  de  Segovia  Clerigo,  despues  de  dicho  el  pater 
noster,  poniendo  los  dichos  Governadores  las  manos  derechas  encima  del 
Ara  consagrada  a  12  de  Junio  de  1535  afios.  —  Francisco  Pizarro.  —  El 
Adelantado  Diego  Dalmagro.  —  Testigos  el  Licenciado  Hernando  Calde- 
ra —  Antonio  Tellez  de  Guzman. 

Yo  Antonio  Picado  Escrivano  de  S.  M.  doy  fee  que  fui  testigo  y  me 
halle  presente  al  dicho  juramento  e  solenidad  fecho  por  los  dichos  Go- 
vernadores, y  yo  saque  este  traslado  del  original  que  queda  en  mi  poder 
como  secretario  del  Senor  Governador  D"  Francisco  Pizarro,  en  fee  de 
lo  qual  firme  aqui  nombre.  Fecho  en  la  gran  Cibdad  del  Cuzco  a  12 
dias  del  mes  de  Julio  de  1535  arios.  Antonio  Picado  Escribano  de 


No.  XII. -See  Vol.  II.,  p.  177. 

LETTER  FROM  THE  YOUNGER   ALMAGRO  TO   THE  ROYAL  AUDIENCE  OF 
PANAMA,  MS. ;  DATED  AT  LOS  REYES  [LIMA],  JULY  14,  1541. 

[This  document,  coming  from  Almagro  himself,  is  valua- 
ble as  exhibiting  the  best  apology  for  his  conduct,  and,  with 
due  allowance  for  the  writer's  position,  the  best  account  of 
his  proceedings.  The  original  —  which  was  transcribed  by 
Munoz  for  his  collection  —  is  preserved  in  the  archives  at 
Simancas.] 

Mui  magnificos  Senores,  —  Ya  Vs  Mrds.  havran  sabido  el  estado  en 
que  he  estado  despues  que  me"  desta  vida  el  Adelantado  Don  Diego  de 


512  APPENDIX.  [No.  XII. 

Almagro  mi  padre  que  Dios  tenga  en  el  Cielo,  i  como  qaede  debajo  de  la 
vara  del  Marques  Don  Francisco  Pizarro,  i  creo  yo  que  pues  son  notorias 
las  molestias  i  malos  tratamientos  que  me  hicieron  i  la  necesidad  en  que 
me  tenian  a  vn  rincon  de  mi  casa  sin  tener  otro  remedio  sino  el  de  S.  M.  a 
quien  ocurri  que  me  lo  diese  como  Senor  agradecido  de  quien  yo  lo  espe- 
rava  pagando  los  servicios  tan  grandes  que  mi  padre  le  hizo  de  tan  gran 
ganancia  e  acrecentamiento  para  su  Real  Corona,  no  hay  necesidad  de 
contarlas,  i  por  eso  no  las  contare*,  i  dejare  lo  pasado  i  vendre  a  dar  a 
Vs  Mrds.  cuenta  de  lo  presente,  e  dire  que  aunque  me  llegava  al  alma 
verme  tan  afligido,  acordandome  del  mandamiento  que  mi  padre  me  dejo 
que  amase  el  servicio  de  S.  M.  i  questava  en  poder  de  mis  enemigos  ; 
sufria  mas  de  lo  que  mi  juicio  bastava,  en  especial  ser  cada  dia  quien  a 
mi  padre  quito  la  vida,  i  havian  escurecido  sus  servicios  por  manera  que 
del  ni  de  mi  no  havia  memoria ;  i  como  la  Enemistad  quel  Marques  me 
tenia  e  a  todos  mis  amigos  e  criados  fuese  tan  cruel  i  mortal,  i  sobre  mi 
sucediese,  quiso  efetualla  por  la  medida  con  que  la  uso  con  mi  padre, 
estando  siguro  en  mi  casa,  gimiendo  mi  necesidad,  esperando  el  remedio  i 
Mercedes  que  de  S.  M.  era  razon  que  yo  alcanzase,  mui  confiado  de  go- 
zarlas,  haciendo  a  S.  M.  servicios  como  yo  lo  deseo  ;  fui  informado  quel 
Marques  trataba  mi  prendimiento  i  fin,  determinado  que  no  quedase  en  el 
mundo  quien  la  muerte  de  mi  padre  le  pidiese,  y  acordandome  que  para 
darsela  hallaron  testigos  a  su  voluntad,  asi  mismo  los  hallaron  para  mi, 
por  manera  que  padre  i  hijo  fueran  por  vn  juicio  juzgados.  Por  no  de- 
jar  mi  vida  en  alvedrio  tan  diabolico  i  desatinado,  temiendo  la  muerte, 
determinado  de  morir  defendiendo  mi  vida  i  honra,  con  los  criados  de  mi 
padre  i  amigos,  acerde  de  entrar  en  su  casa  i  prenderle  para  escusar 
may  ores  danos,  pues  el  Juez  de  S.  M.  ya  venia  i  a  cada  uno  hiciera 
justicia,  i  el  Marques  como  persona  culpada  en  la  defensa  de  su  prision 
€  persona  armada  para  ello  hizo  tanto  que  por  desdicha  suya  fue  herido 
de  vna  herida  de  que  murio  luego,  i  puesto  que  como  hijo  de  padre  a 
quien  el  havia  muerto  lo  podia  recibir  por  venganza,  me  peso  tan  estra- 
fiamente  que  todos  conocieron  en  mi  mui  gran  diferencia,  i  por  ver  que 
estava  tan  poderoso  i  acatado  como  era  razon  no  hovo  hombre  viendolo 
en  mitad  del  dia  que  echase  mano  a  espada  para  ayuda  suya  ni  despues 
hay  hombre  que  por  el  responda :  parece  que  se  hizo  por  juicio  de  Dios  i 
por  su  voluntad,  porque  mi  deseo  no  era  tan  largo  que  se  estendiese  a 
mas  de  conservar  mi  vida  en  tanto  aquel  juez  llegava  ;  e  como  vi  el 
hecho  procure  antes  que  la  cosa%mas  se  encendiese  en  el  pueblo  i  que 
cesasen  esecucion  de  prisiones  de  personas  que  ambas  opiniones  havian 
siguido  questaban  afrontadas,  i  cesasen  crueldades,  e  huviese  justicia 
que  lo  estorvase  €  castigase,  e  se  tomase  cabeza  que  en  nombre  de  S.  M. 


No.  XII.]  APPENDIX.  513 

hiciese  justicia  e  governase  la  tierra,  pareciendo  a  la  republica  e  comuni- 
dad  de  su  Cibdad  e  oficiales  de  S.  M.  que  por  los  servicios  de  mi  padre  6 
por  haver  el  descubierto  e  ganado  esta  tierra  me  pertenecia  mas  justa- 
mente  que  a  otro  la  governacion  della,  me  pidieron  por  Governador  i 
dentro  de  dos  horas  consul tado  e  negociado  con  el  Cabildo,  fui  recibido 
en  amor  i  conformidad  de  toda  la  republica :  Asi  quedo  todo  en  paz  i  tan 
asentados  i  serenos  los  animos  de  todos,  que  no  hovo  mudanza,  i  todo 
esta  pacifico,  i  los  pueblos  en  la  misma  conformidad  i  justicia  que  han 
estado,  i  con  el  ayuda  de  Dios  se  asentara  cada  dia  la  paz  tan  bien  que 
de  todos  sea  obedecida  por  senora,  i  S.  M.  sera  tambien  servido  como  es 
razon,  como  se  deve  :  porque  acabadas  son  las  opiniones  e  parcialidades, 
e  yo  e  todos  pretendemos  la  poblacion  de  la  tierra  i  el  descubrimiento 
della,  porque  los  tiempos  pasados  que  se  han  gastado  tan  mal  con  albo- 
rotos  que  se  han  ofrecido,  e  descuidos  que  ha  habido,  agora  se  ganen  6 
se  alcancen  i  cobren,  i  con  este  presupuesto  esten  Vs  Mrcds.  ciertos  que 
esta  el  Peru  en  Sosiego,  i  que  las  riquezas  se'descubriran  e  iran  a  poder 
de  S.  M.  mas  acrecentadas  i  multiplicaflas  que  hasta  aqui,  ni  havra  mas 
pasion  ni  moviiniento  sino  toda  quietud,  amando  el  servicio  de  S.  M.  i 
BU  obidiencia,  aprovechando  sus  Reales  rentas  :  Suplico  a  Vs  Mrds.  pues 
el  caso  parece  que  lo  hizo  Dios  i  no  los  hombres,  ni  yo  lo  quise  asi 
como  Dios  lo  hizo  por  su  juicio  secreto,  e  como  tengo  dicho  la  tierra 
esta  sosegada,xi  todos  en  paz ;  Vs  Mrds.  por  el  presente  manden  sus- 
pender qualquiera  novedad,  pues  la  tierra  se  conservara  como  esta,  e  sera 
S.  M.  mui  servido  ;  e  despues  que  toda  la  gente  que  no  tienen  vecin- 
dades  1as  tengan,  e  otros  vayan  a  poblar  e  descubrir,  podran  prpveer  lo 
que  conviniere,  i  es  tiempo  que  la  tierra  Espaiioles  i  naturales  no  reciban. 
mas  alteration,  pues  no  pretenden  sino  sosiego  i 'quietud,  i  poblar  la  tier- 
ra i  servir  a  S.  M.  porque  con  este  deseo  todos  estamos  i  estaremos,  i  de 
otra  mane^a  crean  Vs  Mrds.  que  de  nuevo  la  tierra  se  rebuelve  e  inqui- 
eta,  porque  de  las  cosas  pasadas  vnos  i  otros  han  pretendido  cada  vno  su 
fin,  e  sino  descansan  de  los  trabajos  que  .han  padecido  con  tantas  £erse- 
cuciones  de  buena  ni  de  mala  perdiendose  no  terna  S.  M.  della  cuenta,  £ 
los  naturales  se  destruirian  e  no  asentaran  en  sus  casas  e  pereceran  mas 
de  los  que  han  perecido ;  e  conservar  estos  e  conservar  la  tierra  i  los 
vecinos  i  moradores  della  todo  es  vno  ;  i  pues  en  tanta  conformidad  yo 
tengo  la  tierra  e  con  voluntad  de  todos  fui  eligido  por  Governador,  por- 
que mas  obidiencia  haya,  e  la  justicia  mas  acatada  sea,  i  entiendan  que 
me  han  de  acatar  i  obedecer  en  tanto  que  S.  M.  otra  cosa  manda,  porque 
de  lo  pasado  yo  le  embio  aviso ;  Suplico  a  Vs  Mrds.  manden  despachar 
desa  Audiencia  Real  vna  cedula  para  que  todos  me  obedezcan  i  tengan 
por  Governador,  porque  asi  mas  sosegados  ternan  todos  los  animos  i  mas 
VOL.  II.  65 


514 


APPENDIX.  [No.  XIII. 


i  mejor  se  hara  el  servicio  de  S.  M.  i  terna  mas  paz  la  tierra,  e  confun- 
dirse  ban  las  voluntades  que  se  quisieren  levantar  contra  esto  ;  e  sino  lo 
mandasen  Vs  Mrds.  proveer  en  tanto  que  S.  M.  declara  su  Real  Volun- 
tad,  podria  ser  que  por  parte  de  alguna  gente  que  por  aca  nunca  faltan 
mas  amigos  de  pasiones  que  de  razon,  que  se  levantase  algun  escandalo 
de  que  Dios  i  S.  M.  fuesen  mas  deservidos :  Nuestro  Senor  las  mui 
magnificas  personas  de  Vs  Mrds.  guarde  tan  prosperamente  como  de- 
seah:  destos  Reyes  a  14  de  julio  de  1541  afios.  Beso  las  manos  de 
V"  Mrds.,  Don  Diego  de  Almagro. 


No.  Xm.  — See  Vol.  II.,  p.  220. 

•  Ovr  '>-•  :-)..fc.'jrf.'i.  ^ 

»•  . .    v  ^ 

LETTER  FROM  THE  MUNICIPALITY  OF  AREQUIPA  TO  THE  EMPEROR 
CHARLES  THE  FIFTH,  MS.;  DATED  AT  SAN  JUAN  DE  LA  FRONTERA, 
SEPT.  1A,  1542. 

[The  stout  burghers  of  Arequipa  gave  efficient  aid  to  the 
royal  governor,  in  his  contest  .with  the  younger  Almagro  ; 
and  their  letter,  signed  by  the  municipality,  forms  one  of  the 
nuDst  authentic  documents  for  a  history  of  this  civil  war. 
The  -original  is  in  the  archives  at  Simancas.] 

S.  C.  C.  M.  —  Aunque  de  otros  muchos  terna  V.  M.  aviso  de  la 
vitoria  que  en  ventura  de  V.  M.  i  buena  deligencia  i  animo  del  Governa- 
dor Vaca  de  Castro  se  ovo  del  tirano  t)on  Diego  de  Ahnagro  e  sus  se- 
cazes,  nosotros  el  Cabildo  i  vecino  de  Arequipa  le  queremos  tambien  dar, 
porque  como  quien  se  hallo  en  el  peligro,  podremos  con  tar  de  la  verdad 
como  pasfc 

Desde  Xauxa  hicimos  relacion  a  V.  M.  de  todo  lo  sucedido  hasta  en- 
tonses,  i  de  los  preparamientos  qucl  Governador  tenia  proveidos  para  la 
guerra  de  alii.  Salio  con  toda  la  gente  en  orden  i  se  vino  a  esta  Cibdad 
de  San  Joan  de  la  Frontera,  donde  tuvimos  nuevas  como  el  traidor  de  Don 
Diego  de  Almagro  estava  en  la  provincia  de  Bilcas,  que  es  onze  leguas 
desta  Cibdad,  que  venia  determinado  con  su  dafiada  intencion  a  darnos  la 
batalla.  En  este  comedio  vino  Lope  Diaquez  del  real  de  los  traidores, 
i  dio  al  Gove'rnador  una  carta  de  Don  Diego^  i  otra  de  doze  Capitanes 
mui  desvergonzados  de  fieros  i  amenazas,  i  el  Governador  con  zelo  de 
que  no  oviese  tantas  muertes  entre  los  vasallos  de-V.  M.  como  siempre 


No.  XIII.]  APPENDIX. 

fue  su  intento  de  ganar  el  juego  por  mafia,  acordo  de  tornarles  a  enbiar 
al  dicho  Lope  Ydiaquez  i  a  Diego  de  Mercado  Fator  de  la  nueva  Toledo, 
para  ver  si  los  podian  reducir  i  atraer  al  servicio  de  V.  M.  i  fueron  tan 
mal  rescibidos  que  quando  escaparon  con  las  vidas  se  tuvieron  por  bien 
librados.  La  respuesta  que  les  dieron  fue  que  no  querian  obedecer  las 
provisiones  reales  de  V.  M.  sino  darle  la  batalla,  i  luego  alzaron  su  Real 
i  caminaron  para  nosotros.  Visto  esto  el  Governador  saco  su  Real  deste 
pueblo  i  camino  contra  ellos  dos  leguas,  donde  supo,  que  los  traidores 
estavan  a  tres,  en  un  asiento  fuerte  i  comodo  para  su  artilleria.  El  go~ 
vernador  acordo  de  los  guardar  alii,  donde  le  tomo  la  voz,  porque  era 
llano  i  lugar  fuerte  al  nuestro  proposito.  Como  esto  vieron  los  traidores, 
sabado  que  se  contaron  diez  i  seis  de  setiembre,  se  levantaron  de  donde 
estavan,  i  caminaron  por  lo  alto  de  la  sierra  i  vinieron  una  legua  de  nos- 
otros, i  sus  corredores  vinieron  a  ver  nuestro  asiento.  Luego  el  Go- 
vernador provio  que  por  una  media  loma  fuese  un  Capitan  con  cinquen- 
ta  arcabuceros,  i  otro  con  cinquenta  lanzas  a  tomar  lo  alto,  i'sucedio 
tambien  que  sin  ningun  riesgo  se  tomo,  i  luego  todo  el  exercito  de  V.  M. 
lo  subio.  Visto  esto,  los  enemigos  que  estarian  tres  quartos  de  legua, 
procuraron  de  buscar  campo  cfonde  nos  dar  la  batalla,  i  asi  le  tomaron  i 
su  proposito  i  asentaron  su  artilleria  i  concertaron  sus  esquadrones,  que 
eran  ducientos  i  treinta  de  cavallo,  en  que  venian  cinquenta  hdmbres  de 
armas:  la  infanteria  eran  ducientos  arcabuzeros- i  ciento  i  cinquenta  pi- 
qiieros,  todos  tan  lucidos  e  bien  armados,  que  de  Milan  no  pudieran  salir 
mejor  aderezados  :  el  artilleria  eran  seis  medias  culebrinas  de  diez  a 
doze  pies  de  largo,  que  echavan  de  bateria  una  naranja :  tenian  mas 
otros  seis  tiros  medianos  todos  de  fruslera,  tan  bien  aderezados  i  con 
tanta  municion,  que  mas  parecia  artilleria  de  Ytalia  que  no  de  Yndias. 
El  Governador  vista  su  desverguenza,  la  gente  mui  en  orden,  despues 
de  haver  hecho  los  razonamientos  que  convenian,  diciendouos  que  viese- 
mos  la  desverguenza  que  los  traidores  tenian  i  el  gran  desacato  a  la 
corona  Real,  camino  a  ellos,  i  llegando  a  tiro  donde  su  artilleria  podia 
alcanzar,  jugo  luego  en  nosotros,  que  la  nuestra  por  ser  mui  pequefia  e 
ir  caminando,  no-  nos  podimos,  aprovechar  della'  de  ninguna  cosa,  i  asi  la 
dexamos  por  popa  :  matarnos  hian  antes  que  llegasemos  a  romper  con 
ellos  mas  de  30  hombres,  i  siempre  con  este  dano  que  rescebiamos, 
caminamos  hasta  nos  poner  a  tiro  de  arcabuz,  donde  de  una  parte  i  de 
otra  jugaron  i  se  hizo  de  a  mas  partes  arto  dano,  i  lo  mas  presto  que  nos 
fue  posible  porque  su  artilleria  aun  nos/ecbava  algunas  pelotas  en  nues- 
tros  esquadrones,  cerramos  con  ellos,  donde  duro  la  battalia  de  lanzas, 
porras  i  espadas  mas  de  una.  grande  hora ; .  fue  tan  reilida  i  porfiada  que 
despues  de  la  de  Rebena  no  se  ha  visto  entre  tan  poca  gente  mas  cruel 


516  APPENDIX.  [No.  XIII 

batalla,  donde  bermanos  a  hermanos,  ni  deudos  a  deudos,  ni  amigos  a 
amigos  no  se  davan  vida  uno  a  otro.  Finalmente  como  llevasemos  la 
justicia  de  nuestra  parte,  nuestro  Senor  en  ventura  de  V.  M.  nos  dio  vi- 
toria,  i  en  el  denuedo  con  que  acometio  el  Governador  Baca  de  Castro  el 
qual  estava  sobresaliente  con  treinta  de  cavallo,  armado  en  bianco  con 
una  ropilla  de  brocado  sobre  las  armas  con  su  encomienda  descubierta  en 
los  pechos,  contra  el  qual  estavan  conjurados  muchos  de  los  traidores, 
pero  el  cemo  cavallero  se  les  mostro  i  defendio  tan  bien,  que  para  hombre 
de  su  *edad  i  profesion,  estamos  espantados  de  lo  que  hizo  i  trabajo,  i 
como  rompio  con  sus  sobresalientes,  luego  desampararon  el  campo  i 
conseguimos  gloriosa  vitoria,  la  qual  estuvo  harto  dudosa,  porque  si  era- 
mos  en  numero  ciento  mas  que  ellos,  en  escqger  el  campo  i  artilleria  i 
hombres  de  armas  i  arcabuzes,  nos  tenian  doblada  ventaja.  Fue  bien 
sangrienta  de  entramas  partes,  i  si  la  noche  no  cerrara  tan  presto,  V.  M. 
quedara  bien  satisfecho  destos  traidores,  pero  lo  que  no  se  pudo  entonses 
hacer,  ahora  el  Governador  lo  hace,  desquartizando  cada  dia  a  los  que  se 
eacaparon :  murieron  en  la  batalla  de  los  nuestros  el  capitan  Per  Alvarez 
Holguin  i  otros  sesenta  cavalleros  i  Hidalgos  ;  i  estan  eridos  de  muerte 
Gomez  de  Tordoya  i  el  Capitan  Peranzures  i  otros  mas  de  ciento.  De 
los  traidores  murieron  ciento  e  cinquenta,  i  mas  de  otros  tantos  eridos ; 
presos  estan  mas  de  ciento  i  cinquenta :  Don  Diego  i  otros  tres  capitanes 
se  escaparon  :  cada  ora  se  traen  presos,  esperamos  que  un  dia  se  habra 
Don. Diego  a  las  manps,  porque  los  Yndios  como  villanos  de  Ytalia  los 
matan  i  traen  presos.  V.  M.  tenga  esta  vitoria  en  gran  servicio,  porque 
puede  creer  que  agnora  se  acabo  de  ganar  esta  tierra  i  ponerla  debaxX)  del 
cetro  Real  de  V.  M.  i  que  esta  ha  sido  verdadera  conquista  i  pacification 
'della,  i  asi  es  justo  que  V.  M.  como  gratisimo  Principe  gratifique  i  haga 
mercedes  a-  los  que  se  la  dieron ;  i  al  Governador  Baca  de  Castro  per- 
petuarle  en  ella  en  entramas  governaciones  no  dividiendo  nada  dellas 
porque  no  hai  otra  batalla,  i  £  los  soldados  i  vecinos  que  en  ella  se  ha- 
llaron,  remunerarles  sus  trabajos  i  perdidas,  que  ban  rescibido  por  reducir 
estos  Reinos  a  la  Corona  Real  de  V.  M.  i  mandando  castigar  a  los  vecinos 
que  oyendo  la  voz  Real  de  V.  M.  se  quedaron  en  sus  casas  grange- 
ando  sus  repartimientos  i  haciendas,  porque  gran  sin  justicia  seria,  Sacra 
M.  que  bolviendo  nosotros  a  nuestras  easas  pobres  i  mancos  de  guerra 
de  mas  de  un  afio,  hallasemos  a  los  que  se  quedaron  sanos  i  salvos  i 
rieos,  i  que  a  ellos  no  se  les  diese  pena  ni  a  nosotros  premio  ni  galardon, 
i  esto  seria  ocasion  para  que  si  otra  vez  oviese  otra  rebelion  en  esta 
tierra  6  en  otra,  no  acudieserr  al  servicio  de  X7".  M.  como  seria  razon  i 
eomos  obligados.  Todos  tenemos  por  cierto,  quel  Governador  Baca  de 
Castro  lo  hara  asi,  i  que  en  nombre  de  T  M.  a  los  que  le  han  servido 


No.  XIV.]  APPENDIX.  517 

hara  mercedes,  i  a  los  que  no  acudieron  a  servir  a  V.  M.  castigara. 
S.  C.  C.  M.  Dios  todo  poderoso  acreciente  la  vida  de  V.  M.  dandole 
vitoria  contra  sus  enemigos,  porque  sea  acrescentada  su  santa  fee,  amen 
De  San  Joan  de  la  Frontera  a  24  de  septiembre  de  1542  anos.  —  Besan 
las  manos  i  pies  de  V.  M.  sus  leales  Vasallos,— -  Hernando  de  Silva, — 
Pedro  Picarro, —  Lucas  Martinez, — Gomez  de  Leon,  —  Hernando  de 
Torre,  —  Lope  de  Alarcon,  —  Juan  de  Arves, — Juan  Flores, — Juan 
Ramirez,  —  Alonso  Buelte, — Melchior  de  Cervantes,  —  Martin  Lor 
pez,  — Juan  Crespo,  —  Francisco  Pinto,  —  Alonso  Rodriguez  Picado. 


No.  XIV. —  See  Vol.  II.,  p.  433. 

PROCESS   CONTAINING  THE   SENTENCE  OF  DEATH   PASSEp  ON   GONZALO 
PIZARRO,  AT  XAQUIXAGUANA,  APRIL  9,  1548.  -p  $•'•% 

[This  instrument  is  taken  from  the  original  manuscript  of 
Zarate's  Chronicle,  which  is  still  preserved  at  Simancas. 
Munoz  has  made  several  extracts  from  this  MS.,  showing 
that  Zarate's  history,  in  its  printed  form,  underwent  con- 
siderable alteration,  both  in  regard  to  its  facts,  and  the  style 
of  its  execution.  The  printed  copy  is  prepared  with  more 
consideration  ;  various  circumstances,  too  frankly  detailed  in 
the  original,  are  suppressed  ;  and  the  style  and  disposition  of 
the  work  show  altogether  a  more  fastidious  and  practised 
hand.  These  circumstances  have  led  Munoz  to  suppose 
that  the  Chronicle  was  submitted  to  the  revision  of  some 
more  experienced  writer,  before  its  publication ;  and  a  cor- 
respondence which  the  critic  afterwards  found  in  the  Escu- 
rial,  between  Zarate  and  Florian  d'  Ocampo,  leads  to  the 
inference  that  the  latter  historian  did  this  kind  office  for 
the  former.  But  whatever  the  published  work  may  have 
gained  as  a  literary  composition,  as  a  book  of  reference  and 
authority  it  falls  behind  its  predecessor,  which  seems  to  have 
come  without  much  premeditation  from  the  author,  or,  at 
least,  without  much  calculation  of  consequences.  Indeed, 


518  APPENDIX.  [No.  XIV. 

its  obvious  value  for  historical  uses  led  Munoz,  in  a  note 
indorsed  on  the  fragments,  to  intimate  his  purpose  of  copy- 
ing the  whole  manuscript  at  some  future  time.] 

Vista  e  entendida  por  Nos  el  Mariscal  Francisco  de  Albarado,  Maestre 
de  Campo  deste  Real  exercito,  el  Licenciado  Andres  de  Cianca,  Oidor  de 
S.  M.  destos  Reinos,  e  subdelegados  por  el  mui  Ilustre  Senor  el  Licen- 
ciado Pedro  de  la  Gazca  del  Consejo  de  S.  M.  de  la  Santa  Inquisicion, 
Presidente  destos  Reinos  6  provincias  del  Peru,  para  lo  infra  escripto  la 
notoriedad  de  los  muchos  graves  e  atroces  delitos  que  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
ha.  cometido  e  consentido  coraeter  a  los  que  le  han  seguido,  despues  que 
a  estos  Reinos  ha  venido  el  Visorrey  Blasco  NuSez  Vela,  en  deservicio 
e  desacato  de  S.  M.  e  de  su  preminencia  €  corona  Real,  e  contra  la 
natural  obligacion  6  fidelidad  que  como  su  vasallo  tenia  e  devia  a  su 
Rei  e  senor  natural  e  de  personas  particulares,  los  quales  por  ser  tan 
notorios  del  dicho  no  se  requiere  orden  ni  tela  de  juicio,  mayormente 
que  muchos  de  los  dichos  delitos  consta  por  confesion  del  dicho  Gon- 
zalo Pizarro  €  la  notoriedad  por  la  informacion  que  se  ha  tornado,  e  que 
combiene  para  la  pacificacion  destos  Reinos  e  exemplo  con  brevedad 
hacer  justicia  del  dicho  Gonzalo  Pizarro. 

Fallamos  atento  lo  susodicho  junta  la  dispusicion  del  derecho,  qu« 
devemos  declarar  e  declaramos  el  dicho  Gonzalo  Pizarro  haver  cometido 
crimen  laesae  Majestatis  contra  la  corona  Real  Despana  en  todos  los 
grades  e  causas  en  derecho  contenidas  despues  que  a  estos  Reinos  vino 
el  Virrey  Blasco  Nunez  Vela,  e  asi  le  declaramos  e  condenamos  al 
dicho  Gonzalo  Pizarro  por  traidor,  e  haver  incurrido  el  e  sus  descen- 
dientes  nacidos  aespues  quel  cometio  este  dicho  crimen  e  traicion  los 
por  linea  masculina  hasta  la  segunda  generacion,  e  por  la  femenina  hasta 
la  primera,  en  la  infamia  e  inabilidad  e  inabilidades,  e  como  a  tal  con- 
denamos al  dicho  Gonzalo  Pizarro  en  pena  de  muerte  natural,  la  qual  le 
mandamos  que  sea  dada  en  la  forma  siguiente :  que  sea  sacado  de  la 
prision  en  questa  cavallero  en  una  mura  de  silla  atados  pies  e  manos  e 
traido  publicamente  por  este  Real  de  S.  M.  con  voz  de  pregonero  que 
manifieste  su  delito,  sea  llevado  al  tablado  que  por  nuestro  mandado 
esta  fecho  en  este  Real,  e  alii  sea  apeado  e  cortada  la  cabeza  por  el 
pescueso,  e  despues  de  muerta  naturalmente,  mandamos  que  la  dicha 
cabeza  sea  llevada  a  la  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes  como  ciudad  mas  principal 
destos  Reinos,  e  sea  puesta  e  clavada  en  el  rollo  de  la  dicha  Ciudad  con 
un  retulo  de  letra  gruesa  que  diga,  Esta  es  la  cabeza  del  traidor  de 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  que  se  hizo  justicia  del  en  el  valle  de  Aquixaguan, 
donde  did  la  batalla  campal  contra  el  estandarte  Real  queriendo  defender 


;. 

No    XIV.]  APPENDIX.  519 

su  traicion  e  tirania ;  ninguno  sea  osado  de  la  quitar  de  aqui  so  pena  de 
muerte  natural :  e  mandamos  que  las  casas  quel  dicho  Pizarro  tiene  en 

la  Cibdad  del  Cuzco scan  derribadas  por  los  cimientos  e  aradas 

de  sal,  e  a  donde  agora  es  la  puerta  sea  puesto  un  letrero  en  un  pilar 
que  diga  :  Estas  casas  eran  de  Gonzalo  Pizarro  las  quales  fueron  man- 
dadas  derrocar  por  traidor,  e  ninguna  persona  sea  osado  dellas  tornar  a 
hacer  i  edificar  sin  licencia  expresa  de  S.  M.  so  pena  de  muerte  natu- 
ral :  e  condenamosle  mas  en  perdimiento  de  todos  sus  bienes  de  qualquier 
calidad  que  scan  e  le  pertenezcan,  los  quales  aplicamos  a  la  Camara  e 
Fisco  de  S.  M.  e  en  todas  las  otras  penas  que  contra  los  tales  estan 
instituidas :  e  por  esta  nuestra  sentencia  definitiva  juzgamos  e  asi  lo 
pronunciamos  6  mandamos  en  estos  escritos  e  por  ellos.  —  Alonso  de 
Albarado  ;  el  Licd°  Cianca. 


I  > 


INDEX. 


VOL.    II. 


INDEX. 


A. 

ABANCAY,  river  of,  battle  with  Pe- 
ruvians at,  i.  507.  Battle  between 
Almagro  and  Alvarado  on,  n.  97. 
Passage  of,  by  Gasca,  404. 

Aborigines  of  North  and  South 
America,  n.  245. 

Acosta,  i.  82,  note,  108,  note. 

Adelantado,  title  of,  given  to  Pizar- 
ro,  i.  305.  Relinquished  by  him 
to  Almagro,  317. 

Adultery,  punished  with  death  by 
Peruvian  laws,  i.  44,  note. 

Adventure,  impulse  given  to,  by  im- 
provements in  navigation,  i.  187. 
Romantic  character  of,  in  the  New 
World,  190.  Perils  attendant  on, 
191 .  On  ijie  northern  and  southern 
continents  of  America,  192, 193. 

Agave  Americana,  i.  140. 

Agrarian  law  perfectly  carried  out 
in  Peru,  i.  49. 

Agricultural^ products,  great  variety 
of,  in  Peru,  i.  138.  Introduced 
into  that  country,  142,  note. 

Agriculture,  importance  and  excel- 
lence of  Peruvian,  i.  130-138. 
Supervised  by  the  Inca  himself, 
131.  In  the  valleys,  132,  364, 390, 
513.  On  sides  of  the  sierra,  133, 
134,446. 

Aldana,  Lorenzo  de,  11.  358.  Sent 
on  a  mission  to  Spain  by  Gonzalo 
Pizarro,  359.  Takes  sides  with 
Gasca,  361.  Despatched  by  him 


to  Lima,  365.     His  proceedings 
there,  376. 

Almagrian  faction,  proceedings  of, 
ii.  201.  Driven  from  Cuzco,  202. 
At  Lima,  205. 

Almagro,  town  of,  i.  207. 

Almagro,  Diego  de,  i.  207.  His 
agreement  with  Pizarro  and  Lu- 
que,  209.  Makes  preparations  for 
a  voyage,  210.  Sails  from  Pana- 
ma, 226.  Loses  an  eye  at  Pueblo 
Quemado,  227.  Meets  Pizarro  at 
Chicama,  228.  Returns  to  Pana- 
ma, 229.  Has  a  difficulty  with 
Pedrarias,  230,  232.  His  inter 
view  with  him,.  233,  note,  Appen- 
dix, No.  V.  His-  contract  with 
Pizarro  and  Luque,  235,  Appen- 
dix, No.  VI.  Unable  to  sign  his 
name,  237.  Sails  with  Pizarro, 
241.  Is  sent  back  for  reinforce- 
ments, 242.  Rejoins  Pizarro,  249. 
Sails  with  him  along  the  coast, 
252.  Quarrels  with  him,  255. 
Returns  to  Panama  for  recruits, 
256.  Ill  received  there,  260.. 
Sends  a  letter  to  Pizarro,  262. 
Exerts  himself  in  his  behalf,  268. 
Urges  his  mission  to  Spain,  292. 
Honors  granted  by  the  Crown  to, 
306.  Pizarro's  neglect  of  the  in- 
terests of,  308.  His  dissatisfaction 
with  him,  315.  Frank  and  gen- 
erous temper  of,  208,  292,  316. 
Hernando  Pizarro's  jealousy  of, 
316,  465,  466.  Remains  at  Pan- 


524 


INDEX. 


ama,  to  send  supplies  to  Pizar- 
ro,  318.  Joins  him  in  Peru,  459. 
Cordially  received  by  him,  461. 
Receives  no  share  of  the  Inca's 
ransom,  472.  Urges  Atahuallpa's 
death,  479,  494.  Felipillo  hanged 
by,  497,  note.  Detached  to  aid 
D.e  Soto,  509.  Sent  against  Quiz- 
quiz,  ii.  9.  Follows  Benalcazar 
to  Quito,  17.  Negotiates  with  Pe- 
dro, de  Alvarado,  18.  Goes  to 
Cuzco,  25.  Powers  conferred  on, 
by  the  Crown,  28.  His  elation, 
31.  His  difficulties  with  the  Pi- 
zarros,  34.  Enters  into  a  solemn 
compact  with  Francis,  35,  Ap- 
pendix, No.  XI.  Sets  out  for 
Chili,  36.  Difficulties  of  his 
march,  84,  85.  Traverses  the 
desert  of  Atacama,  89.  Claims  ju- 
risdiction over  Cuzco,  91.  Seizes 
the  city,  93.  Takes  Gonzalo  and 
Hernando  Pizarro  prisoners,  94. 
Refuses  to  put  them  to  death,  95, 
101, 102.  Battle  of  Abancay,  97. 
Leaves  Cuzco,  102.  Has  an  in- 
terview with  Pizarro,  104.  Makes 
a  treaty  with  him,  106.  Retreats 
toward  Cuzco,  109.  His  illness, 
110, 118, 122.  Pursued  by  Hernan- 
do Pizarro,  110.  Battle  of  Las  Sa- 
linas, 115-118.  Taken  prisoner, 
119.  Brought  to  trial  by  Herrian- 
do  Pizarro,  123.  Condemned  to 
death,  124.  Begs  for  his  life,  125. 
Is  executed  in  prison,  127.  His 
character,  128  - 130. 
Almagro,  the  younger,  his  birth  and 
character,  n.  88, 177,  239.  Named 
his  successor  by  his  father,  126, 
Pizarro's  treatment  of,  133.  Pro- 
claimed governor  of  Peru,  186. 
Seizes  the  money  of  the  Crown, 
205.  His  reluctance  to  hostilities 
with  the  governor,  208.  His  diffi- 
culties with  his  followers,  210. 
Attempts  to  negotiate  with  Vaca 
de  Castro,  213.  Addresses  his 


froops,  214.  Leaves  Cuzco,  216. 
Rejects  the  governor's  terms,  223. 
Battle  of  Chupas,  228  -  234.  His 
bravery,  232, 234:  Taken  prisoner, 
236.  Executed,  238.  His  Letter 
to  Royal  Audience,  Appendix, 
No  XII 

Alpacas.     See  Sheep,  Peruvian. 

Alva,  Duke  of,  n.  335,  note. 

Alvarado,  Alonso  de,  n.  22.  Sent 
to  the  relief  of  Cuzco,  93.  At 
Xauxa,  95.  Highly  trusted  by  the 
Pizarros,  95,  note.  Defeated  and 
taken  prisoner  by  Almagro,  97. 
Escapes  from  Cuzco,  103.  At  the 
battle  of  Las  Salinas,  114.  Informs 
Vaca  de  Castro  of  the  state  of  Peru, 
202.  At  the  battle  of  Chupas, 
232.  Sent  to  Panama  by  Gasca, 
351.  Leads  a  force  to  Lima,  400. 

Alvarado,  Diego  de,  brother  of  Pe- 
dro, n.  101.  Befriends  Hernando 
Pizarro,  102.  Maintains  the  cause 
of  Almagro  in  Spain,  137,  139. 
His  death,  140. 

Alvarado,  Garcia  de,  quarrels  with 
Sotelb,  ii.  210.  Puts  him  to  death, 
211.  Killed  by  Almagro,  211. 

Alvarado,  Geronimo  de,  ii.  234. 

Alvarado,  Pedro  de,  arrival  of,  in 
Peru,  ii.  10,  His  terr$le  passage 
of  the  Puertos  Nevados,  12.  Let- 
ter of,  15,  note.  Negotiates  with 
Almagro  at  Quito,  18.  Bonus 
paid  to,  19,  note.  Visits  Pizarro 
at  Pachacamac,  21.  His  death, 
22,  note.  Pizarro's  letter  to,  70. 

Alvarez,  sent  with  Blasco  Nunez  to 
Spain,  ii.  292.  Liberates  the  vice- 
roy, 292. 

Amautas,  Peruvian  teachers,  i.  117. 

Amazon,  the  river  of,  reached  by  Gon- 
•  zalo  Pizarro,  ii.  162.  Voyage  of 
Orellana  down,  163.  Adventures 
of  Madame  Godin  upon,  166,  note. 

America,  the  name,  i.  41,  note.  Ef- 
fects of  discovery  of,  1. 189.  Ad- 
venture in,  190.  -  Northern  and 


INDEX. 


525 


southern  sections  of,  193.  Rapid 
exploration  of  the  eastern  coast  of, 
194. 

Anaquito,  n.  308.  Battle  of,  310, 
314,  note. 

Andagoya,  Pascual  de,  expedition 
of,  i.  199.  Memorial  of  his  ad- 
ventures by,  200,  note.  His  ac- 
counts of  the  Peruvian  empire,  206, 
note.  Pizarro  learns  his  route 
from,  211. 

Andaguaylas,  Gasca  encamps  at,  n. 
401. 

Andes,  Cordillera  of  the,  1.5,  nofe,  6. 
Cultivation  of  the  sides  of,  7,  134, 
446.  Salubrity  of  plateau  of,  15. 
Conjectures  respecting  the  origin  of 
the  name,  134.  Pizarro's  passage 
of,  382.  Alvarado's  passage  of,  n. 
12-15. 

Anglo-Saxon  race,  objects  sought 
by,  in  New  World,  1.192.  Adapt- 
ed to  the  North  American  conti- 
nent, 193. 

Annals,  Peruvian,  how  kept  and 
transmitted,  1. 11 8, 121, 123.  Much 
tinged  with  fiction,  124. 

Apostles,  the  supposed  authors  of 
American  civilization,  r.  109, 
note. 

Apurimac,  passage  of,  by  Gasca's 
army,  n.  407,  408. 

Aqueducts,  Peruvian,  i.  131,  132. 
Remains  of,  133.  Seen  by  Span- 
iards, 373,  390. 

Arch,  use  of,  unknown  to  Peruvians, 
•i.  158. 

Architecture,  illustrates  national 
character,  i.  155.  Characteristics 
of  Peruvian,  156-158.  Inconsis- 
tencies in  it,  159. 

Archives,  Peruvian,  how  constituted, 
1.119. 

Arequipa,  Almagro  arrives  at,  n.  89. 
Taken  possession  of  by  the  Alma- 
grian  faction,  201.  Memorial  of 
the  Municipality  of,  220,  Appen- 
dix, No.  XIII.  Gonzalo  Pizarro 


builds  galleys  at,  289.  Retires  to» 
from  Lima,  379. 

Armour  of  the  Peruvians,  i.  73. 

Arms,  used  by  Peruvians,  i.  73,  note, 
11.47,  note.  Manufactured  at  Cuz- 
co  by  Almagro,  212 ;  by  Blasco 
Nunez,  at  Popayan,  303. 

Arms,  family,  of  Pizarro,  i.  310. 

Army,  number  of  Pizarro's,  I.  366. 
Gonzalo  Pizarro's,  n.  370. 

Arquebuse,  astonishment  of  the  Pe- 
ruvians at,  i.  278. 

Art,  specimens  of  Peruvian,  i.  151. 

Artillery,  park  of,  possessed  by 
young  Almagro,  n.  215. 

Astrology,  i.  129. 

Astronomy,  Peruvian,  i.  126-129. 
Inferior  to  that  of  other  American 
races,  127.  r*r' 

Atacama,  desert  of,  crossed  by  Al- 
magro, ii.  89. 

Atahuallpa,  i.  337.  Receives  half 
his>  father's  kingdom,  338.  His 
restless  spirit,  341.  Makes  war  on 
his  brother,  342.  .Ravages  Cana- 
ris,  343.  Is  victorious  at  Quipay- 
pan,  345.  Takes  Hiiascar  prison- 
er, 346.  Story  of  his  cruelty,  347. 
Sole  Inca  of  Peru,  350.  S<*nds 
envoys  to  Pizarro,  369,  385,  387. 
His  reception  of  Pizarro's  messen- 
gers, 388,  395.  H,is  camp,  390.  In- 
terview of  Hernando  Pizarro  with, 
397,  398.  Visits  Pizarro  at  Caxa- 
malca,  410.  His  interview  with 
Valverde,  415.  Taken  prisoner, 
422.  Contemporary  narratives  of 
his  seizure,  Appendix,  No.  VIII. 
In  captivity,  425-427,  435,454. 
His  personal  appearance,  426, 488. 
His  treatment  of  the  Christian  reli- 
gion, 41 7, 436, 486.  Oners  a  ransom, 
432.  Expects  to  recover  his  free- 
dom, 434,  note.  Puts  Huascar  to. 
death,  438.  Accused  of  causing  a 
rising  of  his  subjects,  441.  His 
interview  with  Challcuchima,453. 
State  maintained  by  him,  454. 


526 


INDEX. 


His  forebodings,  462.  Refused  his 
liberty,  474.  Brought  to  trial,  480. 
Accusations  against  him,  481,  note. 
Sentenced  to  be  burned,  482.  His 
emotion,  484.  Led  to  execution, 
485.  Is  baptized,  486.  Perishes 
by  the  garrote,  487.  Different 
accounts  of  his  execution,  Ap- 
pendix, No.  X.  His  character, 
488.  Funeral  obsequies,  489.  His 
remains,  490.  Reflections  on  the 
treatment  of,  492.  Opinions  of 
chroniclers  respecting  it,  496.  In- 
fluence of  his  death  in  Peru,  498. 
His  successor,  500.  Pedro  Pizar- 
ro's  account  of  his  personal  habits, 
Appendix,  No.  IX. 

Athenians,  marriage  custom  of,  i. 
113,  note. 

Audience,  Royal,  first  appointment 
and  purpose  of,  i.  196.  Sent  to 
Peru  with  Blasco  Nunez,  n.  255. 
Arrive  at  Lima,  277.  Differ 
from  the  viceroy,  278.  Threat- 
ened by  him^  281.  Take  him 
prisoner,  282.  Send  an  embassy 
to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  284.  Resign 
their  power  into  his  hands,  286, 
288,  290.  Judges  of,  character- 
ized by  Blasco  Nunez,  316  note. 

Avila,  Pedro  Arias  de,  i.  197. 
Founds  Panama,  198.  Discover- 
ies made  by,  199.  Expeditions 
of,  205.  Refuses  to  aid  Almagro, 
230.  His  intervie\t  with  him, 
Appendix,  No.  V.  Resigns  his 
interest  in  Pizarro's  enterprise, 
232.  Subsequent  fate  of,  234. 

Aztecs,  belief  of,  respecting  the  soul 
of  the  warrior,  i.  32,  note.  Con- 
trast between  the  Peruvians  and, 
1.1.  5. 


B. 


Balances,  of  silver  used  by  Peruvi- 
ans, i.  155.  For  weighing  gold, 
found  by  Spaniards,  245. 


Balboa,  Vasco  Nunez  de,  discovers 
the  Pacific,  i.  194,  205.  Hears  of 
the  Peruvian  empire,  195.  Quin- 
tana's  account  of,  197,  note. 

Balsas,  Indian  vessels,  i.  65,  note. 
First  seen  by  the  Spaniards,  244, 
245,  note.  Fleet  of,  272. 

Banana,  i.  139.  Prolific  nature  of, 
139,  note. 

Banquet  given  to  Pizarro  by  an  Ind- 
ian princess,  i.  287. 

Barco  de  Avila,  birthplace  of  Gas- 
ca,  ii.  337. 

Battles,  of  Pizarro  with  Indians,  i. 
225,  253.  On  the  isle  of  Puna, 
329.  Of  Ambato,  342.  Of  Qui- 
paypan,  345.  Of  Caxamalca,  419. 
Of  the  Abancay,  507.  With 
Quizquiz,  n.  10.  On  the  Yucay, 
46-48.  At  Cuzco,  60,  64,  72. 
At  Tambo,  74.  Of  Abancay,  96, 
97.  Of  Las  Salinas,  116.  Of 
Chupas,  230.  Of  Anaquito,  310. 
Of  Huarina,  390.  Of  Xaquixa- 
guana,  419. 

Benalcazar  conquers  Quito,  n.  16. 
Appointed  governor  of  Quito,  22.. 
Goes  to  Castile,  135.  Joins  Vaca 
de  Castro,  204.  His  advice  to 
him,  204,  note.  Sent  by  him  to 
Popayan,  216.  Writes  a  letter  to 
the  emperor  on  the  ordinances, 
257,  note.  Takes  sides  with  Blas- 
co Nunez,  294.  Reinforces  him, 
303.  Advises-  against  a  battle  with 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  307.  Wounded 
and  taken  prisoner,  310.  Re- 
stored to  his  government  by  Pi- 
zarro, 313.  Joins  Gasca's  army, 
401. 

Betel,  chewing  of,  i.  140,  note. 

Bilcas,  Almagro  halts  at,  n.  110. 

Biru  river,  accounts  of  Peru  obtain- 
ed at,  i.  206,  note.  Pizarro  enters, 
211. 

Body,  the  Peruvians  believed  in  the 
resurrection  of,  i.  89.  Embalm- 
ed by  them,  90. 


INDEX. 


527 


Boiardo,  quotation  from,  I.  265,  note. 

Boundary,  dispute  respecting,  be- 
tween Pizarro  and  Almagro,  u. 
92,  note. 

Bovadilla  arbitrates  between  Alma- 
gro and  Pizarro,  n.  103, 105,  note. 

Bricks,  manufacture  and  use  of,  in 
Peru,  i.  156. 

Bridges,  suspension,  i.  64,  65,  note, 
503,  n.  96.  Constructed  over  the 
Apurimac  by  Gasca,  406-408, 

Buena  Ventura,  Vaca  de  Castro  lands 
at,  n.  202. 

Buildings,  Peruvian,  materials  and 
construction  of,  i.  156,  373,  393, 
447,  519.  Adaptation  of,  to  cli- 
mate, 159.  Remains  of,  160. 
Royal,  at  Quito,  169. 

Burial,  i.  90.  Of  treasure  and  uten- 
sils with  the  dead,  90,  91,  note. 

Burnt  offerings,  a  form  of  sacrifice 
peculiar  to  the  Peruvians,  i.  92. 


C. 


Cacao,  i.  251. 

Calatayud,  emperor's  court  at,  n.  27. 

Calendar,  Peruvian,  i.  126,  128.  Of 
Muyscas,  127. 

Canares,  ravage  of,  i.  343. " 

Candia,  Pedro  de,  one  of  Pizarro Y 
thirteen  companions,  i  263.  Vis- 
its Tumbez,  277.  Fable  concern- 
ing, 278,  note.  Accompanies  Pizar- 
ro to  Spain,  292.  Rewarded  by 
Charles,  306.  Superintends  the 
casting  of  cannon  for  Almagro,  n. 
212.  Directs  artillery  at  the  bat- 
tle of  Chupas,  228.  Put  to  death 
by  Almagro,  229. 

Canelas,  or  Land  of  Cinnamon, 
Gonzalo  PizarroV  expedition  to, 
n.  154.  Reached  by  him,  155. 

Cannibalism,  not  allowed  in  Peru, 
i.  105.  Met  with  by  Pizarro,  221. 

Cannon  manufactured  by  young  Al- 
magro at  Cuzco,  ii'.  212. 


Capac,  Huayna,  anecdote  of,  i.  50, 
note.  Reign  of,  333.  Impression 
made  on,  by  arrival  of  Spaniards, 
334,  335.  Posterity  of,  337.  His 
bequest  of  the  crown,  338.  His 
death,  338,  note,  339.  His  liberal- 
ity to  females,  339,  note.  His  ob- 
sequies, 340. 

Capac,  Manco,  tradition  respecting, 
i.  8,  12,  note.  Meaning  of  word, 
9,  note. 

Capitulation  of  Pizarro  with  the 
Crown,  i.  305,  307,  note,  Appen- 
dix, No.  VII.  Almagro's  dissatis- 
faction with  the,  315. 

Capture  of  Atahuallpa,  i.  421,  422, 
Appendix,  No.  VIII. 

Caraques,  Alvarado  lands  at,  n. 
11. 

Caravantes,  manuscript  of,  i.  239, 
note.  Account  of  Gasca's  instruc- 
tions by,  ii.  341,  note.  Opportu- 
nities of  information  possessed  by, 
383,  note. 

Carbajal,  Francisco  de,  ii.  227.  His 
early  life,  228,  436.  At  the  battle 
of  Chupas,  231.  Joins  Gonzalo 
Pizarro,  270.  Desires  to  leave  Pe- 
ru, 271,  437,  note.  Urges  Gon- 
zalo Pizarro  to  rebellion,  273. 
His  cruelties  at  Lima,  285.  Sur- 
prises Blasco  Nunez,  296.  Sent 
against  Centeno,  302.  His  influ- 
ence with  Pizarro,  317,  371.  His 
fierce  pursuit  of  Centeno,  320. 
Works  the  mines  of  Potosi,  321, 
354.  His  extraordinary  adven- 
tures, 321,  note.  Urges  Gonzalo 
to  cast  off  his  allegiance,  323.  His 
opinion  of  Gasca's  letter,  367. 

,  His  sayings  io  Cepeda,  368,  374^ 
376.  His  military  skill,  371,  438. 
His  practical  philosophy,  378, 428, 
434.  His  corps  of  musketeers, 
387,  390.  At  the  battle  of  Hua- 
rina,  388.  Gains  the  victory  for 
Pizarro,  393-395.  His  energy 
and  activity,  410.  Dissatisfied 


528 


INDEX. 


with  Pizarro's  conduct,  411.  His 
counsel  rejected,  412.  Refused 
the  defence  of  the  Apurimac,  413. 
His  eulogium  on  Valdivia,  421. 
Taken  prisoner  at  Xaquixaguana, 

429.  His    sarcasm    on   Centeno, 

430.  Sentenced  to  be  drawn  and 
quartered,  433.    His  indifference, 

434.  His   caustic  remarks,  434, 

435.  Executed,  435.    His  remark- 
able   character,    435.     Atrocities 
reported   of  him,    437.    His  hu- 
morous vein,  438. 

Carbajal,  Suarez^de,  assassinated  by 
Blasco  Nunez,  11.  279. 

Casques  used  by  the  Peruvians,  i.  73, 
ii.  47. 

Castellan  o,  value  of  the,  i.  467,  note. 

Castes,  division  into,  in  Peru,  i.  151. 
Favorable  to  dexterity  in  the  arts, 
151,  note. 

Cataract  of  the  Napo,  n.  158. 

Causeways  on  the  great  Peruvian 
roads,  i.  65,  513. 

Caxamalca,  the  Inca  encamped  at,  i. 
386,388.  Hot-water  springs  at,  386. 
Valley  of,  389.  The  Spaniards  en- 
ter the  city  of,  392,  394.  Descrip- 
tion of  it,  393.  Atahuallpa  enters 
square  of,  415.  Attack  on  the  Pe- 
ruvians at,  420.  Capture,  trial,  and 
execution  of  Atahuallpa  at,  426, 
482,  487.  Arrival  of  Almagro  at, 
461.  Proceedings  of  Pizarro  at, 

500.  He    leaves    it    for    Cuzco, 

501.  The  rendezvous  for  Gasca's 
forces,  ii.  375. 

Caxas,  De  Soto  sent  to,  i.  369.  His 
proceedings  at,  372.  Valley  of, 
crossed  by  Blasco  Nunez,  ii.  297. 

Cement,  of  gold,  i.  31,  note.  Used 
by  the  Peruvians,  157,  note. 

Centeno,  Diego,  revolts  against  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro,  n.  302,  319.  Pur- 
sued by  Carbajal,  320.  Hides  in 
a  cave,  321.  Seizes  Cuzco,  369. 
Intercepts  Pizarro,  384.  Narrow 
escape  of,  at  the  battle  of  Huarina, 


396.  Carbajal's  sarcasm  upon, 
430.  His  death,  447. 
Cepeda,  ii.  278.  Made  head  of 
Royal  Audience,  283.  Adheres 
to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  290.  Dic- 
tates the  letter  from  Lima  to  Gasca, 
360.  Urges  the  rejection  of  Gas- 
ca's offers,  367.  Accuses  Carba- 
jal of  cowardice,  368.  One  of 
Pizarro's  generals,  371.  His  pro- 
cess against  Gasca,  373.  Addresses 
the  citizens  of  Lima,  375.  Deserts 
his  commander  at  Xaquixaguana, 

423.  His    reception    by    Gasca, 

424.  Arraigned  for  high  treason 
in   Castile,  446.    Dies  in   prison, 
446. 

Chain  of  gold  of  Huayna  Capac,  i. 
336,  note. 

Challcuchima,  i.  342.  At  Xauxa, 
451.  Goes  to  Caxamalca,  453. 
His  interview  with  Atahuallpa, 
454.  Accused  by  Pizarro,  477, 
511.  Brought  to  trial,  514.  Burnt 
at  the  stake,  515. 

Charcas,  reduced  by  Gonzalo  Pizar- 
ro, ii.  136.  He  explores  the  sil- 
ver mines  at,  258.  Revolts  from 
him,  319. 

Charles  V.,  at  Toledo,  i.  302.  Much 
interested  in  Pizarro,  303.  Af- 
fected to  tears  by  his  narrative, 
304.  His  Queen  executes  the 
capitulation  with  Pizarro,  305. 
Treasure  sent  home  to,  465.  Her- 
nando  Pizarro's  interview  with, 
ii.  27.  His  grants  and  letter  to 
the  Conquerors,  28.  His  neglect 
of  his  Transatlantic  possessions, 
244.  Returns  to  Spain,  250.  Me- 
morial of  Las  Casas  to,  251 .  Sanc- 
tions the  Ordinances,  256.  Ap- 
points Blasco  Nunez  viceroy,  259. 
Writes  a  letter  to  Vaca  de  Castro, 
260.  In  Germany,  334.  Writes 
to  Gasca  confirming  his  appoint- 
ment, 341.  Grants  his  request  for 
unlimited  powers,  344.  Sends  for 


INDEX. 


529 


him    to   come    to   Flanders,  462. 
His  gracious  reception  of  him,  463. 

Chasquis,  Peruvian  runners,  i.  68, 
note. 

Chaves,  Francisco  de,  n.  182. 

Chicama,  l.  228. 

Chicha,  a  Peruvian  drink,  i.  387, 400, 
n.  4. 

Chili,  Inca  Yupanqui  penetrates  to, 
i.  14,  332.  Almagro's  expedition 
to,  n.  83-88.  The  Men  of,  137, 
173.  Valdivia  sent  to,  151.  He 
returns  from,  402. 

Chirnborazo,  i.  6.  First  seen  by 
Pizarro,  271.  Battle  at  the  foot 
of,  342. 

Chinese,  establishment  of  posts 
among,  i.  69,  note. 

Chivalry,  order  of,  in  Peru,  i.  20,  22. 

Christianity,  resemblance  to  the  rites 
of,  in  Peruvian  customs,  1. 108,109. 
Attempts  to  convert  Atahuallpa 
to,  416,  486.  Efforts  of  mission- 
aries to  convert  the  natives  to,  11. 
7,9. 

Chronology  of  the  Peruvians,  i.  126. 
Indifference  of  ancient  chroniclers 
to,  2-17,  note,  271,  note. 

Chupas,  plains  of,  n.  224.  Battle  of, 
227,  230.  Gonzalo  Pizarro1  at, 
274. 

Churches  erected  by  the  •  Spaniards 
in  Peru,  i.  100,  471,  n.  7,  25, 113, 
note. 

Cieza  de  Leon,  .representations  of 
Satan  in  the  book  of,  i.  109,  note. 
Critical  notice  of,  n.  327.  A 
valuable  authority,  403,  note. 

Civilization,  origin  of  the  Peruvian, 
i.  8.  Marks  of,  in  the  Peruvian 
institutions,  40,  125,  146.  Span- 
iards meet  tokens  of, 251, 270, 284. 

Climate,  great  varieties  of,  in  Peru,  i. 
138. 

Cloth  manufactured  by  the  Peru- 
vians, i.  149,  245,  303. 

Coaque,  Spaniards  sack  a  village  in, 
1.320. 

VOL.    II.  67 


Coca,  i.  140.  Baneful  effects  of  use 
of,  141,  note,  ii.  154,  note. 

Code  of  laws  for  the  colonies,  n.  255, 
note. 

Colonial  governments,  character  of 
the  Spanish,  i.  195. 

Colonial  officers,  policy  of  the  Crown 
towards,  i.  233. 

Colonies  planted  by  Pizarro,  i.  358, 
n.  24,  149. 

Columbus,  error  of,  as  to  the  nature 
of  his  discoveries,  1. 188.  Jurisdic- 
tion of,  in  New  World,  195. 

Commerce,  not  engaged  in  by  the 
Peruvians,,  i.  144,  154.  Of  an 
cient  nations,  186.  Of  the  Middle 
Ages,  187. 

Condor,  i.  147,384,  n.  15,  84. 

Conquerors  of  Peru,  excesses  com- 
mitted by,  n.  40, 197, 247.  Of  a  low- 
er stamp  than  those  of  Mexico,  246. 

Conquest  of  Mexico,  History  of,  illus- 
trations of  coincidences  between 
Christian  and  pagan  rites  in,  1. 109, 
note. 

Conquests,  of  Huayna  Capac,  i.  14. 
Peruvian  mode  of  dealing  with, 
like  Roman,  76.  Manner  of  secur- 
ing, employed  by  Peruvian  princes, 
77-82.  Account  of  the  Inca's 
policy  towards,  Appendix,  No.  II. 

Conspiracy  against  Pizarro,  n.  176. 

Contract  between  Pizarro,  Almagro, 
and  Luque,  i.  235,  Appendix, 
No.  VI. 

Convents  of  Virgins  of  the  Sun,  i. 
111.  At  Tumbez,  279.  At  Cax- 
amalca,  393.  At  Cuzco,  458,  n. 
41 ,  note.  Escape  the  conflagration 
of  Cuzco,  54.  Broken  into  by  the 
Spaniards,  247. 

Copper,  instruments  made  of,  i.  152. 

Coricancha,  temple  of  the  Sun,  i.  95. 

Cortes,  Hernando,  prevented  from 
accompanying  Ojeda,  i.  204.  In 
Spain  with  Pizarro,  304.-  Aids  Pi- 
zarro, 313,  n.  98.  Example  of,  be- 
fore Pizarroj  i.  331, 362,405,  n.  195. 


530 


INDEX. 


Gotapampa,  Gasca  crosses  the  Apu- 
rimac  at,  11  405. 

Cotopaxi  first  seen  by  the  Spaniards, 
i.  271. 

Cotton,  tunics  of,  i.  73,  n.  231. 
Cultivation  of,  in  Peru,  144.  Sails 
made  of,  244. 

Council'  of  the  Indies,  Pizarro 
eludes  the  search  of,  i.  314. 

Council,  for  government  of  the  Peru- 
vian provinces,  i.  42.  Summoned 
by  Philip  II.  to  consider  the  state 
of  the  colonies,  n.  335. 

Couriers,  Peruvian,  i,  68,  69,  note, 
434. 

Crime,  punishment  of,  by  the  Peru- 
vians, i.  44,  46. 

Crown,  Pizarro  resolves  to  apply  to 
the,  i  290.  Policy  of  the,  308. 
Efforts  of  the,  to  reform  abuses  in 
the  colonies,  n.  250,  note. 

Crusader,  religion  of  the,  i.  192. 

Cubagua,  Isle  of,  Orellana  sails  to,  n. 
164. 

Cupay,  or  evil  principle,  i.  89. 

Currency,  ancient  and  modern  value 
of,  i.  467,  note. 

Cuzco,  valley  of,  source  of  Peruvian 
.  civilization,  i.  8.  Meaning  of 
word,  8,  note.  City  of,  15,  518. 
Fortress  of,  16, 17,  note,  520.  Tem- 
ple of  the  Sun  at,  16,  95,  456,  522. 
Division  of  the  city  of,  41.  The 
Peruvian  Mecca,  100.  Obsequies 
of  Huayna  Capac  at,  340.  Ata- 
huallpa's  generals  take  possession 
of,  346.  Atahuallpa  orders  gold 
from,  434.  Emissaries  sent  to,  by 
Pizarro,  442.  Their  accounts  of, 
456,  501.  Their  rapacious  con- 
'duct  at,  458.  Treasure  obtained 
at,  458,  524.  Pizarro's  march  to, 
503.  His  entrance  into,  517.  De- 
scription of,  519.  Manco  crowned 
Inca  at,  11.  4.  Quarrel  between 
Almagro  and  the  Pizarros  at,  34. 
Compact  between  him  and  Pi- 
zarro at,  35,.  Manco  escapes  from, 


45.  Besieged  by  him,  51.  Con- 
flagration of,  52.  Distress  of  the 
Spaniards  in,  57,  67.  They  attack 
the  fortress  of,  63.  Chivalrous 
combats  around,  72.  Alrnagro 
claims  jurisdiction  over,  91.  He 
seizes,  93.  Conceded  to  him  by 
Pizarro,  106.  Almagro  seized  and 
imprisoned  at,  119,  122.  Con- 
demned and  executed  at,  124,  127. 
Pizarro  enters,  134.  Almagrian 
faction  at,  201.  Young  Almagro 
seizes,  210.  Marches  from,  216. 
Vaca  de  Castro  enters,  237.  Al- 
magro executed  at,  238.  Gonz,alo 
Pizarro  enters,  264.  His  proceed- 
ings there,  265.  Musters  forces 
at,  269.  Leaves,  270.  Centeno 
seizes,  369.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  en- 
ters, 397.  His  careless  life  at, 
410.  Leaves  for.  Xaquixaguana, 
415.  Gasca  takes  possession  of, 
431.  Executions  at,  435,  441,  447. 
Gasca  leaves,  448.  Distribution 
of  repartimientos  at,  450.  Mutiny 
of  soldiers  at,  453. 


P. 


Dancing,  a  favorite  amusement  of 
the  Peruvians,  i.  107. 

Dead,  embalming  of,  I.  89.  Burial 
of  the,  90,  91,wo/e. 

Deities  worshipped  in  Peru,  i.  91, 92, 
93. 

Deluge,  tradition  respecting  the,  i. 
88,  note. 

Despatches,  addressed  to  the  Court 
from  the  colonies,  n.  415,  note. 

Despotism,  great  efficiency  of,  in 
Peru,  i.  18,  165.  Its  oppressive 
character,  166. 

Discovery,  efforts  in,  by  European 
nations,  i.  1 87.  Great  object  of,  in 
fifteenth  century,  189.  Expedi- 
tions of,  from  Panama,  199.  Ira 
pulse  given  to,  by  the  conquest  of 


INDEX. 


531 


Mexico,  200.  Pizarro's  first  voy- 
age, 210.  Uncertainty  of  the  ob- 
jects of,  221. 

Divination  by  inspection  of  entrails, 
i.  106,  note. 

Domestic  animals,  use  of,  in  Peru,  i. 
146. 

Dramatic  compositions  of  the  Peru- 
vians, i.  125. 

Dress,  of  the  Inca,  i.25, 396, 414,455. 
Different  races,  under  Peruvian 
empire,  distinguished  by,  82,  note. 
Of  the  Inca  sacred,  455. 


E. 


Ears,  ornaments  for,  i.  22,  note. 

Eating,  habits  and  times  of,  among 
the  Peruvians,  i.  26,  note. 

Eclipses  not  understood  by  the  Peru- 
vians, 1. 130. 

Education,  forbidden  to  the  people  in 
Peru,  i.  116.  Of  the  Inca  blood- 
royal,  117.  Schools  and  amautas, 
118.  Pizarro's  want  of,  203,  496, 
IT.  191,  200. 

Embalming,  Peruvian  process  of, 
1.33,90. 

Emeralds,  used  by  the  Peruvians,  i. 
152.  River  of,  252,  Mines  of, 
252,  note.  Region  of,  321.  Broken 
by  Spaniards,  321. 

Emigration  to  the  New  World, 
fever  for,  in  Spain,  i.  189,  note,  n. 
30.  Encouraged  by  the  Spanish 
government,  i.  307. 

Encampment  of  Atahuallpa,  i.  395. 

Enciso,  Bachelor,  Pizarro  imprison- 
ed by,  i.  301. 

Epidemic,  Spaniards  attacked  by  an, 
i.  324. 

Equinoxes,  how  determined  by  the 
Peruvians,  1. 126.  Importance  of, 
lo  them,  127. 

Ercilla,  the  Araucana  of,  n.  114,  note. 

Escobar,  Maria  de,  first  introduced 
wheat  into  Peru,  i.  142,  note. 


Escutcheon  of  the  Pizarro  family,  i. 
310. 

Espinosa,  Gaspar  de,  advances  mon- 
ey for  Pizarro's  expedition,  i. 
239.  His  share  of  the  Inca's  ran- 
som, 472.  Brings  aid  to  Pizarro, 
ii.  97.  Sent  on  a  mission  to  Alma- 
gro,  99.  His  death,  100. 

Estete,  i.  447,  note. 

Europe,  condition  of,  in  the  Mid- 
dle Ages,  i.  187.  Effect  of  the 
discovery  of  America  upon,  189. 

Evil  spirit,  believed  in  by  the  Peru- 
vians, i.  89. 


F. 


Fairs,  i.  137. 

Famine,  sufferings  of  the  Spaniards 
from,  i.  213,  216,  219,  248,  261, 
n.  84,  157,  169,  297. 

Fanega,  i.  48,  note. 

Felipillo,  Pizarro's  interpreter,  i, 
288.  His  hostility  to  Atahuallpa, 
426,  476.  Intrigue  of,  476,  note. 
Perverts  the  testimony  of  witnesses 
against  the  Inca,  482.  Hanged  by 
Almagro,  497,  note.  »  * 

Fernandez,  loyalty  of,  n.  300,  note. 
Remarks  upon,  380,  note.  'Critical 
notice  of,  473. 

Festivals,  religious,  1. 103.  Feast  of 
Raymi,  104-108. 

Fish  brought  from  the  Pacific  to 
Cuzco  by  runners,  i.  69,  note. 

Forests,  Spaniards  entangled  in,  i. 
214,  216,  247. 

Fornication,  punishment  of,  in  Peru, 
i.  44,  note. 

Fortresses,  massive  work  of,  at  Cuz- 
co, i.  17, 520.  A  part  of  the  Peru- 
vian military  policy,  19.  For  the 
accommodation  of  the  Inca's  ar- 
mies, 66,  74,  note,  365.  Seen  by 
the  Spaniards,  383,  393. 

Future  life,  Peruvian  ideas  respect- 
ing, i.  89.  Intended  only  for 
the  higher  classes,  89,  note. 


532 


INDEX. 


G.  r*ti    • 

Gallo,  Isle  of,  Ruiz  anchors  at,  i.  243. 
Pizarro  lands  at,  250.  Spaniards 
left  on,  256.  Tafur  arrives  at,  262. 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  not  trustwor- 
thy in  his  geography,  I.  4,  note. 
Fulness  of,  42,  note.  Authority 
of,  contradicted,  93,  note,  106,  note. 
Critical  notice  of,  293.  Defects  of, 
as  an  historian,  335,  note.  Proba- 
bly imposed  upon,  370,  note. 
Fond  of  romancing,  422,  note.  A 
Peruvian  by  birth,  498,  note.  Is 
partial  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  u.  323, 
note,  362,  note,  438,  note.  The  fa- 
ther of, 389,  note,  392,  note,  424.  An 
eyewitness  of  Gonzalo's  proceed- 
ings in  Lima.  398,  note,  438,  note. 

Gardens  of  Yucay,  i.  30. 

Garrote,  i.  486,  note.  Atahuallpa 
dies  by  the,  487. 

Gasca,  Pedro  de  la,  n.  336.  Birth 
and  early  life  of,  337,  note.  His 
able  conduct  at  Valencia,  339. 
Appointed  to  the  Peruvian  mis- 
sion, 341.  Demands  unlimited 
powers,  342.  Writes  to  the  em- 
peror, 343.  His  request  granted, 
344.  Refuses  a  mitre,  345.  Ar- 
rives at  Santa  Martha,  346.  Crosses 
to  Nombre  de  Dios,  348.  Politic 
conduct  of,  349,  351.  Gains  over 
Mexia,  350.  -Sends  manifestoes 
through  the  land,  352.  Sends  to 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  353.  Writes  to 
him  and  Cepeda,  354,  355,  note. 
Refuses  to  seize  Hinojosa,  356. 
Gains  over  Aldana,  361.  Re- 
ceives the  fleet  from  Hinojosa, 
362.  Raises  levies,  364.  Con- 
demned by  Cepeda,  373.  Sails 
from  Panama,  380.  Quiets  the 
apprehensions  of  the  seamen,  381. 
Fixes  his  head-quarters  at  Xauxa, 
383.  His  vigorous  proceedings, 

400.  Marches   to    Andaguaylas, 

401.  Compliments  Valdivia,  402. 


His  army,  403.  Crosses  the  Abati- 
cay  and  Apurimac,  404,  407,  408. 
Offers  terms  to  Pizarro,  417.  Ar- 
rives at  Xaquixaguana,  418.  His 
reception  of  Cepeda,  424  ;  of  Gon- 
zalo Pizarro, 427;  ofCarbajal,430. 
Relacion  of,  432,  note.  Enters  Cuz- 
co,  447.  His  difficulties  in  mak- 
ing repartimientos,  449.  Enters 
Lima,  453.  His  care  of  the  na 
lives,  455.  His  wise  reforms,  457. 
His  wisdom  and  economy,  458. 
Refuses  presents,  460.  Leaves 
Peru,  461.  Arrives  in  Spain,  462. 
Visits  the  emperor,  and  appointed 
bishop  of  Siguenza,  463.  Dies, 
464.  His  character,  465-468. 

Geography,  knowledge  of,  by  tthe 
Peruvians,  i.  126.  Causes  of  the 
slow  advance  in,  185.  Of  ancient 
nations,  186.  Of  Middle  Ages,  187. 

Gnomon,  used  for  determining  the 
equinoxes,  i.  126.  In  Florence, 
127,  note. 

God,  elevated  conceptions  of,  on  the 
American  continent,  i.  87.  See 
Religion. 

Gold,  ornaments  of,  in  the  royal  pal- 
aces, i.  29.  Monopolized  by  the 
Inca,  31.  Cement  of,  31,  note. 
In  the  temple  of  the  Sun,  95.  Ex- 
clusive use  of,  in  the  services  of 
the  Peruvian  religion,  98.  Con- 
cealed by  the  Peruvians,  99,  169, 
note,  450,  499.  Ornaments  of,  at 
Quito,  151,  note.  Manner  of  pro- 
curing, 153, 154.  The  great  object 
sought  by  the  Spaniards,  191, 218, 
221,  229,  498,  H.  199,  247.  Ob- 
tained by  Pizarro,  i.  201.  Gained 
by  the  Spaniards,  221,  223,  227, 
242,  321, 360.  At  Caxamalca,  430, 
440,  467.  At  Pachacamac,  450. 
At  Cuzco,  457,  458,525.  Division 
of,  322,  479,  525,  n.  451.  Sent 
to  Panami  by  Pizarro,  i.  340. 
Sent  to  Spain,  465,  n.  26,  137. 
Profusion  of,  among  the  Span- 


INDEX. 


533 


iards,  i.  526,  n.  150, 277.  Carried 
home  by  Gasca,  458. 

Gomara,  critical  notice  of,  n.  325. 

Gomera,  Isle  of,  i.  314. 

Granite,  use  of,  in  Peru,  i.  156. 

Greeks,  skilled  in  the  art  of  naviga- 
tion, i.  186. 

Guaitara,  passes  of,  n.  109. 

Guamanga,  u.  222.  Dead  interred  at, 
235.  Almagro's  followers  taken, 
tried,  and  executed  at,  236,  237. 
Inhabitants  of,  take  sides  with  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro,  274. 

Guancabamba,  i.  373. 

Guano,  account  of,  i.  135,  136. 


II. 


Haravecs,  Peruvian  poets,  i.  123, 
note. 

Heir-apparent  of  Incas,  education  of 
the,  i.  20  Insignia  of  the,  23. 

Hen-era,  value  of  the  testimony  of, 
n.  134.  Anachronisms  of,  exposed 
by  Quintana,  306,  note.  Critical 
notice  of,  325. 

Hinojosa,  governor  of  Panama,  n. 
351.  Suspicious  of  Gasca,  351. 
Surrenders  the  fleet  of  Pizarro  to 
him,  362.  Highly  confided  in  by 
Pizarro,  366.  Commands  Gasca's 
army,  403,  419.  Assassinated, 
447. 

Holguin,  Alvarez  de,  dispossesses  the 
Almagrians  of  Cuzco,  n.  202.  His 
ealousy  of  Alvarado,  217.  Rec- 
onciled to  him,  218.  Killed  at 
Chupas,  232. 

Horse,  terror  of  Indians  at  the,  1.254. 

Horsemanship,  exhibition  of,  by  De 
Soto,  i.  399. 

Hoyas,  i.  134. 

Huacas,  i.  93,  note. 

Huanacas.     See  Sheep,  Peruvian. 

Huarina,  battle  at,  n.  389,  393. 

i  luascar,  meaning  of  the  word,  i.  336, 
note.  Heir  of  Huayria  Capac,  338. 


Gentle  disposition  of,  340.  Re- 
monstrates with  Atahuallpa,  341. 
At  war  with  Atahuallpa,  342. 
Defeated  by  him,  343.  Battle  of 
Quipaypan,  345.  Taken  prisoner 
by  his  brother,  346.  His  efforts  to 
procure  his  liberty,  436.  Put  to 
death  by  Atahuallpa,  438. 

Huaura,  n.  210.  Vaca  de  Castro 
joins  Aivarado  at,  217. 

Hudibras,  quotation  from,  i.  256, 
note. 

Human  sacrifices,  on  the  death  of  the 
Inca,  i.  32,  note.  Evidence  that 
they  existed  in  Peru,  106,  note. 

Humboldt,  M.  de,  excellent  descrip- 
tion of  scenery  of  the  Cordilleras 
by,  i.  6,  note.  Account  of  Peruvian 
bridges  by,  65,  note.  Analysis  of 
Muysca  calendar  by,  128,  note. 
Analysis  of  a  Peruvian  chisel  by, 
152,  note. 

Hunts,  great  annual,  i.  148, 

I. 

lea,  Pizarro  at,  n.  110. 

Idleness  punished  as  a  crime  in 
Peru,  i.  53. 

Imagination,  early  and  later  works 
of,  i.  184. 

Inca,  the,  meaning  of  the  word,  I.  9, 
note.  Sceptre  of,  19.  Queen  of,  19, 
note.  Heir  of,  20,  note.  Despot- 
ic power  of,  18,  24,  114,  115, 165, 
498.  Elevated  character  of,  24, 
435,  454.  Dress  and  insignia  of, 
25,  396,  414,  455.  Royal  pro- 
gresses of,  27,  Appendix,  No.  I. 
Palaces  of,  28,  29.  Household  of, 

30,  396.     Wealth  and  revenues  of, 

31,  48.     Obsequies   of,  32.     Sin- 
gular custom  respecting  the  bodies 
of,  34,  35.     Commanded  armies, 
74,  84.     Reverence  paid  to,  166, 
453,  498.    Policy  of,  168.    Throne 
of,  414,  470.     See  Atahuallpa  and 
Manco. 


534 


INDEX. 


Inca  chief,  visits  Fizarro,  i.  274. 
Bravery  of  an,  n.  66. 

Inca  nobility,  i.  35.  Little  spoken 
of  by  chroniclers,  48,  note.  Ex- 
empt from  taxation,  59.  Impor- 
tance of,  166. 

Inca  race,  uncertainty  as  to  the  ori- 
gin and  annals  of,  i.  13.  Progress 
of,  14.  Crania  of,  39. 

Indians,  Pizarro  traffics  with,  i.  205. 
His  intercourse  with,  218, 223, 376. 
Battles  with,  223,  225,  227,  329. 
Conversion  of,  234,  307.  Met  by 
Ruiz,  244,  246.  Hospitality  of,  to 
the  Spaniards,  278, 282, 365.  Their 
dread  of  the  Spaniards,  324.  Ef- 
forts of  Las  Casas  in  behalf  of  the, 
ii.  252.  Ordinances  in  favor  of, 
254.  Employed  by  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro, 270,  289,  note. 

Inns.    See  Tambos. 

Interpreters  employed  by  Pizarro, 
i.  371,  399. 

Iron,  not  known  to  the  Peruvians,  i. 

152,  275.     Their  substitute   for, 

153.  Silver  used  instead  of,  by 
the  Spaniards,  451.       -t-.*j.ris  v    : 

Irrigation,  admirable  system  of, 
among  the  Peruvians,  i.  131,  364. 

Irving,  Life  of  Balboa  by,  1. 198,  note. 

Isles  of  Pearls,  i.  211.  Pizarro  sends 
Montenegro  to,  216.  Almagro 
touches  at,  228. 

J. 

Jewels,  i.  25,  35,  96, 104. 

Judea,  laws  of  property  of,  com- 
pared with  Peruvian,  i.  47. 

Justice,  provisions  for  the  adminis- 
tration of,  in  Peru,  i.  44.  Mexi- 
can and  Peruvian  provision  for, 
compared,  46.  Its  cheap  and  effi- 
cient administration,  47,  note. 


K. 


Knighthood,   Peruvian   order  of,  i. 
20,22 


L. 


Labor,  distribution  and  rotation  of, 
in  Peru,  i.  56. 

Laboring  classes,  care  for,  under  Pe- 
ruvian government,  i.  56. 

Lands,  remarkable  division  of,  in 
Peru,  i.  48.  Cultivation  of,  50. 

Language,  Quichua  dialect,  i.  80, 
124. 

La  Plata,  foundation  of,  n.  149. 
Takes  sides  with  the  Crown,  303. 
Carbajal  at,  321. 

Las  Casas,  efforts  of,  in  behalf  of 
Indians,  n.  252,  256,  note. 

Las  Salinas,  Almagro's  army  takes 
position  at,  n.  111.  Battle  of, 
113-118. 

Lasso  used  as  a  weapon  by  Peruvi- 
ans, n.  56. 

Laws,  simplicity  and  severity  of  Pe- 
ruvian, i.  44.  Passed  by  Vaca  de 
Castro  for  the  colonies,  n.  241. 

Lawyers  forbidden  to  go  to  the  New 
World,  i.  307. 

Lejesama,  panegyric  of,  on  Peruvian 
institutions,  i.  171,  note.  Will  of, 
quoted  in  Appendix,  No.  IV. 

Liberty,  the  great  object  sought  by 
settlers  in  North  America,  i.  192. 

Lima,  foundation  of,  n.  24.  Pizar 
ro's  zeal  in  building  up,  37, 149, 
171.  Besieged  by  the  Peruvians, 
57,  68.  Pizarro  marches  from, 
against  Almagro,  98.  Hernando 
leaves,  for  Spain,  138.  Pizarro  at, 
149.  Assassination  of  Pizarro  at, 
182-184.  Taken  possession  of  by 
the  Almagrians,  201,  205.  Vaca 
de  Castro  enters,  219.  Blasco 
Nunez  arrives  at,  267.  Arrival  of 
the  Royal  Audience  at,  277.  Blas- 
co Nunez  imprisoned  at,  283.  En- 
trance of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  into, 
287.  His  operations  at,  289.  He 
leaves,  295.  His  triumphal  entry 
into,  318.  He  sends  Aldana  from, 
359.  Arrival  of  Paniagua  at, 
366.  Proceedings  of  Gonzalo  at, 


INDEX. 


368,  370,  373.  The  president's 
fleet  anchors  at,  376.  Departure 
of  Pizarro  from,  379.  Taken  pos- 
session of  by  Gasca,  380.  His  en- 
try into,  453.  His  proceedings  at, 
454,456.  He  leaves,  461. 

Linen,  substitute  for,  1. 144. 

Litter  of  the  Inca,  i.  26,  414. 

Llamas,  i.  7.  Appropriated  to  the  Sun 
and  the  Inca,  51.  Grants  of,  51, 
note.  Care  of,  52.  Use  of,  as  beasts 
of  burden,  145.  Herds  of,  kept 
by  government,  146.  First  seen 
by  Pizarro,  273.  Exhibited  to  the 
emperor,  303.  Destruction  of,  by 
the  Spaniards,  430,  11.  248.  Im- 
mense flocks  of,  seen  by  them, 
i.  430,  458. 

Llorente,  first  publisher  of  Las  Ca- 
sas's  argument,  n.  253,  note. 

Loaysa,  sent  on  an  embassy  to  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro,  n.  276. 

Luque,  Hernando  de,  I.  208.  Asso- 
ciated with  Pizarro  and  Almagro, 
209.  Influences  Pedrarias,  231. 
Administers  the  sacrament  to  his 
associates,  236.  Epithet  applied 
to,  237,  note.  Signs  the  contract 
for  Espinosa,  239.  Writes  to  en- 
courage Pizarro,  262.  Pleads  his 
cause  with  the  governor,  268. 
Distrusts  Pizarro,  292.  Rewarded 
by  the  Crown,  306.  His  death, 
472. 


Magazines,  i.  57,  58.  For  military 
stores,  74,  373.  Works  of  art 
found  in,  151.  Discovered  and 
used  by  the  Spaniards,  431,  447, 
503,  n.  400,  note. 

Magistrates,  Peruvian,  stimulus  to 
fidelity  of,  i.  42.  Their  character 
and  authority,  43. 

Maize,  cultivated  and  used  in  Peru, 
i  139.  Liquor  made  from,  139, 


note.  Fields  of,  seen  by  the  Span- 
iards, 251,  364, 446. 

Mala,  interview  of  Pizarro  and  Al- 
magro at,  n.  104. 

Mama,  Oello  Huaco,  i.  8.  Meaning 
of  word,  9,  note. 

Manco,  Inca,  i.  337.  Claims  the  pro- 
tection of  Pizarro,  515.  Crowned 
Inca  by  him,  n.  3.  Lofty  spirit  of, 

41.  Escapes  from  the  Spaniards, 

42.  Retaken,  43.     Escapes  again, 
45.    Beleaguers  Cuzco,  51.    At- 
tacked at  Tambo,  73.    Defeated  by 
Almagro,  91.    Pursued  by  Orgo- 
nez,    101.     His    hostilities    with 
the  Spaniards,  146,  272.     Pizarro 
attempts    to    negotiate  with,  147 
Death    of,    271.     His    character, 
272. 

Manes,  wives  and  domestics  sacri- 
ficed to,  in  Peru,  i.  90. 

Manufactures,  superintended  by  the 
Inca  government,  i.  53.  Of  cloths 
for  the  Inca,  53,  note.  Connection 
between  agriculture  and,  143.  Ad- 
vantages for,  in  Peru,  144.  Skill 
of  the  Peruvians  in  woollen,  149, 
150.  Stores  of,  found  by  the  Span- 
iards, 431.  Specimens  of,  sent  to 
the  emperor,  n.  27. 

Manures  used  by  the  Peruvians,  i. 
135. 

Marmontel,  i.  WS^note. 

Marriage,  Peruvian  provisions  for,  i. 
48,  note.  Of  the  Incas  and  nobles, 
112.  Of  people,  113.  No  free- 
dom in,  114. 

McCulloh,  error  of,  i.  11,  note.  On 
proofs  of  refinement  in  Peruvian 
institutions,  46,  note.  High  au- 
thority of,  on  American  antiqui- 
ties, 92,  note. 

Mechanical  arts  in  Peru,  i.  52,  54. 

Memorials  of  colonial  officers  to 
the  government,  n.  250,  note. 

Men  of  Chili,  Pizarro  cautioned 
against,  n.  137.  Destitute  condi- 
tion of,  173.  Conspire  against  Pi- 


536 


INDEX. 


zarro,  176.  Assault  him,  183. 
Put  him  to  death,  184.  Proceed- 
ings of,  185,  201.  Attachment  of, 
to  young  Almagro,  215.  Severity 
of  Vaca  de  Castro  towards,  237. 

Mendoza,  releases  Hernando  Pizar- 
ro,  ii.  138.  Prudent  conduct  of, 
in  respect  to  ordinances,  269. 

Mexia,  Hernan,  governor  of  Nom- 
bre  de  Dios,  11.  348.  His  inter- 
view with  Gasca,  349.  Gives  his 
allegiance  to  him,  350.  Sent  by 
Gasca  to  Hinojosa,  351. 

Mexicans,  established  currency 
among,  i.  155. 

Middle  Ages,  geographical  science 
in,  i.  187. 

Military  weapons  and  tactics  of  Pe- 
ruvians, i.  73.  Expeditions,  74. 

Milk,  use  of,  not  known  on  the 
American  continent,  i.  145,  note. 

Mines,  working  of,  i.  31, 53, 54,  note, 
57,  note.  Exclusive  property  of 
the  Incas,  54.  Of  Potosi,  n.  136, 
137,  note,  258,  321. 

Minstrelsy,  Peruvian  national,  i.  51, 
123. 

Missionaries,  11.  7,  250.  Twelve, 
commemorated  by  Naharro,  249, 
note. 

Mitimaes,  i.  82,  83,  note. 

Molina,  Alonso  de,  visits  Tumbez, 
i.  276.  Is  left  there  by  Pizarro, 
288. 

Money,  use  of,  unknown  to  Peruvi- 
ans, i.  154. 

Montenegro  sent  for  aid  to  Pana- 
ma, i.  216.  Returns  to  Pizarro, 
219.  Rescues  him  from  Indians, 
225. 

Montesinos,  critical  notice  of,  n.  78. 
A  poor  authority,  113,  note. 

Monuments  of  the  dead,  i.  90. 
Treasure  concealed  in,  91,  note, 
523. 

Moon,  temple  to,  i.  97. 

Morales,  Luis  de,  memorial  of,  n. 
249,  note. 


Morasses  crossed  by  the  Spaniards,  i. 

212,  214,  248. 
Morton,   work   of,  on  skulls,  i.  39, 

note. 

Motupe,  Pizarro  halts  at,  i.  375. 
Mummies  of  Peruvian   princes,   i. 

34,  note,  523.    Brought  out  at  the 

coronation  of  Manco,  n.  5. 
Muskets    manufactured     from    the 

church-bells  of  Lima,  11.  276. 
Muyscas,     astronomy     of,     i.    127. 

Piedrahita's     account     of,      128,, 

note. 


N. 

Naharro,  i.  416,  note. 

Napo,  river  of,  discovered  by  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro,  n.  157.  His  diffi- 
cult passage  of,  159. 

Nasca,  n.  110. 

Navigation,  improvements  in  the  art 
of,  1. 187.  Of  the  first  discoverers, 
220. 

New  World,  emigration  to,  i.  189, 
note,  ii.  30.  Romantic  adventure 
in,  1. 190. 

Nombre  de  Dios,  Pizarro  sails  from, 
i.  301.  Returns  to,  314.  Suffer- 
ings of  Hernando  Pizarro's  fol- 
lowers at,  n.  30.  Blasco  Nunez 
lands  at,  260.  Secured  for  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro,  322.  Given  up  to 
Gasca,  350. 

Nunez  Vela,  Blasco,  appointed  vice- 
roy of  Peru,  ii.  259.  Arrives  at 
Nombre  de  Dios,  260.  His  high- 
handed measures,  261.  Goes  to 
Tumbez,  262.  At  Lima,  268. 
Determines  to  enforce  the  ordi- 
nances, 269.  Confines  Vaca  de 
Castro,  275.  Prepares  for  war 
with  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  276.  As 
sassinates  Carbajal,  279.  His  un- 
popularity, 280.  Made  prisoner 
by  the  Royal  Audience,  282. 
Sent  to  Panama,  283.  Escapes 


INDEX. 


537 


to  Turabez,  293.  Musters  an  ar- 
my, 294.  Pursued  by  Gonzalo, 
297,  298.  Driven  to  Popayan, 
303.  Moves  south,  305.  Gives 
battle  to  Pizarro,  308.  Defeated 
and  killed,  310,  312.  His  charac- 
ter, 315.  See  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
and  Carbajal. 


O. 


Ojeda,  Alonso  de,  i.  204. 

Olmedo^  Father,  n.  206. 

Omens,  at  Feast  of  Raymi,  i.  107. 
Seen  in  Peru  on  the  arrival  of  the 
white  men,  335.  At  Quito,  n.  301 . 

Ondegardo,  ingenious  views  of,  re- 
specting the  property  laws  of  Peru, 
i.  61,  note.  Conscientiousness  of, 
68,  note.  Critical  notice  of,  177. 
Notice  of,  n.  374,  note. 

Ordinances,  code  of,  respecting  Ind- 
ians, n.  254,  255,  note.  Blasco 
Nunez  resolves  to  enforce,  268. 

Ore,  Peruvian  method  of  smelting,  i. 
154. 

Ore] ones,  i.  22,  note. 

Orellana,  Francisco  de,  n.  160.  Sails 
down  the  Napo,  161,  163.  His 
extraordinary  expedition  down  the 
Amazon,  164,  165,  note.  His 
death,  165. 

Orgoiiez,  Rodrigo  de,  n.  87.  Sent 
to  seize  the  Pizarros,  93.  Urges 
Almagro  to  behead  them,  95,  101, 
105.  Wounded  on  the  Abancay, 
96.  Pursues  the  Inca  Manco,  101. 
His  distrust  of  the  Pizarros,  106. 
Commands  Almagro's  army,  109. 
At  the  battle  of  Las  Salinas,  112. 
His  bravery,  116.  Killed  on  the 
field  of  battle,  117. 

Oriental  nations,  resemblance  of,  to 
the  Peruvians,  i.  143. 

Outrages  perpetrated  by  the  conquer- 
ors of  Peru,  n.  40,  247.  >  ^.  - 

Oviedo,  account  of  the  Pizarros  by,  i. 
VOL.  II.  68 


311,  312,  note.  Copies  Xerez,  387, 
note.  Authority  of,  491,  note. 
Hardness  of  feeling  shown  by,  11. 
86,  note.  Information  of,  92,  note. 
Critical  notice  of,  326 


P. 


Pachacamac,  Peruvian  deity,  i.  91. 
Meaning  of  the  word,  91,  note.  Re- 
mains of  the  temple  of,  11,  note,  92, 
note,  443.  Town  of,  442.  Her- 
nando  Pizarro  at,  447.  He  de- 
stroys idol  at,  449.  Festivities  of 
Pizarro  and  Alvarado  at,  n.  21. 

Pacific  Ocean  first  discovered,  1. 195, 
205.  Discoveries  on  coast  of,  207. 

Pajonal,  i.  384. 

Palaces  of  the  Incas,  i.  28.  Account 
of,  by  Velasco,  28,  note.  At  Bilcas, 
29,  note.  At  Yucay,  30. 

Paltos,  desert  of,  crossed  by  Blasco 
Nunez,  n.  228. 

Panama,  founded,  i.  198.  Expedi- 
tions fitted  out  at,  199.  Pizarro 
at,  201.  Hitf  first  voyage  from, 
210.  Almagro  sails  from,  226. 
Returns  to,  230.  Pedro  de  lo» 
Rios  governor  of,  233.  Contract 
for  discovery  made  at,  235.  Pizar- 
ro's  second  voyage  from,  241 .  Al- 
magro returns  to,  249, 260.  Tafur 
sent  from,  261.  Pizatro  returns  to, 
288.  Sails  to  Spain  from,  292. 
His  final  departure  from,  319. 
That  of  Almagro,  461 .  Followers 
of  Hernando  Pizarro  at,  n.  31.  Pi- 
zarro sends  to,  for  aid,  70.  Espino- 
sa  leaves,  98.  Vaca  de  Castro  sails 
to,  293.  Hinojosa,  Pizarro's  gov 
ernor  at,  322,  350.  Gasca  at,  355. 
Fleet  surrendered  to  him  at,  362. 
He  sends  Aldana  from,  365.  He 
sails  from,  380.  His  narrow  es 
cape  at,  461. 

Paniagua,  sent  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
with  despatches,  n.  366. 


538 


INDEX. 


Papa,  use  of  word,  i.  9,  note. 

Pastes,  Blasco  Nunez  at,  11.  301. 

Payta,  i.  282. 

Pearls,  Peruvians  not  allowed  to  fish 
for,  i.  152,  note.  Collected  by  Pi- 
zarro,  205. 

People,  Peruvian  distribution  of,  i. 
42,  43.  Burdens  laid  upon,  59. 
Condition  of,  60,  62,  117.  Re- 
gard for,  in  the  Peruvian  laws, 
167.  National  character  of,  171, 
173. 

Peru,  extent  of,  at  time  of  the  con- 
quest, i.  4.  Topographical  aspect 
of,  5.  Coast  of,  6.  Probable  origin 
of  the  empire  of,  12.  Uncertainty 
of  early  history  of,  13,  note.  The 
name,  40, 41,  note.  Division  of  the 
empire  of,  41,  43.  The  Spaniards 
first  hear  of,  194.  Rumors  about, 
200,  218,  228.  Expedition  for  the 
discovery  of,  201.  Pizarro  learns 
of  the  empire  of,  285, 355, 360, 374. 
His  ideas  about,  deemed  visionary, 
289.  History  of,  previous  to  the 
conquest,  332.  Pizarro  marches 
into,  363.  State  of,  on  the  death  of 
the  Inca,  499.  The  Spaniards  com- 
plete masters  of,  n.  4, 40, 143.  Dis- 
orderly state  of,  143,  246.  Com- 
motion produced  in,  by  the  ordi- 
nances, 262,  269.  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
master  of,  321.  Reduced  to  a  state 
of  tranquillity  by  Gasca.  458. 

Peruvian  institutions,  artificial  char- 
acter of,  i.  40.  Adapted  to  the 
people's  character,  62.  Reflections 
on,  160.  Compared  with  Aztec, 
161.  Resemblance  of,  to  those 
of  Eastern  Asia,  164,  165,  note, 
175.  Opinions  of  early  Span- 
iards respecting,  170.  Compared 
with  those  of  United  States,  172. 
Good  results  of,  174. 

Peruvians,  political  condition  of,  i. 
42,  48, 50,56,  60,62.  Military  pro- 
visions of,  75.  Religion  of,  87. 
Education  of,  116.  Agriculture 


of,  130.  Mechanical  skill  of,  150. 
Refinement  of  the  intellectual  char- 
acter of,  125.  Mind  of,  imitative, 
not  inventive,  152.  First  inter- 
course of,  with  Spaniards,  273.  Pi- 
zarro's  policy  towards,  357.  Their 
kind  treatment  of  the  Spaniards, 
365.  Massacre  of,  at  Caxamalca, 
420,  424.  Excesses  of,  on  the 
Inca's  death,  499.  Battle  of  Soto 
with,  507.  Mild  and  submissive 
character  of,  n.  5,  39.  Efforts  to 
Christianize,  8,  249.  Outrageous 
treatment  of,  by  the  Spaniards, 
40,  note,  197,  245,  246.  Rise 
against  Pizarro,  42.  Attack 
Juan  Pizarro,  47.  Besiege  Cuz- 
co,  49.  Set  fire  to  the  city, 
51.  Use  Spanish  arms,  60,  61. 
Cut  off  supplies  from  Pizarro,  69. 
Withdraw  from  Cuzco,  71.  Chiv- 
alrous contests  with  the  Spaniards, 
72.  Defeat  them  at  Tambo,  74. 
Battle  of,  with  Almagro,  91. 
Watch  the  battle  between  the 
Spanish  armies,  112.  Efforts  of 
Gasca  in  behalf  of,  455. 

Peso  de  oro,  value  of,  i.  467,  note. 

Peso  ensayado,  value  of,  n.  451, 
note. 

Petition  of  the  Indians  for  immuni- 
ties, i.  349,  note. 

Picado,  Pizarro's  secretary,  u.  175. 
Insults  the  men  of  Chili,  176. 
Discloses  their  conspiracy  to 
Pizarro,  178.  Thrown  into  pris 
on,  185.  Put  to  the  torture,  205 
Beheaded,  206. 

Pits  employed  in  Peruvian  hus- 
bandry, 1. 134. 

Pizarro,  Francisco,  i.  201 .  His  birth 
and  early  life,  202,  203.  At  His- 
paniola,204.  Employed  by  Pedra- 
rias,  205.  Accompanies  him  to 
Panama,  206.  Associates  himself 
with  Almagro  and  Luque,  208 
Sails  on  his  first  expedition,  210. 
His  difficulties,  213.  His  courtesy, 


INDEX. 


539 


215, 226.  Encounters  the  natives, 
218,  223.  His  dangerous  adven- 
ture, 225.  Lands  at  Chicama,  226. 
Distrusts  Almagro,  232,  255.  His 
famous  contract  with  Almagro  and 
Luque,  235,  Appendix,  No.  VI. 
Sails  on  his  second  voyage,  241. 
Lands  his  forces,  243.  Marches 
into  the  country,  247.  His  suf- 
ferings and  losses,  248.  Receives 
brilliant  accounts  from  Ruiz,  249. 
Sails  along  the  coast,  250.  Sees 
proofs  of  wealth  and  civilization, 
252,254,284.  Quarrels  with  Alma- 
gro, 256.  On  the  Isle  of  Gallo,  260. 
Ordered  to  return  to  Panama,  261. 
Draws  the  line  on  the  sand,  263. 
Abandoned  with  thirteen  com- 
panions, 266.  Vessel  sent  to  him, 
269.  Sails  south,  270.  At  Tum- 
bez,  272.  His  intercourse  with  the 
natives,  273,  275,  278,  281,  283. 
Suffers  from  tempests,  282.  Re- 
ceives distinct  accounts  of  the  Pe- 
ruvian empire,  283.  Entertained 
by  an  Indian  princess,  287.  Re- 
turns to  Panama,  288.  Coldly 
received  by  the  governor,  290. 
Sets  out  for  Spain,  293.  His 
reception  there,  301.  Inter- 
view with  Charles  V.,  303, 
Capitulation  with  the  Crown,  305, 
Appendix,  No.  VII.  His  greedi- 
ness of  honors,  308.  Visits  his 
family,  311.  Sails  from  Seville, 
313.  Arrives  at  Panama,  314. 
His  difficulty  with  Almagro,  316. 
Fits  out  vessels,  318.  Sails  for  the 
conquest  of  Peru,  319.  Lands  on 
the  coast,  320.  Plunders  an 
Indian  town,  321.  His  exhausting 
march,  324.  Reaches  Puerto 
Viejo,  325.  At  the  Isle  of  Puna, 

329.  Receives    reinforcements, 

330.  Learns  the  state  of  the  Peru- 
vian empire,  331,  360.    Crosses  to 
Tqmbez,  352.     Marches  into  the 
country,  356.     His  liberal  policy 


towards  the  natives,  357.  Founds 
San  Miguel,  359.  His  designs, 
361.  Sets  out  for  Caxamalca,  363. 
His  firmness  and  courage,  364, 
378,402.  Stops  disaffection  in  his 
army,  367.  Receives  envoys  from 
the  Inca,  369,  385,  387.  His  mes- 
sage to  him,  371.  Continues  his 
march,  375.  His  anxieties,  376. 
Sends  an  envoy  to  Atahuallpa, 
377.  His  stirring  eloquence,  379. 
Crosses  the  Andes,  382.  Distrusts 
the  Inca's  designs,  389.  His  first 
view  of  Atahuallpa's  camp,  390. 
Enters  Caxamalca,  393.  Reani- 
mates his  followers,  400.  His 
daring  plan,  405.  Prepares  for 
Atahuallpa's  reception,  408,  409. 
Urges  his  entrance  into  the  town, 
412.  Gives  the  signal  of  attack, 
419.  Protects  Atahuallpa's  life, 
421.  Takes  him  prisoner,  423. 
Entertains  him  after  the  battle, 

425.  Pays   him  every   attention, 

426,  435.    Addresses   his  troops, 

428.  Releases  his  Indian  prisoners, 

429.  Sends  for    reinforcements, 
431.      Accepts    the    Inca's    offer 
of  ransom,  434.     Endeavours  to 
convert  him,  436.    Sends  Hernan- 
do  to  Pachacamac,  442.    Hears  ac- 
counts of  Cuzco,  456.    Receives  a 
reinforcement  with  Almagro,  460. 
Sends   Hernando    to   Spain   with 
treasure,  465.      Melts   down   the 
gold,  469.   Divides  it,  470.  Equity 
of  his  division,  473.     Refuses  to 
liberate     Atahuallpa,    475.     Ac- 
cuses him  of  treason,  477.    Ap- 
prehensions of  the  Peruvians,  479. 
Brings    the    Inca    to    trial,  481. 
Consents    to  his   execution,  485. 
Goes  into  mourning  for  him,  489. 
Upbraided  by  De  Soto,  491.     His 
responsibility,  493,  495.     Story  of 
his  ignorance,   496.     Appoints   a 
new    Inca,  500.       Sets    out    for 
Cuzco,   501.     Arrives  at  Xauxa, 


540 


INDEX. 


505.  Charges  Challcuchima  with 
conspiracy,  511.  Condemns  him 
to  the  stake,  514;  and  executes 
him,  515.  Receives  prince  Manco, 
516.  Enters  Cuzco,  517.  Forbids 
dwellings  to  be  molested,  522.  Is 
disappointed  in  the  amount  of  treas- 
ure, 524.  Crowns  Manco,  n.  4. 
Organizes  a  government  for  Cuzco, 
5.  Attends  to  religious  interests, 
7.  Sends  Almagro  against  Quiz- 
quiz,  9.  Learns  the  arrival  of 
Alvarado,  10.  His  interview  with 
him  at  Pachacamac,  21.  Founds 
Lima,  24.  Grants  to  him  from 
Charles  confirmed,  28.  Checks  a 
feud  between  his  brothers  and 
Almagro,  34.  Enters  into  a  com- 
pact with  Almagro,  35,  Appen- 
dix, No.  XI.  Establishes  settle- 
ments, 37.  His  treatment  of 
Manco,  41.  Repels  the  Peruvians 
from  Lima,  68.  His  anxiety  about 
Cuzco,  69.  His  letters  for  aid,  70. 
At  Lima,  97.  His  controversy 
with  Almagro,  98.  Negotiates 
with  him,  99,  103,  106.  His 
treachery  towards  him,  108, 131. 
Sends  Hernando  against  him,  110. 
Hears  of  his  death,  132.  Affected 
by  it,  133.  Instructions  to  his 
brother  about  it,  134.  His  partial- 
ity to  his  own  family,  136.  His 
deference  for  Hernando,  142. 
His  unlimited  authority  in  Peru, 
143.  His  troubles  with  the  Indians, 
146, 148.  His  cruelty  to  Manco's 
wife,  147.  Founds  Arequipa,  149. 
Appoints  Gonzalo  governor  of 
Quito,  151.  His  treatment  of  the 
Almagrian  faction,  172.  Con- 
spiracy against  him,  176.  Dis- 
closed to  him,  178.  His  indif- 
ference, 179.  Attacked  in  his 
house,  181.  Killed,  184.  Treat- 
ment of  his  remains,  187.  His 
descendants,  188.  His  personal 
appearance,  189.  His  want  of 


education  191,  192,  note.  His 
courage,  193.  His  inflexibility, 
194.  His  perfidy,  196.  His  treat- 
ment of  Indians,  197.  His  want 
of  religion,  198.  His  ruling  mo- 
tives, 199. 

Pizarro,  Gonzalo,  i.  311.  At  the,- 
siege  of  Cuzco,  n.  59,  75.  Con- 
fined there  by  Almagro,  94,  102. 
Makes  his  escape,  103.  At  the 
battle  of  Las  Salinas,  115.  Sent 
to  Charcas,  136.  Early  life  and 
character  of,  151.  Appointed  gov- 
ernor of  Quito,  153.  His  expe- 
dition to  the  "Land  of  Cinna- 
mon," 154.  Reaches  the  Ama- 
zon, 162.  Reassures  his  follow- 
ers, 367.  His  generous  spirit, 
168.  Returns  to  Quito,  169. 
Learns  the  assassination  of  his 
brother,  171.  Offers  his  services 
to  Vaca  de  Castro,  221.  Goes  to 
Lima,  239.  Summoned  to  Cuzco, 
240.  Withdraws  to  La  Plata,  240. 
Works  the  mines  of  Potosi,  258. 
Appealed  to  against  the  viceroy, 
258,  263.  Repairs  to  Cuzco,  264. 
Obtains  military  command)  265. 
Musters  an  army,  270.  Leaves 
Cuzco,  271.  Favored  by  the  peo- 
ple, 274.  Approaches  Lima,  284. 
Enforces  his  demands  on  the  Au- 
dience, 285.  His  letter  to  Valdi- 
via,  286,  note.  Enters  Lima  in 
triumph,  287.  Proclaimed  gov- 
ernor of  Peru,  288.  His  pro- 
ceedings at  Lima,  289.  Marches 
against  Blasco  Nunez,  295.  Pur- 
sues him  to  Quito,  297-301.  His 
stratagem,  304.  Battle  of  Anaqui- 
to,  309.  His  clemency  to  his  pris- 
oners, 313.  His  ideas  respecting 
battle,  314,  note.  His  mild  admin- 
istration, 317.  His  triumphal  pro- 
gress to  Lima,  318.  State  assumed 
by  him,  322.  Hesitates  to  throw 
off  his  allegiance,  324.  Commu- 
nications to  him  from  Gasca,  353. 


JNDP;X 


541 


His  anxiety,  357.  Sends  Aldana 
to  Spain,  358.  His  opinion  of 
Gasca,  358,  note,  360,  note.  His 
bold  self-confidence,  367.  Rejects 
Gasca's  offers,  368.  Prepares  his 
forces,  370.  His  trust  in  Carba- 
jal,  371.  His  change  of  temper, 
372.  Leaves  Lima,  378.  His  dis- 
tress, 378.  Marches  to  Arequipa, 
379.  Resolves  to  retire  into  Chili, 
383.  Arrives  at  Huarina,  385. 
Battle  of  Huarina,  390.  His  dan- 
gerous situation,  392.  His  victory, 
395.  Marches  to  Cuzco,  397.  His 
careless  indifference,  41 0.  Rejects 
Carbajal's  advice,  412.  Takes 
position  at  Xaquixaguana,  415. 
Sends  spies  to  Gasca's  camp,  417. 
Prepares  for  battle,  421.  His  fine 
appearance,  422.  Desertion  of  his 
followers,  423-425.  Surrenders 
himself  prisoner,  426.  His  inter- 
view with  Gasca,  427.  Sentenced 
to  death,  433,  Appendix,  No. 
XIV.  His  execution,  440-442. 
His  character,  444. 
Pizarro,  Hernando,  i.  311.  Char- 
acter of,  312.  Accompanies  his 
brother,  314.  His  hostility  to  Al- 
magro,  316,  465.  Is  wounded, 
330.  Rescues  Spaniards  at  Tum- 
bez,  352.  Accounts  of  Atahuall- 
pa  obtained  by,  377.  Sent  on  an 
embassy  to  him,  394.  Interview 
with  him,  398,  399,  note.  Recon- 
noitres the  country,  442.  Sent  to 
Pachacamac,  443.  Forces  open 
the  temple,  448.  Destroys  the  idol, 
449.  Brings  Challcuchima  to  Pi- 
zarro, 453.  Sent  with  treasure  to 
Spain,  465.  Kindness  towards  Ata- 
huallpa,  478.  Arrives  at  Seville, 
ii.  26.  Interview  with  the  emper- 
or, 27.  Rewards  conferred  on  him, 
28.  Fits  out  an  armament,  30. 
Arrives  at  Panama,  31.  Govern- 
or of  Cuzco,  44.  Suffers  Manco 
to  escape,  45.  ^  Besieged  in  CUZCQ, 


49-71.  Attack  of  the  fortress, 
65.  Repulsed  at  Tambo,  75. 
Taken  prisoner  by  Almagro,  94. 
His  danger,  95,  101, 103.  Set  at 
liberty,  106.  His  pursuit  of  Alma- 
gro, 110.  Battle  of  Las  Salinas, 
114.  Takes  Almagro  prisoner,  119. 
His  perfidy  towards  him,  122, 123. 
His  interview  with  him,  125.  Puts 
him  to  death,  127.  His  warn 
ings  to  his  brother,  137.  Embarks 
for  Spain,  138.  Coldly  received 
at  Court,  139.  Imprisoned  for 
twenty  years,  140.  His  release 
and  death,  141.  His  remarkable 
character,  142. 

Pizarro,  Juan,  made  Regidor  of 
Cuzco,  ir.  5.  Sent  in  pursuit  of 
Manco,  45.  At  the  battle  of  Yu- 
cay,  46.  Entangled  in  the  moun- 
tains, 48.  Leads  the  attack  on  the 
fortress  at  Cuzco,  62.  Is  killed,  64. 

Pizarro,  Pedro,  his  ignorance  of  Pe- 
ruvian institutions,  i.  173,  note. 
Critical  notice  of,  u.  76.  Loyal- 
ty of,  289,  not e.  Life  of,  spared 
by  Carbajal,  437,  note. 

Pizarro  y  Orellana,  Memorial  of,  n. 
188. 

Plough,  Peruvian  substitute  for,  i. 
136. 

Plutarch,  i.  107,  note. 

Poetry   and  poets  in  Peru,   i.   123. 

Poor,  anecdote  respecting  the  culti- 
vation of  the  lands  of,  i.  50,  note. 
Provisions  for,  under  the  Peruvian 
government,  61,nofc. 

Popayan,  Vaca  de  Castro  arrives  at, 
ii.  202.  Benalcazar  governor  at, 
216.  Blasco  Nunez  retreats  to, 
303.  He  abandons,  305. 

Porphyry  used  as  a  building  materi- 
al by  the  Peruvians,  i.  156. 

Portugal,  efforts  of,  in  the  cause  of 
discovery,  i.  188. 

Posts,  Peruvian  system  of,  i.  67. 
Houses  for,  68,  note,  503.  System 
of,  in  Eastern  nations,  60,  note. 


542 


INDEX. 


Potato,  cultivated  in   Peru,   i.  141, 

248,  251.     Unknown  in  Mexico, 

141,  note. 
Potosi,  hills  of,  given    to  Gonzalo 

Pizarro,    n.    136.    Discovery    of 

mines    of,    137,    note.     Mines  of, 

worked  by  Pizarro,  258 ;  by  Car- 

bajal,  321.    Immense  riches  drawn 

from,  321,  note. 

Poverty,  unknown  in  Peru,i.  61,170. 
Present  sent  to  Pizarro  by  Atahu- 

allpa,  i.  369,  385. 
Priesthood,  Peruvian,  i.  101.     How 

composed,  102.     How  supported, 

102,  note.    Duties  of,    103.    See 

Religion. 
Progresses,  royal,  of  the  Incas,  i.  27, 

Appendix,  No.  I. 
Property,  regulation  and  distribution 

of,  in  Peru,  i.  47-57. 
Provinces,  Peruvian,  I.  36,  42. 
Puelles  joins   Gonzalo   Pizarro,   n. 

274.     Left  by  him  at  Quito,  304, 

318. 

Puerto  de  la  Hambre,  i.  220,  227. 
Puerto  de  Pinas,  i.  211. 
Puerto  Viejo,  the  Spaniards  reach,  i. 

325. 
Puna,  Isle  of,  Pizarro  arrives  at,  i. 

326.    Battle  with  the  inhabitants 

of,  329.    Warriors  of,  check  Ata- 

huallpa,  344. 
Punta   de  Pasado,  Ruiz  reaches,  i. 

246. 
Punta  Quemada,  i.  222. 


Queen  of  the  Inca,  i.  19,  note.         • 

Quichua  dialect,  i.  124. 

Quintana,  account  of  Balboa  by,  i. 

197,    note.     Impartiality    of,  497, 

note. 

Quipaypan,  battle  of,  i.  345. 
Quipueamayus,  i.  58,  119. 
Quipus,  i.  55,  118.    Uses  of,  119, 

120.     Defects  of,  as  a  symbol  of 


thought,  121.  Skill  of  the  Peru- 
vians in  the  use  of,  119, 123.  Pres- 
ent use  of,  120,  note.  Resemblance 
of,  to  wampum,  122,  note. 

Quito,  elevation  of  the  plains  of,  i. 
7,  note.  Subjection  of,  79,  note. 
Conquest  of,  by  Huayna  Capac, 
219,  note,  333.  Reached  by  Pi- 
zarro,  252.  Kingdom  of,  given  to 
Atahuallpa,  338.  Atahuallpa's  re- 
mains carried  to,  490.  Alvarado's 
march  to,  n.  12-14.  Benalcazar 
seizes,  16.  Almagro  arrives  at, 
17.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  appointed 
governor  of,  151.  He  arrives  at, 
153;  leaves,  on  his  expedition  to 
the  Amazon,  154.  His  return  to, 
169.  Vaca  de  Castro  at,  204. 
Blasco  Nunez  marches  to,  294. 
He  is  pursued  to,  by  Pizarro, 
301.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  at,  302. 
He  leaves,  304  ;  and  reenters,  305. 
Blasco  Nunez  at,  308.  Pizarro's 
proceedings  at,  313,  317.  He 
leaves,  318. 

Quixos,  territory  of,  n.  154. 

Quizquiz,  i.  342.  His  battles  with 
Almagro,  n.  10.  Put  to  death  bv 
his  own  soldiers,  10 


R. 


Rada,  Juan  de,  heads  the  conspiracy 
against  Pizarro,  n.  178.  Saying 
of,  180.  At  Pizarro's  assassina- 
tion, 184.  Chief  counsellor  of 
young  Almagro,  205.  Death  of, 
209. 

Rainbow,  worshipped  by  the  Peruvi- 
ans, i.  93,  97. 

Ransom  of  Atahuallpa,  i.  432,  467. 

Raymi,  Feast  of,  i.  103. 

Registers,  statistical,  kept  by  the  In- 
ca, i.  54,  58,  119. 

Religion,  revenues  for  the  support 
of,  in  Peru,  i.  47.  A  pretext  for 
war,  71.  Of  foreign  nations,  how 


INDEX. 


643 


treated  by  the  Peruvians,  77,  94. 
Provisions  for,  among  Indian  na- 
tions, 87.  The  basis  of  the  Inca 
government.  88.  Peruvian  ideas 
of  God,  91.  Worship  of  the  sun 
and  moon,  C2.  Inferior  deities,  93. 
Only  precious  metals  used  for  the 
purposes  of,  98.  Temples  of,  100. 
Ministers  of,  102.  Festivals  of, 
103.  Cruelties  practised  in  the 
name  of,  192.  Of  the  Conquerors, 
408,  416,  427,  432,  449,  486,  514, 
ii.  8,  249. 

Religious  men,  Pizarro  bound  to  take 
with  him,  i.  307. 

Remains,  of  Peruvian  architecture, 
i.  20,  note,  118,  note.  Of  Peruvian 
industry,  62.  Of  aqueducts,  132. 

Repartimientos  made  by  Pizarro,  n. 
37,  136.  Ordinances  respecting, 
254.  Distribution  of,  by  Gasca, 
451,  459. 

Resurrection,  Peruvian  belief  in, 
1.89. 

Retreat  of  Blasco  Nunez,  11.  303, 
note.  Of  Diego  Centeno,  320. 

Revenues  of  the  Inca,  from  lands, 
i.  48.  From  herds  and  manufac- 
tures, 51,  52.  From  mines,  53. 

Rios,  Don  Pedro  de  los,  governor  of 
Panama,  i.  233.  Favors  Almagro, 
249.  Orders  Pizarro  to  return, 
261.  His  anger  at  his  refusal, 268. 


Ruins  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Titi- 
caca,  i.  11,  13,  note. 

Ruiz,  Bartholomew,  i.  242.  Ex- 
ploring voyage  of,  243.  Discoveries 
of,  246.  Goes  with  Pizarro,  267. 
Returns  to  Panama,  266.  Ac- 
companies Pizarro  on  his  southern 
voyage,  270.  Honor  conferred 
on,  by  the  Crown,  306. 


S. 


Sacrifices,  of  wives  and  domestics  on 
the  tombs  of  nobles,  i.  90, 489.  Of 
burnt  offerings,  92,  107.  Human, 
rare  in  Peru,  105.  At  the  Feast  of 
Rayrni,  106,  107. 

Sancho,  Pedro,  high  authority  of,  i. 
517,  note, 

San  Juan,  Rio  de,  Spaniards  land  at, 
i.  242.  Almagro  returns  to,  249. 

San  Lucar,  Gasca  embarks  at,  n.  346. 

San  Miguel,  origin  of  the  name,  I. 
329,  note.  Founded  by  Pizarro, 
359.  He  marches  from,  against 
Atahuallpa,  363.  Almagro  arrives 
at,  459.  Benalcazar  made  gov 
ernor  of,  n.  16. 

Santa,  port  of,  i.  284.     Place  where 


Peruvian     mummies    w< 
served,  285. 
Santa  Clara,  Isle  of,  I.  271. 


pre 


Refuses   to   aid  the   confederates,  j  Santa  Cruz,  Pizarro  visits  an  Indian 


290. 
Roads,  in  Peru,  i.  62. 


From  Cuzco 


to  Quito,  63-66,  373,  378,  444. 
Description  of,  by  a  Spaniard,  64, 
note.  Care  of,  66.  Remains  of, 
67.  Military  uses  of,  70.  Mac- 
adamized, 158,  note.  Sarmiento's 
account  of,  Appendix,  No.  II. 
Traversed  by  Pizarro,  502;  by 
Almagro.  n.  83. 

Robertson,  manuscript  of,  i.  17,  note. 

Romans  not  a  maritime  nation,  1. 186. 

Room,  where  Atahuallpa  was  con- 
fined, i.  434,  note. 


princess  at,  I.  286. 
Santa  Martha,  i.  314.     Gasca  lands 

at,  ii.  346. 

Santiago,  order  of,  conferred  on  Fran- 
cisco Pizarro,  i.  310;  on  Hernan- 

do,  ii.  28. 
Santiago,  Rio  de,  northern  limit  of 

Almagro's  jurisdiction,  n.  91. 
Sarabia,  ingenious  device  of,  i.  258. 
Sarmiento,  high  authority  of,  i.  79, 

note.     Critical  notice  of,  175. 
Satan    believed    by   chroniclers   to 

counterfeit  rites  of  Christianity,  i. 

108,  note. 


544 


INDEX. 


Saxon  law  of  hundreds  and  tithings, 
i.  43,  note. 

Science,  engrossed  by  the  amautas, 
i.  117.  The  Peruvian  mind  not 
adapted  to,  125.  Modern,  superior 
to  ancient,  183.  Progress  of,  com- 
pared with  that  of  the  fine  arts,  184. 

Sculpture,  remarkable  specimens  of, 
i.  153. 

Sechura,  desert  of,  crossed  by  Pizar- 
ro,  i.  282. 

Seneca,  remarkable  prediction  of,  i. 
186,  note. 

Seville,  almost  depopulated  by  emi- 
gration, i.  189,  note.  Pizarro  ar- 
rives at,  301.  He  sails  from,  314. 
Hernando  Pizarro  reaches,  u.  26. 
Gasca  returns  to,  467. 

Sheep,  Peruvian,  1. 144.  The  llama, 
145.  Alpacas,  146.  Huanacas 
and  vicunas,  147.  Mode  of  taking, 
148.  Wool  of,  149.  See  Llaina. 

Silver,  exclusively  used  in  worship  of 
the  moon,  i.  97.  Twelve  vases  of, 
98,  note.  Mines  of,  at  Porco,  154. 
Used  for  shoeing  horses,  instead  of 
iron,  452.  Mines  of,  at  Potosi,  n. 
136, 137,  note,  258, 321,  note.  City 
of,  149.  Mingled  with  copper  in 
making  arms,  212.  A  vessel  laden 
with,  sent  to  Spain,  260. 

Slavery  of  Indians,  laws  respecting, 
u.  254.  Abolished  by  Gasca  in 
Peru,  456. 

Sora,  an  intoxicating  liquor,  i.  139. 
note. 

Sotelo,  Christoval  de,  n.  209.  His 
jealousy  of  Alvarado,  210.  As- 
sassinated by  him,  211. 

Soto,  Hernando  de,  i.  330.  Sent 
to  Caxas,  369,  372.  Goes  on 
an  embassy  to  Atahuallpa,  394. 
Exhibition  of  horsemanship  by, 
399.  Friendly  to  Atahuallpa, 
474,  491.  Sent  to  Guamachucho, 
480.  Reproves  Pizarro,  491. 
Entangled  in  the  sierra,  507. 
His  battle  with  the  Indians,  507.  i 


Soul,  separate  existence  of,  believed 

in  by  the  Peruvians,  i.  89. 
Southey,  epitaph  on  Pizarro  by,  n. 

199,  note. 

Spain,  one  of  first  nations  in  making 
discoveries,  i.  188.  Emigration 
from,  to  the  New  World,  189. 
Colonial  domain  of,  195.  Pizarro 
goes  to,  301.  Hernando  Pizarro 
in,  u.  26,  139.  Commotion  pro- 
duced in,  by  Gonzalo  Pizarro's 
rebellion,  334. 

Spaniards,  in  the  New  World,  1. 190, 
193.  Hear  rumors  of  Peru,  194, 

200,  228,  289.    Omens  and  prod- 
igies   respecting,    335,  336,  462 
Unwillingness  of,  to  engage  with 
Pizarro,  210,  240,  260,  313,  318. 
Sufferings  of,  213,  216,  219,  248, 
261,  323,  n.  30, 158, 162, 160, 299. 
Losses  of,  i  217,  240,248,  n.  169. 
Discontent  and  murmurs  of,  1.215, 
287,  366.     Battles  of,  with  the  na- 
tives, 225, 329,  419,  506,  n.  10,  46, 
56, 60, 64,  72, 74,  91.     Impressions 
produced  by,  in  Peru,  i.  272,  283, 
330,   336.     Division    of    treasure 
among,  322,  471,  525.     Anxiety 
of.  355.    Pleasant  march  of,   365. 
Number    of,    with    Pizarro,  366. 
Their  enthusiasm,  379.     Their  se- 
vere march  over  the  Andes,  382. 
Their  entrance   into    Caxamalca, 
392.     Their   gloomy  forebodings, 
401.      Pizarro's   address    to,   402. 
Their  religious  enthusiasm,  402, 
409,  511.     Their  attack  on  Atahu- 
allpa, 419.     Their    rapacity,  458. 
Atahuallpa's    impression   respect- 
ing, 481.     Their  march  to  Cuzco, 
502.     Enter    Cuzco,  517.     Effect 
of   wealth    on,   526.      With   Al- 
varado, n.  12.     Cruelty  of,  to  the 
natives,  40,  85,  246.     At  the  siege 
of  Cuzco,  52,  56,  67.    Desire  to 
abandon    the   city,   57.      On    the 
Chili  expedition,  84,    89.     Their 
battles    among    themselves,   116, 


INDEX. 


545 


230,  310,  390.  On  the  Amazon 
expedition,  154,  156.  Their  deep 
feelings  of  loyalty,  205.  Attached 
to  young  Almagro,  215.  Their 
passion  for  gold,  247.  Their 
improvidence,  248.  Thrown  into 
consternation  at  the  ordinances, 
256,  262.  Appeal  to  Vaca  de 
Castro  against  them,  257 ;  and  to 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  258,  263.  Take 
sides  with  Gonzalo,  274.  Influ- 
ence of  Gasca's  proclamation  on, 
365.  Desert  from  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro, 377,  420.  Their  discontent 
with  the  repartimientos,  453.  See 
Gold  and  Peruvians. 

Spanish  colonies,  the  mode  of  their 
acquisition,  unfavorable  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  natives,  n.  245. 

Springs  of  warm  water  at  Caxamalca, 
i.  386. 

Stars,  objects  of  Peruvian  worship, 
i.  92,  97. 

Stevenson,  description  of  the  River 
of  Emeralds  by,  i.  252,  note;  of 
Caxamalca,  392,  note. 

St.  Matthew,  Bay  of,  Ruiz  enters,  i. 
243.  Pizarro  reaches,  251.  He 
disembarks  his  forces  at,  319. 

Stone,  tools  made  of,  1. 152. 

Sun,  tradition  respecting,  i.  8. 
Temple  of,  at  Cuzco,  16,  95,  456, 
522.  Lands  assigned  to,  47. 
Peculiar  sanctity  of,  92,  94.  Tem- 
ples of,  95,  96,  99,  101.  Virgins 
of,  100,  107,  112.  See  Religion 
and  Temples. 

T. 

Tacamez,  i.  251.  Touched  at  by 
Pizarro,  270. 

Tacitus,  i.  43,  note. 

Tambo,  the  Royal  buildings  at,  i. 
31,  note.  The  Inca  Manco  at,  n. 
71.  Attacked  by  Hernando  Pi- 
zarro, 73. 

Tambos,  or  inns,  i.  27. 


Tangarala,  settlement  made  at,  i.  358. 
Almagro's  camp  at,  n.  109. 

Tempests  suffered  by  Spaniards,  i. 
213,  222,  250,  282. 

Temples,  to  Pachacamac,  i.  91,  92, 
note,  447,  448.  To  Thunder  and 
Lightning,  92.  To  the  Rainbow, 
93.  Of  the  Sun,  16,  95,  322,  456. 
Of  inferior  deities,  100. 

Ternaux-Compans,  elegance  of  his 
translations,  n.  79. 

Terraces  on  theCordilleras,  i.  7, 133. 

Theatrical  exhibitions  in  Peru,  1. 125. 

Theft,  punishment  of,  in  Peru,  i.  44, 
note. 

Thirteen  companions  of  Pizarro,  i. 
263,  306. 

Thought,  symbols  for  the  expression 
of,  i.  122. 

Thunder,  Peruvian  word  for,  i.  92, 
note.  An  object  of  worship  in 
Peru,  92,  97. 

Time,  Peruvian  method  of  measur- 
ing, i.  126. 

Titicaca  lake,  i.  8.  Ruins  on  the  bor- 
ders of,  11, 13.  Centeno  encamps 
on  the  borders  of,  369.  Gonzalo 
Pizarro  approaches,  n.  385.  Bat- 
tle ofHuarinaon,  389. 

Titicussi,  Memorial  of,  n.  423,  note. 

Tobacco,  cultivation  of,  1. 140. 

Toledo,  Pizarro  visits  the  emperor 
at,  i.  302. 

Tomebamba,  Blasco  Nunez  passes 
through, n.  301. 

Tools,  of  the  Peruvians,  i.  152,  note. 

Toparca,  Inca,  crowned  by  Pizarro, 
i.  500.  Death  of,  512. 

Traditions,  respecting  the  origin  of 
the  Peruvian  empire,  i.  8.  Puerile 
character  of,  in  Peru,  88.  Re- 
specting a  hidden  treasure  at  Cuz- 
co, 160,  note. 

Treachery,  commonness  of,  among 
the  Conquerors,  n*  275. 

Treasure,  found  in  Peruvian  monu- 
ments, i.  90,  91,  note.  Hidden  at 
Cuzco,  160,  note.  Sent  by  Pizarro 


VOL.    II. 


69 


546 


INDEX. 


to  Panama,  322.  Relinquished  by 
the  Spaniards,  360.  Division  of, 
467,  470,  471.  Shown  by  Manco 
to  Hernando  Pizarro,  n.  45.  See 
Gold. 

Tribunals,  account  of  Peruvian, 
very  meagre,  i.  44,  note.  See 
Justice. 

Trinity,  Peruvian  knowledge  of,  in- 
ferred, i.  92,  note. 

Truxillo,  Pizarro's  native  place,  i. 
311.  Visited  by  him,  312. 

Truxillo,  in  Peru,  foundation  of,  n. 
37.  Besieged  by  the  Peruvians, 
57.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  musters  his 
forces  at,  295.  Reception  of  Al- 
dana  at,  374  ;  of  Gasca,  382. 

Tumbez,  natives  of,  seen  by  Ruiz, 
i.  246.  Visited  by  Pizarro,  272. 
His  intercourse  with  the  inhabi- 
tants of,  273.  Visit  of  Molina  to, 
275 ;  of  Pedro  de  Candia,  277. 
Temple  at,  278.  Gardens  and  con- 
vents of,  289.  Luque  appointed 
bishop  of,  306.  The  Spaniards 
take  possession  of,  354.  Deserted 
and  dismantled  by  its  inhabitants, 
354.  Pizarro  leaves  a  force  at, 
356.  Gasca  arrives  at,  u.  381. 

Tumults  in  Peru  occasioned  by  the 
royal  ordinances,  u.  256. 


U. 


Umu,  Villac,  high-priest  of  Peru, 
n.  36.  Urges  the  rising  of  the 
Peruvians,  42. 

Urcos,  Almagro's  army  at,  n.  90. 


V. 


Vaca  de  Castro,  u.  144.     Embarks 
for  Peru,  145.    Arrives  at  Buena 


Ventura,  202. 
and  boldness 
Quito  and  assumes  the  govern- 


Difficult    position 
of,  203.     Goes    to 


ment,  204.     Marches  south,  216. 
Takes    command    of  the    army, 

217.  Reconciles     his     generals, 

218.  Arrives  at  Lima,  219.     His 
army,    220.      Declines     Gonzalo 
Pizarro's   assistance,  221.     Nego- 
tiates   with  Almagro,  222.     Ad- 
vances to  Chupas,  224.    Addresses 
his  troops,  226.     Battle  of  Chupas, 
229.   Decides  the  action,  233.    His 
severity  towards  the  vanquished, 

236.  His  mode  of  life  at  Cuzco, 

237.  Puts  to  death  Almagro,  238. 
His  treatment  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 
240.     His  judicious   proceedings, 
242.    His  efforts  to  quiet  discon- 
tent   with    the    ordinances,    257. 
Letters   of  the   emperor   to   him, 
260.     Prevents  an  insurrection  at 
Lima,  263.    His  reception  of  Blas- 
co    Nunez,    267.     Suspected   and 
put  in  confinement  by  him,  275. 
Returns  to  Spain,  291.     His  sub- 
sequent fate,    291, 292. 

Valdivia,  Pedro  de,  u.  114.  Brav- 
ery of,  at  Las  Salinas,  115.  Letter 
of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  to,  360,  note. 
Joins  Gasca,  402.  His  self-glorifi- 
cation, 404,  note.  At  the  passes 
of  the  Apurimac,  407.  His 
letter  to  the  emperor,  414,  note. 
Killed  by  the  Araucans,  447. 

Valencia,  Gasca  at,  n.  338. 

Valverde,  Pizarro's  chaplain,  i.  415. 
His  interview  with  Atahuallpa, 
416, 418,  note.  His  efforts  to  con- 
vert Challcuchhna,  514.  Performs 
mass  at  the  coronation  of  Manco, 
ii.  4.  Made  bishop  of  Cuzco,  7. 
His  letter  to  the  emperor,  54,  note 
Intercedes  for  Almagro,  127,  note. 
Interposes  in  behalf  of  Picado, 
206.  His  death,  207.  His  fanat- 
ical character,  208.  His  efforts  in 
behalf  of  the  Indians,  252,  note. 

Vargas,  Fray  Juan  de,  i.  319. 

Vargas,  Sanchez  de,  opposes  Orella- 
na's  voyage,  n.  166. 


INDEX. 


547 


Vases  of  silver  in  the  temple  of  the 

Moon,  i.  98,  note. 
Vattel  on  the  trial  of  Atahuallpa,  I. 

484,  note. 

Venus,  Peruvian  worship  of,  i.  92. 
Viceroys  of  the  provinces  of  the  Pe- 
ruvian empire,  i.  42. 
Vicunas,  habits  of,  I.  147. 
Viracocha,  a  Peruvian  deity,  i.  91. 

Meaning  of  the  word,  91,  note. 
Virgins   of  the    Sun,   i.  Ill,  note. 

Houses  of,  102,  279,  393,  n.  7. 

Chastity    of,    7,    note.     Outrages 

upon,  40,  41,  note,  247, 


W. 

War,  Peruvian  method  of  conduct- 
ing, i.  73,  75.  Religious  charac- 
ter of,  among  the  Peruvians,  $5. 

Weights  used  by  the  Peruvians,  1. 155. 

Wheat  first  introduced  into  Peru,  i. 
142,  note. 

Wives  of  the  Peruvian  monarchs,  i. 
19,  35,  note. 

Wool,  the  distribution  and  manufac- 
ture of,  1.52.  Of  llamas,  144.  Of 
huanacos  and  vicunas,  147.  How 
obtained  and  used  by  the  Pe- 
ruvians, 149. 

X. 

Xaquixaguana,  valley  of,  Francis 
Pizarro  halts  at,  i.  513.  Challcu- 
chima  burnt  at,  515.  Selected  as 


a  battle-ground  by  Gonzalo  Pizar- 
ro, ii.  415.  Arrival  of  Gasca's 
army  at,  418.  Rout  of,  425. 

Xauxa,  i.  452.  The  Spaniards  arrive 
at,  503, 505.  They  leave  treasure 
at,  512.  Letter  of  municipality 
of,  517,  note.  Battles  with  Quiz- 
quiz  at,  ii.  10.  Great  Indian  hunt 
at,  20.  Besieged  by  the  Peruvians, 
60.  Pizarro  at,  103.  Vaca  de 
Castro  musters  forces  at,  219 
Gasca's  quarters  at,  382,  399.  He 
leaves,  404. 

Xerez,  mistake  of,  as  to  the  Inca's 
name,  i.  371,  note.  Error  in  Ter- 
naux's  translation  of,  445,  note. 


Y. 

Year,  how  divided  by  the  Peruvi- 
ans, i.  126. 

Yucay,  valley  of,  a  favorite  residence 
of  the  Incas,  i.  30.  Battles  with 
the  Peruvians  at,  ii.  46,  91. 

Yupanqui,  meaning  of  the  term,  i. 
9,  note.  Conquests  by  Topa  Inca, 
14.  His  maxim,  116. 


Z. 


Zaran,  i.  368. 

Zarate,  vigor  and  spirit  of,  ii.  230, 
note.  Royal  comptroller  to  the 
Audience,  290,  note.  Critical  no- 
tice of,  471. 


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